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CLASS OF 1876 

Cornell University Library 
DS 409.C97 

The ancient geqgraphv.of India 

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A ■".'i.inMngVwLn-j inl^ 









" Venun et terrena demoDstratio intelligatar, 
Alezandri Magni vestigiiB insistamns." — PHnii Hist. Nat. vi. 17. 




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The Geography of India may be conveniently divided 
into a few distinct sections, each broadly named after 
the prevailing religious and political character of the 
period which it embraces, as the Brahnanical, the 
Buddhist^ and the Muhammadan. 

The Brahmanical period would trace the gradual 
extension of the Aryan race over Northern India, from 
their first occupation of the Panjab to the rise of 
Buddhism, and would comprise the whole of the Pre- 
historic, or earliest section of their history, duiing 
which time the religion of the Vedas was the pre- 
vailing belief of the country. 

The Buddhist period, or Ancient Geography of India, 
would embrace the rise, extension, and decline of the 
Buddhist faith, from the era of Buddha, to the 
conquests of Mahmud of Ghazni, during the greater 
part of which time Buddhism was the dominant reli- 
gion of the country. 

The Muhammadan period, or Modern Geography 
of India, would embrace the rise and extension of 
the Muhammadan power, from the time of Mahmud of 
Ghazni to the battle of Plassey, or about 750 years, 
during which time the Musalm§,ns were the paramount 
sovereigns of India. 


The illustration of the Yedic period has already 
been made the subject of a separate work by M. Vivien 
de Saint-Martin, whose valuable essay* on this early 
section of Indian Geography shows how much interest- 
ing information may be elicited from the Hymns of 
the Yedas, by an able and careful investigator. 

The second, or Ancient period, has been partially 
illustrated by H. H. Wilson, in his ' Ariana Antiqua,' 
and by Professor Lassen, in his ' Pentapotamia Indica.' 
These works, however, refer only to North-west India ; 
but the Geography of the whole country has been 
ably discussed by Professor Lassen, in his large work 
on Ancient India, f and still more fully by M. de Saint- 
Martin, in two special essays, — the one on the Geo- 
graphy of India, as derived from Greek and Latin 
sources, and the other in an Appendix to M. Julien's 
translation of the Life and Travels of the Chinese 
pilgrim Hwen Thsang.J His researches have been 
conducted with so much care and success that few 
places have escaped identification. But so keen is 
his critical sagacity, that in some cases where the 
imperfection of our maps rendered actual identi- 
fication quite impossible, he has indicated the true 
positions within a few miles. 

For the illustration of the third, or Modern period, 
ample materials exist in the numerous histories of the 
Muhammadan States of India. No attempt, so far as I 
am aware, has yet been made to mark the limits of the 
several independent kingdoms that were established 

* ' Etude sur la Geograpbie et Ics populations primitives du Nord- 
Ouest de I'lude, d'apres les Hymnes Vediques.' Paris, 1859. 

t 'Indische Altertluimskiinde." 4 vols. Bonn. 

X Etude sur la Geographie Grecque et Latine de I'lnde,' 1858. M. 
Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' vol. iii. p. 251 ; "Mcmoire Analytique," etc. 


in the fifteenth century, during the troubles which 
followed the invasion of Timur. The history of this 
period is very confused, owing to the want of a special 
map, showing the boundaries of the different Muham- 
madan kingdoms of Delhi, Jonpur, Bengal, Malwa, 
Gujarat, Sindh, Multan, and Kulbarga, as well as the 
different Hindu States, such as Gwalior and others, 
which became independent about the same time. 

I have selected the Buddhist period, or Ancient 
Geography of India, as the subject of the present 
inquiry, as I believe that the peculiarly favourable 
opportunities of local investigation which I enjoyed 
during a long career in India, will enable me to de- 
termine with absolute certainty the sites of many of 
the most important places in India. 

My chief guides for the period which I have under- 
taken to illustrate, are the campaigns of Alexander 
in the fourth century before Christ, and the travels 
of the Chinese pilgrim, Ilwen Thsang, in the seventh 
century after Christ. The pilgrimage of tnis Chinese 
priest forms an epoch of as much interest and import- 
ance for the Ancient History and Geography of India, 
as the expedition of Alexander the Great. The actual 
campaigns of the Macedonian conqueror were confined 
to the valley of the Indus and its tributaries ; but the 
information collected by himself and his companions, 
and by the subsequent embassies and expeditions of 
the Seleukide kings of Syria, embraced the whole 
valley of the Ganges on the north, the eastern and 
western coasts of the peninsula, and some scattered 
notices of the interior of the country. This infor- 
mation was considerably extended by the systematic 
inquiries of Ptolemy, whose account is the more valu- 


able, as it belongs to a period just midway* between 
tbe date of Alexander and that of Hwen Thsang, at 
which time the greater part of North-west India had 
been subjected by the Indo-Scythians. 

With Ptolemy, we lose the last of our great classi- 
cal authorities ; and, until lately, we were left almost 
entirely to our own judgment in connecting and 
arranging the various geographical fragments that lie 
buried in ancient inscriptions, or half hidden in the 
vague obscurity of the Puranas. But the fortunate 
discovery of the travels of several Chinese pilgrims 
in the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries of the Chris- 
tian era, has thrown such a flood of light upon this 
hitherto dark period, that we are now able to see our 
way clearly to the general arrangement of most of 
the scattered fragments of the Ancient Geography of 

The Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hian was a Buddhist 
priest, who travelled through India from the banks of 
the Upper Indus to the mouth of the Ganges, between 
the years 399 and 413 a.d. Unfortunately his journal 
is very concise, and is chiefly taken up with the de- 
scription of the sacred spots and objects of his reli- 
gion, but as he usually gives the bearings and dis- 
tances of the chief places in his route, his short notices 
are very valuable. The travels of the second Chinese 
pilgrim, Sung-Tun, belong to the year 502 a.d., but as 
they were confined to the Kabul valley and North- 
west Panjab, they are of much less importance, more 

* Campaign of Alexander, b.c.3.30, and Ptolemy's ' Geography,' a.d. 
150, or 480 years laler. Beginning of Hwen Thsang's travels in India, 
A.D. 03O, or just 480 years after Ptolemy. 


especially as his journal is particularly meagre in 
geographical notices.* 

The third Chinese pilgrim, Hwen Thsang, was also 
a Buddhist priest, who spent nearly fifteen years of 
his life in India in studying the famous Vooks of his 
religion, and in visiting all the holy places of Buddhism. 
For the translation of his travels we are wholly in- 
debted to M. Stanislas Julien, who with unwearied 
resolution devoted his great abilities for no less than 
twenty years to the acquirement of the Sanskrit and 
Chinese languages for this special purpose, f The period 
of Hwen Thsang's travels extended from a.d. 629 to 
645. During that time he visited most of the great 
cities throughout the country, from Kabul and Kashmir 
to the mouths of the Ganges and Indus, and from 
NepM to Kanchipura near Madras. The pilgrim 
entered Kabul from the north-west, via Bamian, about 
the end of May, a.d. 630, and after many wanderings 
and several long halts, crossed the Indus at Ohind in 
April of the following year. He spent several months 
in Taxila for the purpose of visiting the holy places of 
Buddhism, and then proceeded to Kashmir, where he 
stayed for two whole years to study some of the more 
learned works of his religion. On his journey east- 
ward he visited the ruins of Sarigala^ so famous in the 
history of Alexander, and after a stay of fourteen 
months in Chinapati^ and of four months in Jdland/tara, 
for the further study of his religion he crossed the 
Satlej in the autumn of a.d. 635. From thence his 
onward course was more devious, as several times he 

* The travels of both of these pilgrims have been most carefully 
and ably translated by the Eev. S. Beal. 
t Max Miiller's ' Buddhism and Buddhist Pilgrims,' p. 30. 


retraced his steps to visit places which had heen left 
behind in his direct easterly route. Thus, after having 
reached Mathura he returned to the north-west, a dis- 
tance of 200 miles to Thdnesar, from whence he re- 
sumed his easterly route via Srughna on the Jumna, 
and Gangadwdra on the Ganges to AhicJthatra, the 
capital of Northern Panchdla, or Eohilkhand. He 
next recrossed the Ganges to visit the celebrated cities 
of SanMsa, Kanoj, and Kosdmbi in the Do^b, and then 
turning northward into Oudh he paid his devotions at 
the holy places of Ayodhya and Srdvasti. From thence 
he resumed his easterly route to visit the scenes of 
Buddha's birth and death at Kapilavasfu and Kasina- 
gara ; and then once more returned to the westward 
to the holy city of Bandras^ where Buddha first began 
to teach his religion. Again resuming his easterly route 
he visited the famous city of Vaisdli in Tirhdt, from 
whence he made an excursion to Nei>al, and then re- 
tracing his steps to Vaisali he crossed the Ganges to 
the ancient city of PdtaVqmira, or Palibothra. From 
thence he proceeded to pay his devotions at the mi- 
merous holy places around Gaya, from the sacred fig- 
tree at Bodh Gaga, under which Buddha sat for five 
years in mental abstraction, to the craggy hill of 
Girigek, where Buddha explained his religious views 
to the god Indra. He next visited the ancient cities 
of Kusdgarapura and liajagriha, the early capitals of 
Magadha, and the great monastery of Ndlanda, the 
most famous seat of Buddhist learning throughout 
India, where he halted for fifteen months to study the 
Sanskrit language. Towards the end of a.d. 638 he 
resumed his easterly route, following the course of the 
Ganges to Modagivi and Cham2)a, and then crossing the 


river to the north he visited Paundra Varddhana, or 
Pubna, and Kdmarupa, or Assam. 

Having now reached the most easterly district of 
India he turned towards the south, and passing through 
Samatafa^ or Jessore, and TdmralipH, or Tamluk, he 
reached Odra, or Orissa, early in a.d. 639. Continuing 
his southerly route he visited Ganjam and Kalinga^ and 
then turning to the north-west he reached Ko^ala^ or 
Berar, in the very heart of the peninsula. Then re- 
suming his southerly course he passed through 
Andhra^ or Teling^na to Bhanakakata, or Amaravati 
on the Kistna river, where he spent many months in 
the study of Buddhist literature. Leaving this place 
early in a.d. 640 he pursued his southerly course to 
KdncJiipura, or Conjeveram, the capital of Dravida, 
where his further progress in that direction was 
stopped by the intelligence that Ceylon was then in a 
very troubled state consequent on the recent death of 
the king. This statement is specially valuable for the 
purpose of verifying the dates of the pilgrim's arrival 
at different places, which I have calculated according 
to the actual distances travelled and the stated duration 
of his halts.* Now the troubled state of Ceylon fol- 
lowed immediately after the death of Eaja Buna-Mu- 
galdn, who was defeated and killed in a.d. 639 ; and it 
is only reasonable to infer that the Ceylonese monks, 
whom the pilgrim met at K^nchipura, must have left 
their country at once, and have reached that place 
early in a.d. 640, which accords exactly with my 
calculation of the traveller's movements. 

From Dravida Hwen Thsang turned his steps to 
the north, and passing through Konkana and Ma- 

* See Appendix A for the Chronology of Hwen Thsang's Travels. 


lidrdshtra arrived at B/idroch on the Narbada, from 
whence, after visiting Ujain and Balabhi and several 
smaller states, he reached Sindh and Multan towards 
the end of a.d. 641. He then suddenly returned to 
Maffadha, to the great monasteries of Ndlanda and 
Tiladhaka^ where he remained for two months for the 
solution of some religious doubts by a famous Bud- 
dhist teacher named Prajnabhadra. He next paid a 
second visit to Kdmrup, or Assam, where he halted 
for a month. Early in a.d. 643 he was once more at 
Pdtalipufra, where he joined the camp of the great 
king Harsha Varddhana, or Siladitya, the paramount 
sovereign of northern India, who was then attended 
by eighteen tributary princes, for the purpose of add- 
ing dignity to the solemn performance of the rites of 
the Quinquennial Assembly. The pilgrim marched in 
the train of this great king from Pdtaliputra through 
Praydya and Kosuinbi to Kanoj. He gives a minute 
description of the religious festivals that were held at 
these places, which is specially interesting for the 
light which it throws on the public performance of 
the Buddhist religion at that particular period. At 
Kanoj he took leave of Harsha Varddhana, and re- 
sumed his route to the north-west in company with 
Eaja Udhita of Jalandhara, at whose capital he halted 
for one month. In this part of his journey his pro- 
gress was necessarily slow, as he had collected many 
statues and a large number of religious books, which 
he carried with him on baggage elephants.* Fifty 
of his manuscripts were lost on crossing over the 
Indus at Utaldianda, or Ohind. The pilgrim himself 
forded the river on an elephant, a feat which can only 

* M. Julien's ' Hiouen Tlisang,' i. 262, 263. 


be performed during the months ' of December, Janu- 
ary and February, before the stream begins to rise 
from the melted snows. According to my calcula- 
tions, he crossed the Indus towards the end of A..D. 
643. At Utakhanda he halted for fifty days to obtain 
fresh copies of the manuscripts which had been lost 
in the Indus, and then proceeded to Lamghan in com- 
pany with the King of Kapisa. As one month was 
occupied in this journey, he could not have reached 
Lamghflm until the middle of March, a.d. 644, or 
about three months before the usual period, when the 
passes of the Hindu Kush become practicable. This 
fact is sufficient to account for his sudden journey of 
fifteen days to the south to the district of Falana^ or 
Banu, from whence he reached Kapisa via Kabul and 
Ghazni about the beginning of July. Here he again 
halted to take part in a religious assembly, so that he 
could not have left Kapisa until about the middle of 
July A.D. 644, or just fourteen years after his first 
entry into India from Bamian. From Kapisa he 
passed up the Panjshir valley and over the Khawak 
Pass to Anderab, where he must have arrived about 
the end of July. It was still early for the easy cross- 
ing of this snowy pass, and the pilgrim accordingly 
notices the frozen streams and beds of ice which he 
encountered on his passage over the mountain. To- 
wards the end of the year he passed through Kash- 
gar, Yarkand, and Kotan, and at last, in the spring 
of A.D. 645, he arrived in safety in the western capital 
of China. 

This rapid survey of Hwen Thsang's route is suffi- 
cient to show the great extent and completeness of 
his Indian travels, which, as far as I am aware, have 


never been surpassed. Buchanan Hamilton's survey 
of the country was much more minute, but it was 
limited to the lower provinces of the Ganges in 
northern India and to the district of Mysore in 
southern India. Jacquemont's travels were much 
less restricted ; but as that sagacious Frenchman's 
observations were chiefly confined to geology and 
botany and other scientific subjects, his journeyings 
in India have added but little to our knowledge of its 
geography. My own travels also have been very ex- 
tensive throughout the length and breadth of northern 
India, from Peshawar and Multan near the Indus, to 
Eangoon and Prome on the Irawadi, and from Kash- 
mir and Ladak to the mouth of the Indus and the 
banks of the Narbada. Of southern India I have 
seen nothing, and of western India I have seen only 
Bombay, with the celebrated caves of Elephanta and 
Kanhari. But during a long service of more than 
thirty years in India, its early history and geography 
have formed the chief study of my leisure hours; 
while for the last four years of my residence these 
subjects were my sole occupation, as I was then em- 
ployed by the Government of India as Archaeological 
Surveyor, to examine and report upon the antiquities 
of the country. The favourable opportunity which I 
thus enjoyed for studying its geography was used to 
the best of my ability ; and although much still re- 
mains to be discovered I am glad to be able to say 
that my researches were signally successful in fixing 
the sites of many of the most famous cities of ancient 
India. As all of these will be described in the fol- 
lowing account, I will notice here only a few of the 
more prominent of my discoveries, for the purpose of 


showing that I have not undertaken the present work 
without much previous preparation. 

1. Aornos^ the famous rock fort captured by Alex- 
ander the Great. 

2. Taxila, the capital of the north-western Panjab. 

3. Sangala^ the hill fortress in the central Panjab, 
captured by Alexander. 

4. Sruglma^ a famous city on the Jumna. 

5. Ahiclihatra, the capital of northern Panchala. 

6. Bairdtj the capital of Matsya, to the south of 

7. Sankisa, near Kanoj, famous as the place of 
Buddha's descent from heaven. 

8. Srdoasti, on the Eapti, famous for Buddha's 

9. Kosdmbi^ on the Jumna, near Allahabad. 

10. Padmavati, of the poet Bhavabhuti. 

11. Vaisdli, to the north of Patna. 

12. Ndlanda, the most famous Buddhist monastery 
in all India. 



General Description 1 


I. Kaofu, or Afghanistan 17 

1. Kapisene, or Opian 18 

Karsana, or Tetragonis, or Begram .... 26 

Other cities of Kapisene . .... 31 

2. Kophene, or Kabul 32 

3. Arachosia, or Ghazni 39 

4. Lamghan 42 

5. Nagarahara, or Jalalabad . . ... 43 

6. Gandhara, or Parasbavrar 47 

Ptishkaldvati, or Peukelaotis ..... 49 

Varwsha, or Paladheri ...... 51 

Utakhanda, or JSmbolim {Ohind') .... 52 

Sdldtura, or Lalior ....... 57 

Aornos^ or Sdnigat ....... 58 

Parashdwara, or Peshawar ..... 78 

7. TJdyana, or Swat 81 

8. Bolor, or Balti 83 

9. Palana, or Banu 84 

10. Opokien, or Afghanistan (Loi, or Eob) ... 87 

II. Kashmir 89 

1. Kashmir (province) 90 

2. Urasa 103 

3. Tasila, or Takehasila . 104 

Mdnilcy&la 121 

4. Singhapura, or Ketas 124 

5. Punacba, or Punach 128 

6. Eajapuri, or Eajaori 129 

Hill-states of the Panjdh ...... 130 

Jdlandhara ........ 136 

Cham/pa, or Chamha ...... 141 

Kullu 142 

Mandi and SuJchet ....... 143 

Nwrpwr., or Pathdniya .... . 143 

Satadru 144 

III. Taki, oe Panjab 148 

1. Taki, or Kortbern Panjab 154 

Jobndthnagar, or Bhira ...... 155 

Bukephala, or Jaldlpur 159 

Nikcea, or Mong 177 

Qujar&t 179 

Sdkala, or Sangala 179 





Taki, or Asarur ...... 


San-si, or Nara-Sinha ...... 


Ambalcapi, or Amakatis ..... 


Loh&toar, or Lahor ...... 


Kusdwar, or Kasur 


Chinapati, or Fati ...... 


2. Sliorkot, or Middle Panjab . 


Shorkot ........ 


Kot Kam&lia ....... 


Sarapa . ■ ... 


Akbar . . . ... 


Satgarha ........ 




Ajudhan, or Pakpatan . ... 


3. Multan, or Southern Panjiib . 


Tttlamba ... . . 


Atari ... . . . 


lilultan . . . . 


jLa/tror .... 


Uchh ... ... 


WESTERN INDIA . . . . . 


I. SiNDH . .... 


1. Upper Sindi. 

MassancB and SodrcB, or Sogdi 


Musikani. A lor ... . 


Prasti, Portikanus , or Oxykanus 


2. Middle Sindh. 

Sindomana, or Sehwdn ..... 


Brahmana, or Prahmanahad . 


.8. Lower Sindh, or Lar 


Patala, or Nirankot . ... 


Jarak ... . . 


Minnagar, Manh&bari, or Tliatha . 


Barbarike Emporium 


Debal Sindh, or Debal 


4. Xachh 


Bisiricts to the west of the Indus 


Arabii, or Arabitce . ... 


Oritce, or Korita: .... 




III. Valabhadea, or Balabhi 


1. Balabhi 


2. Surashtra 


3. Bharoch, or Barygaza . 




1. Sthaneswara ...... 


Pehoa, or Pnthudaha 


Amin ... 


2. Bairat ... 


3. Srughna . . ... 


4. Madawar .... 


Mdi/dpura, or Earidwar 


5. Brahmapura . ... 




Govisana, or Kasliipur . 






Sankisa . 







Hayamukha . 



Prayaga . 






Visakha, Saketa, or 

Aj udhy a 


Sravasti . 


Eapila . 

Mdmagrama . 

River Anoma 



Kusinagara . 

Khukhundo, Kahaon 

PAwA, or Padraona . 


Varanasi, or Banaras 




Vaisali . 


Vriji . 


Nepala . 



BauddJia Oaya 
NAlanda . 

Indra-sila Guha 







Panndra Varddhan 

1, or Pubn 








TJjain . . • 
Malwa . 




Kheda . 


Anandapura . 


. Vadari, or Eder 






Samatata . 






Odra, or Orissa 


GanrSm . 



Ealinga . 




2. Kosala 519 

3. Andhra 527 

4. Donakakotta 530 

5. Choliya, or Jorya ......•■ 545 

6. Dravida 548 

7. Malakuta, or Madura 549 

8. Konkana 552 

9. Maharashtra . . 553 



A. Approximate Chronology of Hwen Thsang's Travels . . 563 

B. Measures of Distance, Yojana, Li, Krosa .... 571 

C. Correction of Error in Ptolemy's Eastern Longitudes . 577 



I. Map of India, showing the Political Divisions in a.d. 

629-642 To face Title. 

II. Ancient Maps of India, according to the Greeks and 

Indians 1 

III. Map of ELapisene and Kophene, or Upper Kabul 

Valley 17 

IV. Map of Gandhaka, or Lower Kabul Valley — Map 

showing the position of Taxila ..... 47 

V. Campaign of Alexander in the Panjab, B.C. 327-326 . 104 

VI. Travels of Hwen Thsang in the Panjab, a.d. 631-633 , 104 
VII. Alexander's Passage of the Hydaspes, and Battle with 

Porus, B.C. 327 ....*... 159 

VIII. Hill of Sangala between the Bivers Chenab and Ravi . 179 

IX. Campaign of Alexander in Sindh 248 

X. Travels of Hwen Thsang in N.W. India, b.c. 635-637 . 327 

XI. Travels of Hwen Thsang in the Gangetic Provinces . 388 
XII. Map of Gaya and Bihar, a.d. 650, showing Hwen 

Thsang's route 452 

XIII. Map of the Eastern Coast between the Eivers Godavari 

and Krishna 527 





"B.C . 326. 



\ OANOJj /-- 




A D 6&0 

. D -1 



From the accounts of the Greeks it would appear that 
the ancient Indians had a very accurate knowledge of 
the true shape and size of their country. According to 
Strabo,* Alexander " caused the whole country to be 
described by men well acquainted with it ;" and this 
account was afterwards lent to Patrokles by Xenokles, 
the treasurer of the Syrian kings. Patrokles himself 
held the government of the north-east satrapies of the 
Syrian empire under Seleukus Nikator and Antiochus 
Soter, and the information which he collected regard- 
ing India and the Eastern provinces, has received the 
approbation of Eratosthenes and Strabo for its ac- 
curacy. Another account of India was derived from 
the register of the 8tatlimi,'\ or "Marches" from 
place to place, which was prepared by the Macedonian 

* Geographia, ii. 1, 6. 

t Strabo, x. 1, 11. The name of the author of the ' Stathmi ' is 
preserved by Athenseus, i. 103. The original measurements were most 
probably made by Diognetus and Baiton, whose duty it was to ascer- 
tain the distances and lengths of Alexander's expeditions. See Plin. 
Hist. Nat., vi. 21. 


Amyntas, and which was confirmed by the testimony 
of Megasthenes, who had actually visited Palibotlira 
as the ambassador of Seleukus Nikator. On the 
authority of these documents, Eratosthenes and other 
writers have described India as a rhomhoid, or unequal 
quadrilateral, in shape, with the Indus on the west, 
the mountains on the north, and the sea on the east 
and south.* The shortest side was on the west, which 
Patroldcs estimated at 12,000 stadia, and Eratosthenes 
at 13,000 stadia. I All the accounts agree that the 
course of the Indus from Alexander's Bridge to the 
sea was 10,000 stadia, or 1149 British miles ; and they 
differ only as to the estimated distance of the snowy 
mountains of Caucasus or Paropamisus above the 
bridge. The length of the country was reckoned from 
west to east, of which the part extending from the 
Indus to Palibothra had been measured by schoeni 
along the royal road, and was 10,000 stadia, or 1149 
British miles in length. From Palibothra to the sea 
the distance was estimated at 6000 stadia, or 689 
British miles ; thus making the whole distance from the 
Indus to the mouth of the Ganges 16,000 stadia,^ or 
1838 British miles. According to Pliny, ^ the distance 
of Palibothra from the mouth of the Ganges was only 
637''5 Eoman miles; but his numbers are so corrupt 
that very little dependence can be placed upon them. 
I would, therefore, increase his distance to 737'5 

* Strabo, ii. 1, 31, and xv. 1, 11. See, also, Diodorus, Hist., ii. 3, 
and Dion Perieg. v. 1131. Compare fig. 1 in the accompanying plate 
of small maps. 

f Strabo, XV. 2, 8. Arrian, ' Indica,' iii. 

X Artcmidorus makes it 16,800 stadia, or 2100 Roman miles. See 
Pliny, vi. 22. 

§ Plin. Hist. Nat., vi. 21. 


Eoman miles, which are equal to 678 British miles. 
The eastern coast from the mouth of the Ganges to 
Cape Comorin was reckoned at 16,000 stadia, or 1838 
British miles ; and the southern (or south-western) 
coast, from Cape Comorin to the mouth of the Indus at 
3000 stadia more* than the northern side, or 19,000 
stadia, equivalent to 2183 British miles. 

The close agreement of these dimensions, given by 
Alexander's informants, with the actual size of the 
country is very remarkable, and shows that the Indians, 
even at that early date in their history, had a very ac- 
curate knowledge of the form and extent of their 
native land. 

On the west, the course of the Indus from Ohind, 
above Attok, to the sea is 950 miles by land, or about 
1200 miles by water. On the north, the distance from 
the banks of the Indus to Patna, by our military route 
books, is 1143 miles, or only 6 miles less than the 
measurement of the royal road from the Indus to Pali- 
bothra, as given by Strabo on the authority of Mega- 
sthenes. Beyond this, the distance was estimated by 
the voyages of vessels on the Ganges at 6000 stadia, 
or 689 British miles, which is only 9 miles in excess 
of the actual length of the river route. From the 
mouth of the Ganges to Cape Comorin the distance, 
measured on the map, is 1600 miles, but taking into 
account the numerous indentations of the coast-line, 
the length should probably be increased in the same 
proportion as road distance by one -sixth. This would 
make the actual length 1866 miles. From Cape 
Comorin to the mouth of the Indus there is a consi- 

* Strabo, XT. 1, 11. " Each of the greater sides exceeding the oppo- 
site by 3000 stadia." (Falconer's translation.)] 

B 2 


derable discrepancy of about 3000 stadia, or nearly 
350 miles, between the stated distance and the actual 
measurement on the map. It is probable that the 
difference was caused by including in the estimate the 
deep indentations of the two great gulfs of Khambay 
and Kachh, which alone would be sufficient to account 
for the whole, or at least the greater part, of the dis- 

This explanation would seem to be confirmed by the 
computations of Megasthenes, who " estimated the 
distance from the southern sea to the Caucasus at 
20,000 stadia,"* or 2298 British miles. By direct 
measurement on the map the distance from Cape Co- 
morin to the Hindu Kush is about 1950 miles,t which, 
converted into road distance by the addition of one- 
sixth, is equal to 2275 miles, or within a few miles of 
the computation of Megasthenes. But as this distance 
is only 1000 stadia greater than the length of the 
coast-line from Cape Comorin to the mouth of the 
Indus, as stated by Strabo, it seems certain that there 
must be some mistake in the length assigned to the 
southern (or south-western) coast. The error would 
be fully corrected by making the two coast-lines of 
equal length, as the mouths of the Ganges and Indus 
are about equidistant from Cape Comorin. According 
to this view, the whole circuit of India would be 
61,000 stadia; and this is, perhaps, what is intended 
by Diodorus,:}: who says that "the whole extent of 

* Strabo, xv. 1, 12. 

t Elphinstone, Hist, of India, Introd. p. 1, estimates tlie distance 
from Kashmir to Cape Comorin at about 1900 miles. The Caucasus 
is at least 50 miles to the north of Kashmir. 

J Diodorus, Hist., ii. 3. 


India from east to west is 28,000 stadia, and from 
north to south 32,000 stadia," or 60,000 stadia alto- 

At a somewhat later date the shape of India is de- 
scribed in the 'Mahabharata' as an equilateral triangle, 
which was divided into four smaller equal triangles.* 
The apex of the triangle is Cape Comorin, and the 
base is formed by the line of the Himalaya mountains. 
No dimensions are given, and no places are mentioned ; 
but, in fig. 2 of the small maps of India in the accom- 
panying plate, I have drawn a small equilateral triangle 
on the line between Dwaraka, in Gujarat, and Ganjam 
on the eastern coast. By repeating this small triangle 
on each of its three sides, to the north-west, to the 
north-east, and to the south, we obtain the four divi- 
sions of India in one large equilateral triangle. The 
shape corresponds very well with the general form of 
the country, if we extend the limits of India to 
Ghazni on the north-west, and fix the other two points 
of the triangle at Cape Comorin, and Sadiya in Assam. 
At the presumed date of the composition of the 
' Mahabharata,' in the first century a.d., the countries 
immediately to the west of the Indus belonged to the 
Indo-Scythians, and therefore may be included very 
properly within the actual boundaries of India. 

Another description of India is that of the Nava- 
Khanda, or Nine-Divisions, which is first described by 
the astronomers Parasara and Varaha-Mihira, although 
it was probably older than their time, I and was after- 

* Joum. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, xx. Wilford, quoting the Bliishma 
Parva of the ' Mahabharata," as communicated to him by Colebrooke. 

t Dr. Kern, in preface to the ' Brihat-Sanhita ' of Varaha-Mihira, p. 
32, states that Varaha's chapter on Geography is taken almost intact, 
but changed in form, from the 'Parasaratantra,' and must, therefore, be 


wards adopted by the authors of several of the Puranas. 
According to this arrangement, Pdnchdla was the chief 
district of the central division, Magadha of the east, 
Kalinga of the south-east, Avanta of the south, Anarta 
of the south-west, Sindhu-Sauvira of the west, Hdra- 
haura of the north-west, Madra of the north, and 
Kauninda of the north-east.* But there is a discrepancy 
between this epitome of Varaha and his details, as 
Sindhu-Sauvira is there assigned to the south-west, 
along with Anarta. + This mistake is certainly as old 
as the eleventh century, as Abu Eiham has preserved 
the names of Varaha's abstract in the same order as 
they now stand in the ' Brihat-Sanhita.'| These details 
are also supported by the ' Markandeya Purana,' which 
assigns both Sindhu-Sauvira and Anarta to the south- 
west. § 

I have compared the detailed lists of the ' Brihat- 
Sanhita ' with those of the Brahmanda, Markandeya, 
Vishnu, Vayu, and Matsya Puranas ; and I find that, 
although there are sundry repetitions and displace- 
ments of names, as well as many various readings, yet 

considered as representing the geography of Parasara, or perhaps yet 
more ancient works, " and not as the actual map of India in Varaha- 
Mihira's time." 

* ' Brihat-Sanhita,' ch. xiv. 32, 3.3. 

f IhUL, xiv. 17,— 

Nairviti/Cim ch'si desd 
Palilava K&mhoja Sindhu-Sauvira — 
Wilford has given Varaha's list in vol. viii. p. 341, of Bengal Asiat. 
Eesearches ; but he has made two divisions of Sindhu-Sauvira, and 
omitted Kauninda. His details, however, agree with the ' Brihat- 
Sanhita,' in assigning Sindhu-Sauvira as well as Anarta to the south- 

X The Nine Divisions of Abu Eihati are given in Eeinaud's ' Memoire 
sur rinde,' pp. 116, 117. Compare No. II. Map, fig. 3. 

§ Ward's ' Hindus,' iii. 10. 


all the lists are substantially the same.* Some of them, 
however, are differently arranged. All of the Puranas, 
for instance, mention the Nine Divisions and give their 
names, but only the Brahmanda and Markandeya state 
the names of the districts in each of the Nine Divi- 
sions ; as the Vishnu, Vayu, and Matsya- Puranas 
agree with the ' Mahabharata ' in describing only five 
Divisions in detail, namely, the middle Province and 
those of the four cardinal points. 

The names of the Nine Divisions given in the 
' Mahabharata ' and the Puranas differ entirely from 
those of Yaraha-Mihira ; but they agree with those of 
the famous astronomer Bhaskaracharya.f They follow 
the same order in all ; namely, Indra, Kaserumat, 
Tmnraparna, Gabhastimat, Kumdrika, Naga, Saumya 
Vdruna, Gdndharva. No clue is given to the identifi- 
cation of these names, but they certainly follow a dif- 
ferent order from that of Yaraha's Nine Divisions, as 
Indra is the east, Vdruna the west, and Kumdrika 
the middle, while Kdseru must be the north, as the 
name is found in the detailed lists of the Yayu and 
Brahmanda Puranas. 

The division of India into five great provinces would 
appear to have been the most popular one during the 
early centuries of the Christian era, as it was adopted 
by the Chinese pilgrims, and from them by all Chinese 
writers. According to the Yishnu Purana,| the centre 

* The list of the Brahmanda is given by Wilford in Bengal Asiat. 
Kesearches, viii. 334, — that of the Vishnu Parana in Wilson's transla- 
tion, where, also, will be found the list of the ' Mahabharata ;' that of 
the Markandeya Purana is in Ward's ' Hindus,' iii. 9. 

f ' Siddhanta Siromani,' chap. iii. 41. 

X Wilson's ' Vishnu Purana,' edited by Hall, vol. ii. b. iii. c. 3. p. 132. 
The north Division is not mentioned in the text ; but as the Hunas 


was occupied by the Kurus and PdncMlas ; in tlie 
east was Kdmarupa, or Assam ; in the sonth were the 
Pundras, Kalingas^ and Magadhas ; in the west were 
the Surdshtras, Suras, Abhiras, Arhudas, Kdrushas, 
Mdlavas, Sauviras, and Saindhavas ; and in the north 
the Hunas, Sdlwas, Sdkalas, Edmas, AmbasJdas, and 

In the Geography of Ptolemy the true shape of 
India is completely distorted, and its most striking 
feature, the acute angle formed by the meetiag of the 
two coasts of the Peninsula at Cape Comorin is changed 
to a single coast-line, running almost straight from the 
mouth of the Indus to the mouth of the Ganges. The 
cause of this mistake is partly due to the erroneous 
value of 500, instead of 600, Olympic stadia, which 
Ptolemy assigned to an equatorial degree, partly to an 
over-estimate in converting road-distance into map- 
measurement, but chiefly to the excess which he allowed 
for the distances of land journeys over those of sea 

If the measures of distance by sea had been in- 
creased in the same proportion, or had been estimated 
at the same value, as the measures of distance by land, 
all the places would have retained the same relative 
positions. But the consequence of Ptolemy's unequal 
estimate of the value of land and sea distances was to 

and S&Tcalas certainly belonged to the north, I presume that the north 
has been accidentally omitted. There is a similar omission of the name 
of Kumdrika in this Purana, which has only eight names for the Nine 

* The question of Ptolemy's erroneous longitudes is treated at length 
in Appendix 0, where I have given all the data on which Sir Henry 
Eawlinson has founded his correction of three-tenths of the geogra- 
plier's distances in easting. 


throw all the places determined by land measurement 
too far to the east ; and as this error went on increas- 
ing the further he advanced, his eastern geography is 
completely vitiated by it. Thus Taxila, which is almost 
due north of Barygaza, is placed 11° to the east of it ; 
and the mouth of the Ganges, which was fixed by land- 
measurement from Taxila and Palibothra, is placed 
38° to the east of the mouth of the Indus, the true 
difference being only 20°. In fig. 4 of the accom- 
panying plate of small maps I have given an outline 
of Ptolemy's ' Geography of India.' By referring to 
this it will be seen at a glance that, if the distance be- 
tween the mouths of the Indus and Ganges were re- 
duced from 38° to 20°, the point of Cape Comorin 
would be thrown far to the south, and woixld form an 
acute angle very nearly in its true position. The 
amount of error in Ptolemy's value of land distances 
is well shown in the difference of longitude between 
Taxila and Palibothra. The former he places in 125° 
and the latter in 143°, the difference being 18°, which 
is nearly one-third too much, as the actual difference 
between Shah-Dheri in 72° 53' and Patna in 85° 17' 
is only 12° 24'. By applying the correction of three- 
tenths, as proposed by Sir Hemy Pawlinson, Ptolemy's 
18° will be reduced to 12° 36', which is within 12' of 
the true difference of longitude. 

India was first known to the Chinese in the time of 
the Emperor Wuti, of the later Han dynasty, in the 
second century before Christ.* It was then called 
Yuan-tu or Yin-tu, that is Hindu, and Shin-tu, or 
Sindhu. At a later date it was named Thian-tu ; ■\ 

* See M. Pauthier's translations from Chinese in the ' Journal Asia- 
tique,' Oct. 1839, p. 257. t Ibid., Nov. 1839, p. 384. 



and this is the form which the historian Matwanlin 
has adopted. In the official records of the Thang 
dynasty in the seventh century, India is described as 
consisting of " Five Divisions," called the East, West, 
North, South, and Central, which are usually styled 
the " Five Indies." I have not been able to discover 
when this system of the " Five Divisions " was first 
adopted ; but the earliest notice of it that I can find 
is in the year 477 a.d.,* when the king of Western 
India sent an ambassador to China, and again only a 
few years later, in a.d. 503 and 504, when the kings 
of Northern and Southern India are mentioned as 
having followed his example, f No divisions are 
alluded to in any of the earlier Chinese notices of 
India; but the different provinces are described by 
name, and not by position. Thus we have mention of 
Yue-ffai, king of Kapila, in a.d. 428, and of the king 
of Gandhara in a.d. 455. J It would appear also that 
previous to this time India was sometimes called Ma- 
ffadha, after the name of its best known and richest 
province ; and sometimes the " kingdom of Brahmans," 
after the name of its principal inhabitants. § The 
fii'st of these names I would refer to the second and 
third centuries after Christ, when the jjowerful Guptas 
of Magadha ruled over the greater part of India. 

The same division of five great provinces was 
adopted by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang in the 
seventh century, who names them in the same manner, 

* Pauthier, in Journ. Asiatique, Nov. IS.OO, p. 291. 

t Ih!d.. Nor. 1839, pp. 290-292. 

I Ibid., Oct. 1839, p. 273, and Journ. Asiat. See. Bengal, 1837, 
p. 65. 

§ M. Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 58 ; and Pautliier, in Journ.' Asia- 
tique, Deo. 1839, p. 417. 


as North, South, East, "West, and Central, according 
to their relative positions.* He compares the shape 
of the country to a half-moon, with the diameter or 
broad side to the north, and the narrow end to the 
south. This is not unlike the configuration of India 
in Ptolemy's Geography ; but a much more accurate 
description is given by the Chinese author of the 
Fah-kai-lih-io, who says, "this country in shape is 
narrow towards the south and broad towards the 
north;" to which he humorously adds, that "the 
people's faces are the same shape as the country.''^ 

Hwen Thsang makes the circumference of India 
90,000 //,:{: which is more than double the truth. But 
in the Chinese official records, § the circuit of India is 
said to be only 30,000 li ; which is too small, if we 
reckon 6 li to the British mile, according to the usual 
road distance of the Chinese pilgrims. But if, as was 
probably the case, the measurement was made on a 
map, the li may be reckoned at the full value of 
1079'12 feet which it possessed in the eighth century ; 
then the 30,000 li will be equal to 6130 British miles, 
which is only 764 miles short of the dimensions re- 
corded by Strabo on the authority of Alexander's 
papers, and the published works of Megasthenes and 

The Five Divisions of India, or the " Five Indies," 
as they are usually called by the Chinese, are as 
follows (see No. I. Map) : — 

* M. Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 162, 163 ; see also Pauthier, in 
Journ. Asiatique, 1839, p. 384. 
t ' Fah-Hian's Travels,' translated by the Eev. S.Beal, p. 36, note. 
J M. Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 58. 
§ Pauthier, in Journ. Asiatique, Nov. 1839, p. 384. 



I. Northern India comprised the Panjab proper, in- 
cluding Kashmir and the adjoining hill states, with 
the whole of eastern Afghanistan beyond the Indus, 
and the present Cis-Satlej States to the west of the 
Saraswati river. 

II. Western India comprised Sindh and "Western 
Eajputana, with Kachh and Gujarat, and a portion of 
the adjoining coast on the lower course of the Nar- 
bada river. 

III. Central India comprised the whole of the Gan- 
getic provinces from Thanesar to the head of the 
Delta, and from the Himalaya mountains to the banks 
of the Narbada. 

IV. Eastern India comprised Assam and Bengal 
proper, including the whole of the Delta of the 
Ganges, together with Sambhalpur, Orissa, and Gan- 

V. Southern India comprised the whole of the pe- 
ninsula from Nasik on the west and Ganjam on the 
east, to Cape Kumari (Comorin) on the south, in- 
cluding the modern districts of Berar and Telingana, 
Maharashtra and the Ivonkan, with the separate states 
of Haidarabad, Mysore, and Travancore, or very nearly 
the whole of the peninsula to the south of the Nar- 
bada and Mahanadi rivers. 

Although the Chinese division of India into five 
great provinces is simpler than the well-known native 
arrangement of nine divisions, as described by Yaraha- 
Mihira and the Puranas, yet there can be little doubt 
that they borrowed their system from the Hindus, 
who likened their native country to the lotus-flower, 
the middle being Central India, and the eight sur- 
rounding petals being the other divisions, which were 


named after tlie eight chief points of the compass.* 
In the Chinese arrangement, the middle and the four 
primary divisions only are retained ; and as this divi- 
sion is much simpler, and also more easily remem- 
bered, I -will adopt it in the present description. 

At the time of Hwen Thsang's visit, in the seventh 
century, India was divided into eighty^ kingdoms, 
each of which would appear to have had its separate 
ruler, although most of them were tributary to a few 
of the greater states. Thus, in Northern India, the 
districts of Kabul, JalMabad, Peshawar, Ghazni, and 
Banu were all subject to the ruler of Kapisa, whose 
capital was most probably at Charik^r, or Alexandria 
ad Caucasum. In the Panj§,b proper the hilly dis- 
tricts of Taxila, Singhapura, Urasa, Punach, and Ea- 
jaori, were subject to the Eaja of Kashmir ; while the 
whole of the plains, including Multan and Shorkot, 
were dependent on the ruler of TciJci, or Sangala, near 
Lahor. In Western India the provinces were divided 
between the kings of Sindh, Balabhi^ and Gurjjara. 
In Central and Eastern India, the whole of the diffe- 
rent states, from the famous city of Sthaneswara to 
the mouth of the Ganges, and from the Himalaya 
mountains to the banks of the Narbada and Mahanadi 
rivers, were subject to Harsha Yarddhana, the great 
Xing of Kanoj. Jalandhara, the most easterly dis- 
trict of the Panjab, was also subject to him ; and it is 
highly probable that the ruler of Tdki, or the plains of 
the Panjab, must likewise have been a dependant of 

* Wilson's ' Vishnu Purana,' edited by Hall, vol. ii. b. ii. o. 12, p. 
309; "the lotus-shaped earth." Ward's ' Hindus," i. 9, and ii. 449. 

t ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 59. The text has " seventy ;" but the number 
actually described is eighty-two, from which, deducting Persia and 
Ceylon, the true number of kingdoms is eighty. 


Kanoj, as we are informed by the Chinese pilgrim that 
Harsha Varddhana advanced through his territory to 
the foot of the Kashmir hills, for the purpose of coer- 
cing the ruler of that country to deliver up to him a 
much-venerated tooth of Buddha. The Eajput king of 
Maharashtra, in Southern India, was the only sove- 
reign who had successfully resisted the armies of 
Kanoj. This statement of the Chinese pilgrim is cor- 
roborated by several inscriptions of the Chalukya 
princes of Maharashtra, who make a proud boast of 
their ancestor's discomfiture of the great King Harsha 
Yarddhana.* This powerful prince was the para- 
mount sovereign of thirty-six different States, com- 
prising nearly one-half of India in extent, and includ- 
ing all its richest and most fertile provinces. The 
substantial reality of his power may be gathered from 
the fact that no less than eighteen, or just one -half, 
of these tributary princes attended on their suzerain 
lord during his great religious procession from Patali- 
putra to Kanoj, in a.d. G43. The extent of his do- 
minions is clearly indicated by the names of the coun- 
tries against which he directed his latest campaigns, 
namely, Kashmir in the north-west, Maharashtra in 
the south-west, and Ganjam in the south-east.f 
Within these boundaries he was the paramount ruler 
of the continent of India during the first half of the 
seventh century of the Christian era. 

The dominion of Southern India was nearly equally 
divided between the nine rulers of the following 

* See copper-plate inscriptions in Journ. Bombay Asiat. Soc. ii. 5, 
and iii. p. 207. 

f Julien's ' HioucaThsang,' Eashmir, i. 251 ; Mah&iashlra, iii. 150; 
Ganjam, i. 220, 236. 


states : — Maharashtra and Kosala, in the north ; Ka- 
linga, Andhra, Konkana, and Dhanakakata, in the 
centre ; and Jorya, Dravida, and Malakuta, in the 
south. These complete the round number of eighty 
Idngdoms into which India was divided in the seventh 
century of our era. 


The natural boundaries of India are the Himalaya 
mountains, the river Indus, and the sea. But on the 
west, these limits have been so frequently overstepped 
by powerful kings that most authors, from the time 
of Alexander down to a very late period, have consi- 
dered Eastern Ariana, or the greater part of Afghani- 
stan, as forming a portion of the Indian continent. 
Thus Pliny* says that " most writers do not fix the 
Indus as the western boundary (of India), but add to 
it the four satrapies of the Gedrosi, Arachotse, Arii, 
and Paropamisadse, — thus making the river Cophes 
its extreme boundary." Strabof also says that " the 
Indians occupy (in part) some of the countries situated 
along the Indus, which formerly belonged to the Per- 
sians. Alexander deprived the Ariani of them, and 
established there settlements of his own. But Seleu- 
kus Nikator gave them to Sandrokottus, in consequence 
of a marriage contract, and received in return five 

* Plin. Hist. Nat., vi. 23. " Etenim plerique ab occidente non Indo 
amne determinant, sed adjiciunt quatuor satrapias, Gedrosos, Aracho- 
tas, Arios, Paropamisadas, ultimo fine Copbete iluvio." 

t Geogr., XV. 2, 9. In another place, xv. 1, 11, he states that at the 
time of the invasion of Alexander " the Indus was the boundary of In- 
dia and of Ariana, situated towards the west, and in the possession of 
the Persians, for afterwards the Indians occupied a larger portion of 
Ariana, which they had received from the Macedonians." 



hundred elephants." The prince here mentioned is 
the well-known Chandra Gupta Maurya, whose grand- 
son Asoka dispatched missionaries to the most distant 
parts of his empire for the propagation of Buddhism. 
Jlasadda, or Alexandria ad Caucasum, the capital of 
the Yona, or Greek country, is recorded as one of these 
distant places ; and as the Chinese pilgrim Hwen 
Thsang notices several stupas in that neighbourhood 
as the work of Asoka, we have the most satisfactory 
proofs of the Indian occupation of the Kabul valley in 
the third and fourth centuries before Christ. The 
completeness of this occupation is well shown by the 
use of the Indian language on the coins of the Bac- 
trian Greeks and Indo-Seythians, down to a.d. 100, or 
perhaps even later ; and although it is lost for the next 
two or three centuries, it again makes its appearance on 
the coins of the Abtelites, or "White Huns, of the sixth 
century. In the following century, as we learn from 
the Chinese pilgrim, the king of Kapisa was a Kslia- 
triya, or pure Hindu. During the whole of the tenth 
century the Kabul valley was held by a dynasty of 
Bralimans, whose power was not finally extinguished 
until towards the close of the reign of Malimud Ghaz- 
navi. Down to this time, therefore, it would appear 
that a great part of the population of eastern Afghani- 
stan, including the whole of the Kabul valley, must 
have been of Indian descent, while the religion was 
pure Buddhism. During the rule of the Ghaznavis, 
whose late conversion to Muhammadanisin had only 
added bigotry to their native ferocity, the persecution 
of idol-loving Buddhists was a pleasure as well as a 
duty. The idolaters were soon driven out, and with 
them the Indian element, Avhich had subsisted for 




. .fi* ;?: 


Bixxuity , 


^ «^^:^. 

TTfl . Kanrruind/ V 

'^ . -^s^#^'''%# 


A Cunmnghain.del^ 


SO many centuries in Eastern Ariana, finally disap- 


I. Kaofu, or Afghanistan. 

For several centuries, both, before and after the 
Christian era, the provinces of Northern India beyond 
the Indus, in which, the Indian language and religion 
were predominant, included the whole of Afghanistan 
from Bamian and Kandahar on the west to the Bholan 
Pass on the south. This large tract was then divided 
into ten* separate states or districts, of which. Eapisa 
was th,e chief. The tributary states were Kabul and 
Ghazni in the west, Lamghdn and Jalalabad in the 
north, Swat and Peshawar in the east, Bolor in the 
north-east, and Banu and Opokien in the south. 
The general name for the whole would appear to have 
been Kao-fu, which in the second century before 
Christ is described as being divided between the 
Parthians, the Indians, and the Su or Sacse of Kipin. 
According to this statement, the south-west district 
of Kandahar would have belonged to the Parthians, 
the eastern districts of Swat, Peshawar, and Banu, to 
the Indians, and the north-western districts of Kabul 
and Ghazni with Lamghan and Jalalabad to the Sacse 
Scythians. Kaofu has usually been identified with 
Kabul on account of its similarity of name and corre- 
spondence of position ; but this can only be accepted 
as politically correct, by extending the boundaries of 
Kabul into Parthiaf on the west, and into India on 

* M. Julien'B ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 71. 

t That Kandahar then belonged to Persia is proved by the fact, that 
the begging-pot of Buddha, which Hwen Thsang (ii. 106) mentions as 



the east. The Kaofu of the Chinese would, therefore, 
have embraced the whole of modern Afghanistan. 
Etymologically, however, it seems quite possible that 
the two names may be the same, as Kaofu was the 
appellation of one of the five tribes of the Yuchi or 
Tochari, who are said to have given their own name 
to the town which they occupied, towards the end of 
the second century before Christ. This statement of 
the Chinese writers is confirmed by the historians of 
Alexander, who notice the city of Ortospana, without 
making any mention of Kabul. The latter name is 
first given by Ptolemy, who describes Kahura or Orto- 
spana as the capital of the Paropamisadae. I con- 
clude, therefore, that Ortospana was most probably 
the original metropolis of the country, which was sup- 
planted by Alexandria during the Greek domination, 
and restored by the earlier Indo-Scythian priuces. 
But it would appear to have been again abandoned 
before the seventh centurj^, when the capital of Kapi- 
sene was at Opian. 


According to the Chinese pilgrim Kiapislie, or Ka- 
pisene, was 4000 A', or about 666 miles in circuit. If 
this measurement be even approximately correct, the 
district must have included the whole of Eaflristan, 
as well as the two large valleys of Ghorband and 
Panjshir, as these last are together not more than 300 
miles in circuit. Kiapishe is further described as 
being entirely surrounded by mountains ; to the north 

having been removed from Gitudhara to Persia, still exists at Kandahar, 
where it "was seen by Sir H. Rawlinson. The removal must have 
taken place during the sixth century, after the conquest of Gandhara 
by the king of Kii^in. 


by snowy mountains, named Po-Io-si-na, and by black 
hills on the other three sides. The name of Polosina 
corresponds exactly with that of Mount Paresh or 
Aparasin of the 'Zend Avesta,'* and with the Paropa- 
misus of the Greeks, which included the Indian Cau- 
casus, or Hindu Kush. Ilwen Thsang further states, 
that to the north-west of the capital there was a great 
snowy mountain, with a lake on its summit, distant 
only 200 U, or about 33 miles. This is the Hindu 
Kush itself, which is about 35 miles to the north-west 
of Charikar and Opian ; but I have not been able to 
trace any mention of the lake in the few imperfect 
notices that exist of this part of Afghanistan. 

The district of Capisene is first mentioned by Pliny, 
who states that its ancient capital, named Capisa, was 
destroyed by Cyrus. His copyist, Solinus, mentions 
the same story, but calls the city Caphusa^ which the 
Delphine editors have altered to Capissa. Somewhat 
later, Ptolemy places the town of Kapisa amongst the 
Paropamisadse, 2J degrees to the north of Kabura or 
Kabul, which is nearly 2 degrees in excess of the 
truth. On leaving Bamian, in a.d. 630, the Chinese 
pilgrim travelled 600 li, or about 100 miles, in an 
easterly direction over snowy mountains and black 
hills (or the Koh-i-Baba and Paghman ranges) to the 
capital of Kiapishe or Kapisene. On his return from 
India, fourteen years later, he reached Kiapishe through 
Ghazni and Kabul, and left it in a north-east direction 
by the Panjshir valley towards Anderab. These 
statements fix the position of the capital at or near 
Opian, which is just 100 miles to the east of Bamian 

* ' Zend A-vesta,' iii. 365, Boundeliesh. " It is said tliat Aparasin ia a 
great mountain, distinct from Elburj. It is called Mount Paresh." 

c 2 



by the route of the Hajiyak Pass and Ghorband 
Talley, and on the direct route from Ghazni and Kabul 
to Anderab. The same locality is, perhaps, even more 
decidedly indicated by the fact, that the Chinese pil- 
grim, on finally leaving the capital of Kapisene, was 
accompanied by the king as far as the town of Kiu-h- 
sa-pang^ a distance of one yojana^ or about 7 miles to 
the north-east, from whence the road turned towards 
the north. This description agrees exactly with the 
direction of the route from Opian to the northern 
edge of the plain of Begram, which lies about 6 or 7 
miles to the E.N.E. of Charikar and Opian. Begram 
itself I would identify with the Kiu-lu-sa-pmig or Kar- 
sawana of the Chinese pilgrim, the Karsana of Ptolemy, 
and the Cartana of Pliny. If the capital had then been 
at Begram itself, the king's journey of seven miles to 
the north-east would have taken him over the united 
stream of the Panjshir and Ghorband rivers, and as 
this stream is difficult to cross, on account of its depth 
and rapidity, it is not likely that the king would have 
undertaken such a journey for the mere purpose of 
leave-taking. But by fixing the capital at Opian, and 
by identifying Begram with the Kiii-lu-sa-pavg of the 
Chinese pilgrim, all difficulties disappear. The king 
accompanied his honom-ed guest to the bank of the 
Panjshir river, where he took leave of him, and the 
pilgrim then crossed the stream, and proceeded on his 
journey to the north, as described in the account of 
his life. 

From all the evidence above noted it would appear 
certain that the capital of Kiapishe, or Kapisene, in 
the seventh century, must have been situated either 
at or near Ojjidn. This place was visited byMasson,* 

* • Travels,' iii. 126. 


•who describes it as "distinguished by its huge artifi- 
cial mounds, from which, at various times, copious 
antique treasures have been extracted." In another 
place * he notes that " it possesses many vestiges of 
antiquity ; yet, as they are exclusively of a sepulchral 
or religious character, the site of the city, to which 
they refer, may rather be looked for at the actual 
village of Malik Hupian on the plain below, and near 
Charikar." Masson writes the name Hupian, follow- 
ing the emperor Baber ; but as it is entered in 
"Walker's large map as Opiydn^ after Lieutenant Leach, 
and is spelt Opidn by Lieutenant Sturt, both of whom 
made regular surveys of the Koh-daman, I adopt the 
unaspirated reading, as it agrees better with the 
Greek forms of Opiai and Opiane of Hekatseus and 
Stephanus, and with the Latin form of Opiamcm of 
Pliny. As these names are intimately connected with 
that of the Paropamisan Alexandria, it will clear the 
way to further investigation, if we first determine the 
most probable site of this famous city. 

The position of the city founded by Alexander at 
the foot of the Indian Caucasus has long engaged the 
attention of scholars ; but the want of a good map of 
the Kabul valley has been a serious obstacle to their 
success, which was rendered almost insurmountable 
by their injudicious alterations of the only ancient 
texts that preserved the distinctive name of the Cau- 
casian Alexandria. Thus Stephanusf describes it as 
being ev rrj 'OTTiavji KaTci rTjv 'IvBiKrjv, " in Opiane, near 
India," for which Salmasius proposed to read 'Apiavrj. 
Again, PlinyJ describes it as Alexandriam Opianes, 

* ' Travels,' iii. 161. t In voce Alexandria. 

X Hist. Wat., vi. o. 17. Philemon Holland calls it "the city of 
Alexandria, in Opianum." 


which in the Leipsio and other editions is altered to 
Alexandri oppidum. I believe, also, that the same 
distinctive name may be restored to a corrupt passage 
of Pliny, where he is speaking of this very part of the 
country. His words, as given by the Leipsio editor, 
and as quoted by Cellarius,* are " Cartana oppidum 
sub Caucaso, quod postea Tetragonis dictum. Hsec 
regie est ex adverse. Bactrianorum deinde cujus op- 
pidum Alexandria, a conditore dictum." Both of the 
translators whose works I possess, namely Philemon 
Holland, a.d. 1601, and W. T. Eiley, a.d. 1855, agree 
in reading ex adverso Bactrianorum. This makes sense 
of the words as they stand, but it makes nonsense of 
the passage, as it refers the city of Alexandria to 
Bactria, a district which Pliny had fully described in 
a previous chapter. He is speaking of the country at 
the foot of the Caucasus or Paropamisus ; and as he 
had already described the Bactrians as being " aversa 
mentis Paropamisi," he now uses almost the same 
terms to describe the position of the district in which 
Cartana was situated ; I would, therefore, propose to 
read " hsec regio est ex adverso Bactrise;" and as 
cujus cannot possibly refer to the Bactrians, I would 
begin the next sentence by changing the latter half of 
Bactrianorum in the text to Opiiorum ; the passage 
would then stand thus, " Opiorum (regio) deinde, 
cujus oppidum Alexandria a conditore dictum," — 
" Next the Opii, whose city, Alexandria, was named 
after its founder." But whether this emendation be 
accepted or not, it is quite clear from the other two 
passages, above quoted, that the city foimded by 
7\.lexander at the foot of the Indian Caucasus was also 

* Hist. Nat., vi. 23. 


named Opiane. This fact being established, I will 
now proceed to show that the position of Alexandria 
Opiane agrees as nearly as possible with the site of the 
present Opian, near Charikar. 

According to Pliny, the city of Alexandria, in Opia- 
mim, was situated at 50 Eoman miles, or 45-96 English 
miles, fromOrtospana, and at 237 Eoman miles, or 217'8 
English miles, from Peucolaitis, or Pukkalaoti, which 
was a few miles to the north of Peshawar. As the 
position of Ortospana will be discussed in my account 
of the next province, I will here only state that I 
have identified it with the ancient city of Kabul and 
its citadel, the Bala Hisar. Now Charikar is 27 
miles* to the north of Kabul, which differs by 19 
miles from the measurement recorded by Pliny. But 
as immediately after the mention of this distance he 
adds that " in some copies different numbers are 
found, "•!• I am inclined to read " trigintamillia," or 30 
miles, instead of " quinquaginta millia," which is 
found in the text. This would reduce the distance to 
27^ English miles, which exactly accords with the 
measurement between Kabul and Opian. The dis- 
tance between these places is not given by the 
Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang ; but that between the 
capital of Kiapishe and Pu-lii-sha-pu-lo, or Purushapura, 
the modern Peshawar, is stated at 600 + 100 + 500 
= 1200 li, or just 200 miles accoi'ding to my estimate 
of 6 li to the English mile. The last distance of 500 li, 
between Nagarahara and Purushawar, is certainly too 
short, as the earlier pilgrim. Pa Hian, in the begin- 

* Measured by Lieutenant Sturtwitli a perambulator. Masson gives 
tlie same distance for Begram. See No. III. Map from Sturt's Survey. 

t Hist. Nat., vi. 21. "In quibusdam exemplaribus diversi numeri 


ning of the fifth century, makes it 16 yojanas, or not 
less than 640 /?', at 40 It to the yojana. This would 
increase the total distance to 1340 /i, or 223 miles, 
which differs only by 5 miles from the statement of 
the Eoman author. The actual road distance between 
Charikar and Jalalabad has not been ascertained, but 
as it measures in a direct line on Walker's map about 
10 miles more than the distance between Kabul and 
Jalalabad, which is 115 miles, it may be estimated at 
125 miles. This sum added to 103 miles, the length of 
road between Jalalabad and Peshawar, makes the 
whole distance from Charikar to Peshawar not less 
than 228 miles, which agrees very closely with the 
measurements recorded by the Eoman and Chinese 

Pliny further describes Alexandria as being situated 
mh ipso Caucaso* at the very foot of Caucasus," which 
agrees exactly with the position of Opian, at the 
northern end of the plain oi Koh-ddman, or "hill-foot." 
The same position is noted by Curtius, who places 
Alexandria in radicibus montis,'\ at the very base of the 
mountain. The place was chosen by Alexander on 
account of its favourable site at the rpLohov,X or parting 
of the " three roads " leading to Bactria. These roads, 
which still remain unchanged, all separate at Opian, 
near Begram. 

1. The north-east road, by the Panjshir valley, 

and over the Khawak Pass to Anderab. 

2. The west road, by the Kushan valley, and 

over the Hindu Zush Pass to Ghori. 

3. The south-west road, up the Ghorband valley, 

and over the Hajiyak Pass to Bamian. 

* Hist. Nat., vi. B. 21. t Vit. Alex., vii. 3. J Strabo, xv. 2, 8. 


The first of tliese roads was followed by Alexander 
on Ms march into Bactriana from the territory of the 
Paropamisadse. It was also taken by Timur on his 
invasion of India ; and it was crossed by Lieutenant 
"Wood on his return from the sources of the Oxus. The 
second road must have been followed by Alexander 
on his return from Bactriana, as Strabo* specially 
mentions that he took " over the same mountains 
another and shorter road" than that by which he had 
advanced. It is certain that his return could not have 
been by the Bamian route, as that is the longest 
route of all ; besides which, it turns the Huidu Kush, 
and does not cross it, as Alexander is stated to have 
done. This route was attempted by Dr. Lord and 
Lieutenant Wood late in the year, but they were 
driven back by the snow. The third road is the easiest 
and most frequented. It was taken by Janghez 
Khan after his capture of Bamian ; it was followed by 
Moorcroft and Burnes on their adventurous journeys 
to Balkh and Bokhara ; it was traversed by Lord and 
Wood after their failure at the Kushan Pass ; and 
it was surveyed by Sturt in a.d. 1840, after it had 
been successfully crossed by a troop of horse artillery. 

Alexandria is not found in Ptolemy's list of the 
towns of the Paropamisadse ; but as his Niphanda, 
which is placed close to Kapisa, may with a very little 
alteration be read as OpJiianda, I think that we may 
perhaps recognize the Greek capital under this slightly 
altered form. The name of Opidn is certainly as old 
as the fifth century B.C., as Hekatseus places a people 
called Opiai to the west of the upper course of the 
Indus. There is, however, no trace of this name in 

* Geogr., XV. 1, 26. 


the inscriptions of Darius, but we have instead a na- 
tion called Tliatagusli^ who are the Sattagudai of He- 
rodotus, and perhaps also the people of Si-pi-to-fa-la-sse 
of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang.* This place 
was only 40 /«', or about 7 miles, distant from the 
capital of Kiapishe, but unfortunately the direction is 
not stated. As, however, it is noted that there was a 
mountain named Jruna at a distance of 5 miles to the 
south, it is almost certain that this city must have 
been on the famous site of Begram, from which the 
north end of the Siah-koh, or Black Mountain, called 
Chehel DuIcJdardn, or the " Forty Daughters," lies al- 
most due south at a distance of 5 or 6 miles. It is 
possible, also, that the name of Tdtarangzdr, which 
Masson gives to the south-west corner of the ruins of 
Begram, may be an altered form of the ancient 'Thdta- 
ffush, or Sattagudai. But whether this be so or not, 
it is quite certain that the people dwelling on the 
upper branches of the Kabul river must be the Th6.ta- 
giisli of Darius, and the Sattagudai of Herodotus, as 
all the other surrounding nations are mentioned in 
both authorities. 

KarKfinn, Kartana or Tetragonis. 

Tiic passage of Pliny describing the position of 
Alexandria is prefaced by a few words regarding the 
town of Cartana, which, while they assign it a similar 
position at the foot of the Caucasus, seem also to refer 
it to the immediate vicinity of Alexander's city. I 
quote the whole passage, with the correction which I 

* Sipitofalasse is probably the Sanskrit Saptavarslia or Sattavasa, 
whicli might easily be changed to Thatagush. 


have already proposed:* — " Cartana oppidum sub 
Caucaso, quod postea Tetragonis dictum. Hsec regio 
est ex adverse Bactrise. Opiorum (regio) deinde cujiis 
oppidum Alexandria a conditore dictum." " At the 
foot of the Caucasus stands the town of Cartana, which 
was afterwards called Tetragonis (or the Square). This 
district is opposite to Bactria. Next (to it) are the 
Opii, whose city of Alexandria was named after its 
founder." Solinus makes no mention of Cartana, but 
Ptolemy has a town named Karsana, or Karnasa, 
which he places on the right bank of a nameless river 
that comes from the vicinity of Kapisa and Niphanda 
(or Opian), and joins the river of Locharna, or Loh- 
garh, nearly opposite Nagara. This stream I take to be 
the united Panjshir and Ghorband river, which joins 
the Lohgarh river about halfway between Kabul and 
Jalalabad. This identification is rendered nearly cer- 
tain by the position assigned to the Lambata, or people 
of Lampaka or Lamghan, who are placed to the east of 
the nameless river, which cannot therefore be the Ku- 
nar river, as might otherwise have been inferred from 
its junction with the Lohgarh river opposite ITagara. 

This being the case, the Karsana of Ptolemy may 
at once be identified with the Cartana of Pliny ; and 
the few facts related by both authors may be combined 
to aid us in discovering its true position. According 
to Pliny, it was situated at the foot of the Caucasus, 
and not far from Alexandria ; whilst, according to 
Ptolemy, it was on the right bank of the Panjshir 
river. These data point to Begram, which is situated 
on the right bank of the united Panjshir and Ghor- 
band rivers, immediately at the foot of the Kohistan 

* Hist. Nat., vi. 23. 



liills, and within 6 miles of Opian, or Alexandria 
Opiane. As I know of no other place that answers 
all these requirements, it seems most probable that 
Begram must be the true locality. Parwan and 
Kushan are ancient places of some consequence in the 
neighbourhood of Opian ; but they are both on the 
left bank of the Ghorband river, while the first is pro- 
bably the Baborana of Ptolemy, and the other his 
Kapisa. Begram also answers the description which 
Pliny gives of Cartana, as Tetragonis, or the " Square;" 
for Masson, in his account of the ruins, specially no- 
tices " some mounds of great magnitude, and accu- 
rately describing a square of considerable dimensions."* 
If I am right in identifying Begram with the Kiu- 
lu-sa-pang of the Chinese pilgrim, the true name of 
the place must have been Karsana, as written by Pto- 
lemy, and not Cartana^ as noted by Pliny. The same 
form of the name is also found on a rare coin of Eu- 
kratides, with the legend Karisiye nagara, or " city of 
Karisi" which I have identified with the Kalasi of 
the Buddhist chronicles, as the birthplace of Eaja 
Milindu. In another passage of the same chronicle, j" 
Milindu is said to have been born at Alasanda, or 
Alexandria, the capital of the Yona, or Greek country. 
Kalasi must therefore have been either Alexandria 
itself or some place close to it. The latter conclusion 
agrees exactly with the position of Begram, which is 
only a few miles to the east of Opian. Originally two 
distinct places, like Delhi and Shah Jahanabad, or 
London and Westminster, I suppose Opidn and Kar- 

* 'Travels,' iii. 155. For the position of Begram see No. III. Map. 
\ Milindu-prasna, quoted by Hardy, in ' Manual of Buddhism,' 
pp. 440, 516. 


Sana to have gradually approaclied each other as they 
increased in size, until at last they virtually became 
one large city. On the coins of the earlier Greek 
kings of Ariana, — Euthydemus, Demetrius, and Eu- 
kratides, — we find the monograms of both cities ; but 
after the time of Eukratides, that of Opiana disap- 
pears altogether, while that of Karsana is common to 
most of the later princes. The contemporary occur- 
rence of these mint monograms proves that the two 
cities were existing at the same time ; while the sud- 
den disuse of the name of Opian may serve to show 
that, during the latter period of Greek occupation, the 
city of Alexandria had been temporarily supplanted 
by Karsana. 

The appellation of Begram means, I believe, no- 
thing more than " the city" par excellence, as it is also 
applied to three other ancient sites in the immediate 
vicinity of great capitals, namely, Kabul, Jalalabad, 
and Peshawar. Masson derives the appellation from 
the Turki be or bi^ " chief," and the Hindi grainy or 
city, — that is, the capital.* But a more simple deriva- 
tion would be from the Sanskrit wz, implying " cer- 
tainty," " ascertainment," as in vijaya, victory, which 
is only an emphatic form of. jay a with the prefix vi. 
Vigrdma would therefore mean emphatically " the 
city " — that is, the capital ; and Big ram would be the 
Hindi form of the name, just as Bijay is the spoken 
form of Vijaya. 

The plain of Begram is bounded by the Panjshir 
and the Koh-daman rivers on the north and south; 
by the Mahighir canal on the west ; and on the east 
by the lands of Julgha, in the fork of the two rivers. 

* ' Travels,' iii. 165. 



Its length, from Bay an, on the Muhigliir canal, to 
Julgha, is about 8 miles ; and its breadth, from Kilah 
Bnland to Yuz Bashi, is 4 miles. Over the whole of 
this space vast numbers of relics have been discovered, 
consisting of small images, coins, seals, beads, rings, 
arrow-heads, fragments of pottery, and other remains, 
which prove that this plain was once the site of a 
great city. According to the traditions of the people, 
Begram was a Greek city, which was overwhelmed 
by some natural catastrophe.* Masson doubts the 
tradition, and infers from the vast number of Kufic 
coins found there, that the city must have existed for 
some centuries after the Muhammadan invasion. I 
am inclined to think that Masson is right, and that the 
decline of the city was caused by the gradual desertion 
of the people, consequent on the transfer of the seat of 
government to Ghazni, after the conquest of the 
country by the Muhammadans. Coins of the last 
Hindu Eajas of Kabul and of the first Muhammadan 
kings of Ghazni are found in great numbers ; but the 
money of the later Ghaznavi princes is less plentiful, 
whilst of the succeeding Ghori dynasty only a few 
specimens of some of the earlier sovereigns have yet 
been discovered. From these plain facts, I infer that 
the city began gradually to decay after the Muham- 
madan conquest of Kabul by Sabuktugin, towards 
the end of the tenth century, and that it was finally 
deserted about the beginning of the thirteenth century. 
As the latter period corresponds with the date of Jan- 
ghez Khan's invasion of these provinces, it is very pos- 
sible, as Masson has already supposed, that Begram 
may have been finally destroyed by that merciless 

* Masson, ' Travels,' iii. 159. 


Other Cities of Kapisene. 

I will close tills account of Kapisene with some re- 
marks on the few other cities of the same district that 
are mentioned hy ancient authors. Pliny descrihes 
one city as "ad Caucasum Cadrusi, oppidum ab Alex- 
andre conditum," which is slightly altered by Solinus 
to " Cadrusia oppidum ab Alexandre Magno ad Cau- 
casum constitutum est, ubi et Alexandria."* Bota 
authors place the city close to the Caucasus, to which 
Solinus adds, that it was §,lso near Alexandria. Fol- 
lowing these two distinct indications, I am disposed 
to identify the city of Cadrusi with the old site of 
Koratds, which Masson discovered under the hills of 
Kohistan, 6 miles to the north-east of Begram, and 
on the north bank of the Panjshir river, t There 
are the usual remains of an old city, consisting of 
mounds covered with fragments of pottery, amongst 
which old coins are frequently found. There are also 
remains of masonry works about the hills, which the 
people call Kafir-kot, or the Kafir's fort. The com- 
mentators have accused Solinus of misunderstanding 
Pliny, whose Cadrusi, they say, was the name of a 
people, and whose "oppidum ab Alexandre conditum " 
was the city of Alexandria.^ But the passage was 
differently understood by Philemon Holland, who 
renders it thus ; — " Upon the hill Caucasus stand eth 
the town Cadrusi, built likewise by the said Alexan- 
der." As a general rule, the Greeks would seem to 
have designated the various peoples whom they en- 
countered by the names of their principal towns. 

* Plin. Hist. Nat., vi. 25. Solin. Ivii. f ' Travels,' iii. 166. 

X Cellarius, iii. 22, p. 514, " quod Solinus pervertit." 


Thus we have Kabura and the Kabolitse, Drepsa and 
the Diepsiani, Taxila and the Taxili, Kaspeira and 
the Kaspeirsei, from which I would infer, that there 
was most probably also a town named Cadrusia, whose 
inhabitants were called Cadi'usi. This inference is 
strengthened by the correspondence, both in name 
and in position of the ruined mound of Koratas, with 
the Cadrusi of Pliny. 

The names of other peoples and towns are recorded 
by Ptolemy ; but few of them can now be identified, 
as we have nothing to guide us but the bare names. 
The Farsii^ with their to^vns Parsia and Parsiana, I 
take to be the Pashais, or people of the Panjhir or 
Panjshir valley. The true name is probably Panchir, 
as the Arabs always write ^' for the Indian ch. The mo- 
dern spelling of Panjshir adopted by Bumes, Leech, 
and others, appears to be only an attempt to give the 
Afghan pronunciation of ch as ts in Panfsir. A town 
named Panjhir is mentioned by the early Arab geo- 
graphers, and a mountain named Pashdi was crossed by 
Ibn Batuta, on his way from Kunduz to Parwan.* 

Other tribes are the Aristophyli, a pure Greek name, 
and the Jmbautis, of whom nothing is known. The 
towns not akeady noticed are Arloarta and Barzaura 
in the north, and Drastoka and Naulibis in the south. 
The second of these may be Bazarak, a large town in 
the Panjshii- valley, and the last may be Nilah of 
Ghorband. The third was most probably a town in 
one of the darch or valleys of the Koh-daman. 


The district of Eabul is first mentioned by Ptolemy, 
who calls the people KuboUfa, and their capital Kabura, 

* ' Travels/ p. 98. 


which was also named Ortospana. The latter name 
alone is found in Strabo and Pliny, with a record of 
its distance from the capital of Arachosia, as measured 
by Alexander's surveyors, Diognetes and Baiton. In 
some copies of Pliny the name is written OHliospanum, 
which, with a slight alteration to Orthostana, as sug- 
gested by H. H. Wilson,* is most probably the Sanskrit 
Urddhasthdna, that is, the " high place," or lofty city. 
The same name is also given to the Kabul district by 
the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang. But I strongly 
suspect that there has been some accidental inter- 
change of names between the province and its capi- 
tal. On leaving Ghazni, the pilgrim travelled to the 
north for 600 li, or 83 miles, to Fo-li-sld-sa-tang-na^ of 
which the capital was Hu-phi-na. I^ow by two dif- 
ferent measured routes the distance between Ghazni 
and Kabul was found to be 81 and 88|^ miles.f There 
can be no doubt, therefore, that Kabul must be the 
place that was visited by the pilgrim. In another 
place the capital is said to be 700 /«', or 116 miles, 
from Bamian, which agrees very well with the mea- 
sured distance of 104 miles:]: between Bamian and 
Kabul, along the shortest route. 

The name of the capital, as given by the Chinese 
pilgrim, has been rendered by M. Vivien de St. 
Martin as Vardasthdna, and identified with the dis- 
trict of the Wardak tribe, while the name of the 
province has been identified with Hupian or Opian. 
But the Wardak valley, which receives its name from 
the "Wardak tribe, lies on the upper course of the 

* ' Ariana Antiqua,' p. 176. 
t Thornton's ' Gazetteer,' Appendix. 
J Lieutenant Sturt, Engineers, by perambulator. 



Logarli river, at some distance to the south, of Kabul, 
and only 40 miles to the north of Ghazni, while 
Hupian or Opian lies 27 miles to the north of Kabul, 
or more than 70 miles distant from Wardak. My own 
researches lead me to conclude that both names refer 
to the immediate neighbourhood of Kabul itself. 

Professor Lassen has already remarked that the 
name of Kipin, which is so frequently mentioned by 
other Chinese authors, is not once noticed by Hwen 
Thsang. Eemusat first suggested that Kipin was the 
country on the Kophes or Kabul river ; and this sug- 
gestion has ever since been accepted by the unani- 
mous consent of all writers on ancient India, by whom 
the district is now generally called Kophene. It is 
this form of the name of Kipin that I propose to 
identify with the Hu-phi-na of Hwen Thsang, as it 
seems to me scarcely possible that this once famous 
province can have remained altogether unnoticed by 
him, when we know that he must have passed through 
it, and that the name was still in use for more than a 
century after his time.* I have already stated my 
suspicion that there has been some interchange of 
names between the province and its capital. This 
suspicion is strengthened when it is found that all 
difficulties are removed, and the most complete iden- 
tification obtained, by the simple interchange of the 
two names. Thus Hu-phi-na will represent Kophene, 
or Kipin, the country on the Kabul river, and Fo-li- 
sJd-sa-tan^'na, or Urddhasthdna, will represent Orto- 
stana, which, as we know from several classical 
authorities, was the actual capital of this province. 

* Lassen, ' Points in the History of the Greek Eings of Kabul,' 
p. 102. 


I may remark that Huphina is a very exact Chinese 
transcript of KopJien, whereas it would be a very im- 
perfect transcript of Hiipidn, as one syllable would be 
altogether unrepresented, and the simple p would be 
replaced by an aspirate. The correct transcript of 
Hupian would be Hu-pi-yan-na. 

M. Vivien de St. Martin has objected* to the name 
of UrddhastMna that it is a " conjectural etymology 
without object." I am, however, quite satisfied that 
this reading is the correct one, for the following 
reasons : — 1st. The name of Ortospana is not confined 
to the Paropamisadse ; but is found also in Karmania 
and in Persis. It could not, therefore, have had any 
reference to the Wardak tribe, but must be a generic 
name descriptive of its situation, a requirement that 
is most satisfactorily fulfilled by Urddhasfhdna, which 
means literally the "high place," and was most pro- 
bably employed to designate any hill fortress. 2nd. 
The variation in the reading of the name to Porto- 
spana confirms the descriptive meaning which I have 
given to it, a^ porta signifies "high " in Pushtu, and 
was, no doubt, generally adopted by the common 
people instead of the Sanskrit urddha. 

The position of Ortospana I would identify with 
Kabul itself, with its Bala Hisdr^ or "high fort," 
which I take to be only a Persian translation of Orto- 
spana, or Urddhasfhdna. It was the old capital of the 
country before the Macedonian conquest, and so late 
as the tenth century it was still believed " that a king 
was not properly qualified to govern until he had 
been inaugurated at Kabul."t Hekatseus also describes 

* • Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 416. 

I Ouseley, ' Oriental Geography,' p. 226. 

D 2 


a " royal town " amongst the Opiai,* but we have no 
data for determining either its name or its position. 
It seems most probable, however, that Kabul must he 
intended, as we know of no other place that could 
have held this position after the destruction of Kapisa 
by C'jTus ; but in this case Kabul must have been ui- 
cluded within the territories of the Opiai. 

It is strange that there is no mention of Kabul in 
the histories of Alexander, as he must certainly 
have passed through the town on his way from Ara- 
chosia to the site of Alexandria. I think, however, 
that it is most probably the town of Nikaia, which 
was Alexander's first march from his new city on his 
return from Bactria. Nikaia is described by Nonnus 
as a stone city, situated near a lake. It was also 
called Astakia, after a nymph whom Bacchus had 
abused. •]■ The lake is a remarkable feature, which is 
peculiar in Northern India to Kabul and Kashmir. 
The city is also said to have been called Indophdn, or 
"Indian-killer," on account of the victory which 
Bacchus had gained over the Indians on this spot. 
From this name I infer, that ISTonnus had most proba- 
bly heard of the popular meaning which is attributed 
to the name of Hindu-lush^ or "Hindu-killer," and 
that he adopted it at once as corroborative of the 
Indian conquests of Dionysius. 

* Steph. Byz. in v. 'flTriai. 'Ei/ St rfixor BairiXijl'oj/ /xf'xp' romov 'Qmm, 
awa TOvTav ipr}jxir] fJ-^XP'- "li'Sw. 

t ■ Dionysiaca,' xvi., last three lines : — 

Kai nroXiv evXaiyya ^iXaxpijra), napa Xi/ii/i;, 
Teij|f 6eus Ni'/caiaj/ eVrnTO/ioc, ^v ano Nu/i(^j;s 
'Ao-TaKlrjs cKoXfcrcri, Kai 'Iv8o(l>6vov fi€Ta vUtjv. 
The meaning of which appears to be, that " Bacchus built a stone city, 
named K/kaia, near a lake, which he also called Astakia, after the 
nymph, and Indoph6n,,\n remembrance of his victory." 


The province is described as being 2000 li^ or 333 
miles, in length, from east to west, and 1000 /«', or 166 
miles, in breadth from north to south. It is probable 
that this statement may refer to the former extent of 
the province, when its king was the paramount ruler 
of Western Afghanistan, including Ghazni and Kan- 
dahar, as the actual dimensions of the Kabul district 
are not more than one-haK of the numbers here 
stated. Its extreme length, from the sources of the 
Helmand river to the Jagdalak Pass, is about 150 
miles, and its extreme breadth, from Istalif to the 
sources of the Logarh river, is not more than 70 

The name of Kophes is as old as the time of the 
Vedas, in which the Kubhd river is mentioned as an 
aflBuent of the Indus ; and as it is not an Arian word, 
I infer that the name must have been applied to the 
Kabul river before the Arian occupation, or, at least, 
as early as e.g. 2500. In the classical writers we find 
the Khoes, Kophes, and Khoaspes livers, to the west of 
the Indus, and at the present day we have the Kunar, 
the Kuram, and the Gomal rivers to the west, and the 
Kunihar river to the east of the Indus, all of which 
are derived from the Scythian ku, " water." It is the 
guttural form of the Assyrian hu in Euphrates and 
Euleeus, and of the Turki su and the Tibetan chu^ all 
of which mean water or river. The district of Kophene 
must, therefore, have received its name from the river 
which flowed through it, like as Sindh from the Sindhu 
or Indus, Margiana from the Margus, Aria from the 
Arius, Arachosia from the Arachotus, and others. It 
is not mentioned by Alexander's historians, although 
the river Kophes is noticed by aU of them. 



In Ptolemy's ' Geography ' tlie city of Kabura and 
the KaboUtm, with the towns of Arguda, or Argandi, 
and Locharna^ or Logarh, are all located in the terri- 
tories of the Paropamisadse along the Kabul river. 
Higher np the stream he places the town of Bagarda^ 
which corresponds exactly in position, and very closely 
in name with the valley of Wardah. AH the letters 
of the two names are the same; and as the mere 
transposition of the guttural to the end of the Greek 
name will make it absolutely identical with the 
modern name, there is strong evidence in favour of 
the reading of Bardaga instead of Bagarda. Accord- 
ing to Elphinstone,* the War dak tribe of Afghans 
occupy the greater part of the Logarh valley. This 
is confirmed by Masson,f who twice visited the dis- 
trict of "Wardak ; and by Vigne,:j: who crossed it on 
his way from Ghazni to Kabul. The only objection 
to this identification that occurs to me is, the possi- 
bility that Bagarda may be the Greek form of Vaehe- 
reta, which is the name given in the ' Zend Avesta ' to 
the seventh country that was successively occupied by 
the Arian race. From its position between Bactria, 
Aria, and Arachosia, on one side, and India on the 
other, Vaekereta has usually been identified with the 
province of Kabul. This, also, is the opinion of the 
Parsis themselves. Vaekereta is further said to be 
the seat or home of Duzlatk, which further tends to 
confirm its identification with Kabul, as the acknow- 
ledged country of Zohak. If the Wardaks had ever 
been a ruling tribe, I should be disposed to infer that 
the name of Vaekereta might, probably, have been de- 
rived from them. But in our present total ignorance 

* = Kabul; i. 160. f ' Travels,' ii. 223. % ' Ghazni,' p. 140. 


of their history, I think that it is sufficient to note 
the very great similarity of the two names. 

In the seventh century the king of Kophene was a 
Turk, and the language of the country was different 
from that of the people of Ghazni. Hwen Thsang 
mentions that the alphabet of Kapisene was that of the 
Turks, hut that the language was not Turki. As the 
king, however, was an Indian, it may reasonably be 
inferred that the language was Indian. For a similar 
reason it may be conjectured that the language of 
Kophene was some dialect of Turki, because the king 
of the district was a Turk. 


The Chinese pilgrim places the country of Tsau-ku-ta 
at 500 /«, or 83 miles, to the south of Hupliina^ or 
Kophene, and to the north-wept of Falana, or Banu. 
The valley of the Lo-mo-in-tu river, which is men- 
tioned as producing assafoetida, is readily identified 
with the Helmand by prefixing the syllable Ho to the 
Chinese transcript. The kingdom is said to have been 
7000 /?', or 1166 miles, in circuit, which cannot be far 
from the truth, as it most probably included the whole 
of south-western Afghanistan with the exception of 
Kandahar, which at that time, from the story of the 
begging-pot of Buddha already noted, would appear 
to have belonged to Persia. 

This district possessed two capitals, called Ho-si-na 
and Ho-sa-lo. The first has been identified by M. de 
St. Martin with Ghazni^ which is quite satisfactory ; 
but his suggestion that the other may be connected 
with Hazdra is, I think, very doubtful. Hazara is the 
name of a district, and not of a town ; and its applica- 


tion to this part of the country is said by the people 
themselyes not to be older than the time of Janghez 
Khan.* I would, therefore, identify it with Guzar or 
Guzaristan^ which is the chief town on the Helmand 
at the present day ; and with the Ozola of Ptolemy, 
which he places in the north-west of Arachosia, or in 
the Yery same position as Guzaristan. 

The name of Tsaukuta still remains to be explained. 
The identifications just made show that it corresponds 
exactly "ftdth the Arachosia of classical writers, which 
is the Arokhaj and Bokhaj of the Arab geographers. 
The latter form is also found in Arrian's ' Periplus of 
the Erythi-a^an Sea ' as 'Pa-xpvaoi. It was, therefore, not 
unusual both before and after the time of Hwen 
Thsang to drop the initial syllable of the name. The 
original form was the Sanskrit Saraswati, which in 
Zend became Haraqditi, and in Greek 'Apaxcords, all of 
which agree in the last two syllables with the Chinese 
TmiiTiuta. The first Chinese syllable Tsau must, there- 
lore, con-espond with the Ra of the other forms. This 
change may, perhaps, be explained by a peculiarity of 
the Turki language, which frequently changes the 
letter r into a soft s or sli^ as the Turki words dengiz^ 
'•' sea,"' and o/v/.-, " ox,'' are the same as the Hungarian 
ietiijer and okur.\ On the Indo-Scythian coins, also, we 
find the Turki names of Kanishka, Huvishka^ and 
KHsIidiia changed to Kanerke, Hoverke, and Korano in 
Greek. It seems possible, therefore, that the initial 
syllable Tsau of the Chinese transcript may be only 
the peculiar Tui'ki pronunciation of the Indian Ra, 
which would naturally have come into use with the 

* ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 163. 

t Prichard, ' Physical History of Mankind,' iv. 403. 


occupation of the country by the Turki tribe of Tochari, 
about the beginniag of the Christian era. 

In the seventh century the king of Ghazni, who 
was a Buddhist, was descended from a long line of 
ancestors. Both the alphabet and the language of 
the "people are said to have been different from those 
of other countries ; and as Hwen Thsang was ac- 
quainted with both the Indian and Turki languages, 
I infer that the speech of the people of Ghazni was 
most probably Pushtu. If so, the people must have 
been Afghans ; but, unfortunately, we have no other 
clue to guide us in settling this very interesting point, 
unless, indeed, the name of 0-po-kien, a place to the 
south-east of Ghazni, may be identified with Afyhdn, 
a point which will be discussed hereafter. 

Of Guzaristan, on the Helmand, I am not able to 
give any further information, as that part of the 
country has not yet been visited by any European. 
Ghazni itself is too well known to require any parti- 
cular description, but I may note that it must have 
been in a very flourishing condition in the seventh 
century, as Hwen Thsang estimates its circuit at 30 
/«', or 5 miles. At the present day the circuit of the 
walled town is not more than one mile and a quarter. 
Yigne calls it an irregular pentagon, with sides vary- 
ing from 200 to 400 yards in length, strengthened by 
numerous towers. He adds,* that "the Afghans boast 
much of the strength of the walls and fortifications of 
Ghazni." But Ghazni has always been famous in the 
East as a place of strength and security ; and for this 
very reason it received its name of Gaza^ an old 
Persian term for a " treasury." It is described in some 

* ' Ghazni,' p. 122. 


crabbed lines of the ' Dionysiaca' of Nonnus, wlio lived 
about A.D. 500, and also in tbe ' Bassarica' of Dionysius, 
who lived not later than a.d. 300. Both of them refer 
pointedly to its impregnability. Dionysius calls it, — 

'Aa-Tv(piKov hfjOKTi, Kai el nayxoKKeov ^ei*, 
" As stern in war as if 'twas made of brass," 

and Noiinns says,* " They fortified, with a net-like 
enclosure of interlacing works, Gazos, an immoveable 
bulwark of Ares, and never has any armed enemy 
breached its compact foundations." These early notices 
of this famous place suggest the possibility that the 
Gazaha of Ptolemy may have been misplaced amongst 
the Paropamisadse to the north of Kabul, instead of to 
the south of it. But as Stephanus of Byzantium, who 
quotes the ' Bassarica ' of Dionysius as his authority 
for this Indian town, tto'Xis 'IvBikti, takes no notice of 
the Indian Gazaka, 1 conclude that he must have 
looked upon it as a different place. 


The district of Lan-po, or Lamghan, is noted by 
Hwen Thsang as being 600 li, or just 100 miles, to the 
east of Kapisene. He describes the road as a succes- 
sion of hills and valleys, some of the hills being of 
great height. This description agrees with all the re- 
cent accounts of the route along the northern bank of 
the river from Opian to Lamghan. The bearing and 
distance also coincide so exactly with the position of 
Lamghan that there can be no doubt of the identity of 

* ' Dionysiaca,' xxvi. 30: — 

KOL Ot \iVO€p-)(i'i KVKXta 

TAZON impyaxravTO XtraTrX/ftToio-i hojiaiois, 
"Apeos aKXives eppa, Kat ovirore drj'ios avrjp 
XoKkov e^coi/ €pprj^i ivKkaXTTOKTl 6€fi€u\ois. 


the two districts. Ptolemy, also, places a people called 
Lamhatce in the very same position. From a com- 
parison of this term with the modern appellation of 
Lamgh§,n, it seems probable that the original form of 
the name was the Sanskrit Lampaka. I would, there- 
fore, correct Ptolemy's Lambatm to Lambaffce, by the 
slight change of r for T. The modern name is only 
an abbreviation of Lampaka, formed by the elision of 
the labial. It is also called Laghmdn by the simple 
transposition of the middle consonants, which is a 
common practice in the East. The credulous Muham- 
madans derive the name from the patriarch Lamech, 
whose tomb they affirm still exists in Lamghan. It is 
noticed by Baber and by Abul Fazl. 

The district is described by Hwen Thsang as being 
only 1000 li, or 166 miles, in circuit, with snowy 
mountains on the north, and black hills on the other 
three sides. Prom this account it is clear that Lan-po 
corresponds exactly with the present Lamghan, which 
is only a small tract of country, lying along the 
northern bank of the Kabul river, bounded on the west 
and east by the Alingar and Kunar rivers, and on 
the north by the snowy mountains. This small tract 
is very nearly a square of 40 miles on each side, or 
160 miles in circuit. It had formerly been a separate 
kingdom ; but in the seventh century the royal family 
was extinct, and the district was a dependency of 


Prom Lamghan the Chinese pilgrim proceeded for 
100 li, or nearly 17 miles, to the south-east, and, after 
crossing a large river, reached the district of Nagara- 



lidra. Both the bearing and distance point to the 
Nagara of Ptolemy, which was to the south of the 
Kabul river, and in the immediate Yicinity of Jalala- 
bad. Hwen Thsang writes the name Na-ki-lo-ho ; but 
M. Julien* has found the full transcript of the Sanskrit 
name in the annals of the Song dynasty, in which it is 
written Nang-go-lo-lio-lo. The Sanskrit name occurs 
in an inscription which was discovered by Major 
Kittoe in the ruined mound of Ghosrdwd, in the dis- 
trict of Bihar.f Nagarahara is said to be 600 li, or 
100 miles, in length from east to west, and upwards 
of 250 //, or 42 miles, in breadth fi-om north to south. 
The natural boundaries of the district are the Jag- 
dalak Pass on the west, and the Khaibar Pass on the 
east, with the Kabul river to the north, and the 
Safed Koh^ or snowy mountains, to the south. Within 
these limits the direct measurements on the map are 
about 75 by 30 miles, which in actual road distance 
would be about the same as the numbers stated by 
Hwen Thsang. 

The position of the capital would appear to have 
been at Begram, about 2 miles to the west of Jala- 
labad, and 5 or 6 miles to the W.N.W. of Hidda, 
which by the general consent of every inquirer has 
been identified Avith the Hi-lo of the Chinese pilgrims. 
The town of Hilo was only 4 or 5 //, or about three- 
quarters of a mile, in circuit; but it was celebrated 
for its possession of the skull-bone of Buddha, which 
was deposited in a stupa, or solid round tower, and 
Avas only exhibited to pilgrims on payment of a piece 
of gold. Hidda is a small village, 5 miles to the 

* ' Hiouen Tlisang,' ii. 96, note. 

t Journ. Asiat. Soo. Bengal, 1848, pp. 490, 491. 


south of Jalal^b^d ; but it is well known for its large 
collection of Buddhist stupas, tumuli, and caves, 
which were so successfully explored by Masson. The 
presence of these important Buddhist remains, in the 
Tery position indicated by the Chinese pilgrims, af- 
fords the most satisfactory proof of the identity of 
Hidda with their Hilo. This is further confirmed by 
the absolute agreement of name, as Hi-lo is the closest 
approximation that could be made in Chinese syllables 
to the original Him or Hida. The capital must, 
therefore, have been situated on the plain of Begram, 
which is described by Masson* as " literally covered 
with tumuli and mounds." "These," he adds, "are 
truly sepulchral monuments ; but, with the topes, 
sanction the inference that a very considerable city 
existed here, or that it was a place of renown for sanc- 
tity. It may have been both." I think it is just 
possible that Hidda may be only a transposition of 
Haddi, a bone, as the stupa of the skull-bone of Buddha 
is said in one passagef to have been in the town of 
Hilo, while in another passage it is located in the town 
of Fo-tinff-ko-chinff, which is only a Chinese translation 
of " Buddha's skull-bone town." During the course 
of this disquisition I shall have to notice the frequent 
occurrence of short descriptive names of places which 
were famous in the history of Buddha. I am, there- 
fore, led to think that the place which contained the 
skull-bone of Buddha would most probably have been 
known by the familiar name of Asthipura amongst the 
learned, and of Haddipura, or " Bone-town " amongst 
the common people. Similarly the skull-necklace of 
Siva is called simply the astliimdld, or ' bone-necklace.' 

* ' Travels,* ii. 164. f ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 77. 



Nar/arahdra was long ago identified by Professor 
Lassen with the 'Nagara or Dionysopolis of Ptolemy, 
which was situated midway between Kabura and the 
Indus. The second name suggests the probability 
that it may be the same place as the Nysa of Arrian 
and Curtius. This name is perhaps also preserved ia 
the Dinus or Dinuz of Abu Eihan,* as he places it 
about midway between Kabul and Parasbawar. Ac- 
cording to the tradition of the people, the old city was 
called ^JJ/n/a,\ in which I think it possible to recog- 
nize the Greek Jiov, as the river Yamuna or Jumna is 
rendered Diamuna by Ptolemy, and the Sanskrit yamas 
OT jamas, tho south, is rendered i)/a?»asffl byPliny.;}: It 
is, however, much more likely that Aj'Ana, by transpo- 
sition of the vowels may be only a corrupt form of the 
Pali Ujjdna, and Sanskrit Udydna, " a garden," as 
M. Vivien de St. Martin states that Udydnapura was 
an old name of Nagarahara.§ If this identification be 
correct the position of the capital must certainly have 
been at Begram, as I have already suggested. The 
name of Dionysopolis was no doubt the most usual 
appellation during the whole period of Greek dominion, 
as one of the commonest mint-monograms on the coins 
of the Greek kings of Ariana forms the letters AlON, 
which will n()t suit the name of any Indian city re- 
corded by ancient authors, save that of DionysopoHs. 
In the beginning of the fifth century it is called simply 
Na-kie or Narjara, by Fa Hian, who adds that it was 
then an independent State governed by its own king. 
In A.D. 630, at the time of Hwen Thsang's visit, it was 
without a king, and subject to Kapisene. After this 

* Eeiuaud'3 ' Fragraeiif s,' p. 114. % Hist. JSat., vi. e. 22 

t Masson's ' Travels," ii. 164. § ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 305. 




Lo^-er KABUT. Valley 

16 Miles to 1 Inch. 

„ I I ^■"'■ ■xandcr'.s Uor *^ 

ii>*S?^5^'^' * 



it most probably followed the fortunes of the sovereign 
State, and became successively a part of the Brahman 
kingdom of Kabul and of the Mahommedan empire of 


The district of Gandhara is not mentioned by Alex- 
ander's professed historians ; but it is correctly described 
by Strabo, under the name of Gandaritis, as lying along 
the river Kophes, between the Choaspes and the Indus. 
In the same position Ptolemy places the Gandarcs, 
whose country included both banks of the Kophes im- 
mediately above its junction with the Indus. This is 
the Kien-to-lo, or Gandhara of all the Chinese pilgrims, 
who are unanimous in placing it to the west of the 
Indus. The capital, which they call Pu-lu-sha-pulo 
or Parashapura is stated to be three or four days' 
journey from the Indus, and near the south bank of a 
large river. This is an exact description of the posi- 
tion of Peshawar, which down to the time of Akbar 
still bore its old name of Parashdwar, under which form 
it is mentioned by Abul Fazl and Baber, and still 
earlier by Abu Eihan and the Arab geographers of 
the tenth century. According to Fa Hian, who calls 
it simply Fo-lu-shd or Parashd, the capital was 16 
yojans, or about 112 miles, distant from Nagaraliara. 
Hwen Thsang, however, makes the distance only 500 
li, or 83 miles, which is certainly a mistake, as the 
measurement by perambulator between JalaMbid and 
Peshawar is 103 miles, to which must be added 2 miles 
more for the position of Begram to the west of JaM- 

The actual boundaries of the district are not de- 



scribed, but its size is given as 1000 /«, or 166 miles, 
from east to west, and 800 /«, or 133 miles, from north 
to south. This is, perhaps, nearly correct, as the ex- 
treme length, whether taken from the source of the 
Bara river to Torbela, or from the Kunar river to 
Torbela, is 120 miles, measured on the map direct, or 
about 150 miles by road. The extreme breadth, 
measured in the same way, from Bazar, on the border 
of the Bunir hills, to the southern boundary of 
Kohat, is 100 miles direct, or about 125 miles by 
road. The boundaries of Gandhara, as deduced from 
these measurements, may be described as Lamghaa 
and Jalalabad on the west, the hills of Swat and 
Bunir on the north, the Indus on the east, and the 
hills of Kalabagh on the south. Within these limits 
stood several of the most renowned places of ancient 
India; some celebrated in the stirring history of 
Alexander's exploits, and others famous in the mira- 
culous legends of Buddha, and in the subsequent 
history of Buddhism under the Indo-Scythian prince 

The only towns of the Gandarse named by Ptolemy 
are Naulibe, Embolima, and the capital called Pro- 
klais. All of these were to the north of the Kophes ; 
and so also were Ora, Bazaria, and Aornos, which are 
mentioned by Alexander's historians. Parashawar 
alone Avas to the south of the Kophes. Of Naulibe 
and Ora I am not able to offer any account, as they 
have not yet been identified. It is probable, how- 
ever, that Naulihe is Hildh^ an important town, which 
gave its name to the Indus river; but if so, it is 
Avrongly placed by Ptolemy, as Nildh is to the south 
of the Kophes. The positions of the other towns I 


will now proceed to investigate, including with them 
some minor places visited by the Chinese pilgrims. 

Pushkalavati^ or Peukelaotis. 

The ancient capital of Gandhara was Pushkalavati, 
which is said to have been founded by Pushkara, the 
son of Bharata, and the nephew of Eama.* Its anti- 
quity is undoubted, as it was the capital of the pro- 
vince at the time of Alexander's expedition. The 
Greek name of Peukelaotis, or Peucolditis, was imme- 
diately derived from PukJcalaoti, which is the Pali, or 
spoken form of the Sanskrit Pushkalavati. It is also 
called Peukelas by Arrian, and the people are named 
Peukalei by Dionysius Periegetes, which are both close 
transcripts of the Pali Pukkala. The form of Prokla'is, 
which is found in Arrian's ' Periplus of the Erythraean 
Sea,' and also in Ptolemy's ' Geography,' is perhaps 
only an attempt to give the Hindi name of Pokhar 
instead of the Sanskrit Pushkara. 

According to Arrian, Peukelas was a very large 
and populous city, seated not far from the river 
Indus. f It was the capital of a chief named Astes,J 
perhaps Hasti, who was killed in the defence of one 
of his strongholds, after a siege of thirty days, by 
Hephsestion. Upon the death of Astes the city of 
Peukelaotis was delivered up to Alexander -on his 
march towards the Indus. Its position is vaguely 
described by Strabo and Arrian as "near the Indus." 
But the geographer Ptolemy is more exact, as he 
fixes it on the eastern bank of the river of Suastene, 
that is, the Panjkora or Swat river, which is the very 

* Wilson's ' Vishnu Purina,' edited by Hall, b. iv. c. 4. 
t Arrian, - Indica,' i. X Arrian, ' Anabasis,' It. 22. 



locality indicated by Hwen Thsang. On leaving 
Parashawar tlie Chinese pilgrim travelled towards the 
north-east for 100 li, or nearly 17 miles; and, cross- 
ing a great river, reached Pu-se-Jcia-lo-fa-ti, or Push- 
kalavati. The river here mentioned is the Kophes, or 
river of Kabul; and the bearing and distance from 
Peshawar point to the two large towns of Parang and 
Charsada, which form part of the well-known Eas/it- 
naffar, or "Eight Cities," that are seated close to- 
gether on the eastern bank of the lower Swat river. 
These towns are Tangi, Shirpao, Umrzai, Turangzai, 
Usman^ai, Eajur, Charsada, and Parang. They ex- 
tend over a distance of fifteen miles ; bnt the last two 
are seated close together in a bend of the river, and 
might originally have been portions of one large town. 
The fort of Hisar stands on a mound above the ruins 
of the old town of Hashtnagar, which General Court 
places on an island, nearly opposite Eajm-.* "All 
the suburbs," he says, " are scattered over with vast 
ruins. "t The eight cities are shown in No. lY. Map. 
It seems to me not improbable that the modem 
name of Hashtnagar may be only a slight alteration 
of the old name of Ilastinagara^ or " city of Hasti," 
which might have been applied to the capital of 
Astes, the Prince of Peukelaotis. It was a common 
practice of the Greeks to call the Indian rulers by the 
names of their cities, as Taxiles, Assakanus, and 
others. It was also a prevailing custom amongst 
Indian princes to designate any additions or altera- 
tions made to their capitals by their own names. Of 
this last custom we have a notable instance in the 
famous city of Delhi ; which, besides its ancient ap- 

* Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1836, p. 479. t m^-> 1836, p. 394. 


pellations of Indraprastha and DiUi, was also known 
by the names of its successive aggrandizers as Kot- 
Pithora, Kila-Alai, Tughlakab&d, Firuzfi,bad, and 
Shabjahanabad. It is true that the people them- 
selves refer the name of Hashtnagar to the " eight 
towns " which are now seated close together along 
the lower course of the Swat river ; but it seems to 
me very probable that in this case the wish was 
father to the thought, and that the original name of 
Hastinagar, or whatever it may have been, was 
slightly twisted to Hashtnagar, to give it a plausible 
meaning amongst a Persianized Muhammadan popu- 
lation, to whom the Sanskrit Hastinagara was unia- 
telligible. To the same cause I would attribute the 
slight change made in the name of Nagarahdra^ 
which the people now call jNang-nihdr,* or the "Nine 

In later times Pushkalavati was famous for a large 
stupa, or solid tower, which was erected on the spot 
where Buddha was said to have made an alms-offering 
of his eyes. In the period of Hwen Thsang's visit, it 
was asserted that the " eyes gift " had been made one 
thousand different times, in as many previous ex- 
istences : but only a single gift is mentioned by the 
two earlier pilgrims, Fa-Hian in the fifth century, 
and Sung-Yun in the sixth century. 

Varusha^ or Palodheri. 
Hwen Thsang next visited a town called Po-lu-sha, 
which, I think, may be identified with Falo-dheri, or 

* Baber's ' Memoirs,' p. 141. — Wood's ' Journey to the Source of tke 
Oxus,' p. 167. — Macgregor's'Greography of Jalalabad,' inJourn. Asiat. 
Soc. Bengal, xi. 117, and xiii. 867. 



the village of Pali^ whicli is situated on a dheri^ or 
"mound of ruins," the remains of some early town. 
To the north-east of the town, at 20 li^ or 3^ miles, 
rose the hill of Dantaloka^ with a cave, in which Prince 
Sudana and his wife had taken refuge. The position 
of Palodheri, which is the Velley of General Court, 
agrees with Hwen Thsang's distance of ahout 40 
miles from Pushkalavati ;* and this identification is 
supported by the existence of the great cave of Kash- 
viiri-Ghdr, in the hill to the east -north-east, and with- 
in 3 or 4 miles of Palodheri. Mount Dantalok I take 
to be the Monies Dcedali of Justin, f as in the spoken 
dialects the nasal of the word danta is assimilated with 
the following letter, which thus becomes doubled, as 
in the well-known datlon, a " tooth-brush," or twig 
used for cleaning the teeth. 

UfalcJianda, or Ohind, or Embolima. 

From PolusJia Hwen Thsang travelled 200 li, or 33 
miles, to the south-east to U-to-kia-han-cha, which M. 
Julien transcribes as UdakhaJida, and M. Yivien de St. 
Martin identifies with Ohind on the Indus. The 
pilgrim describes Udakhanda as having its south side 
resting on the river, which tallies exactly with the 
position of Ohind, on the north bank of the Indus, 
about 15 miles above Attok. General Court and 
Burncs call this place Hund, and so does Mr. Loewen- 
thal, who styles Ohind a mistaken pronunciation. But 
the name was written sj^^^ Waihand or Oaihand, by 
Abu Eihan in a.d. 1030, and Ohind by Mirza Mogal 
Beg in 1790. To my ear the name sounded something 
like IFahand, and this would appear to have been the 

* See No. IV. Map. t ' Historiaj,' xii. 7. 


proimnciation wHch. Eashid-ud-din obtained in a.d. 
1310, as lie names the place Weliand* According to 
all these authors F«^7^(2?^c?was the capital of Gandhara, 
and Eashid-ud-din adds that the Mogals called it 
Kdrajdng. The only native writer who uses the abbre- 
viated form of the name is Nizam-ud-din, who in his 
' Tabakat-i-Akbari ' says that Mahmud besieged Jaipal 
in the fort of Hind in a.d. 1002. But this place is 
differently named by Ferishta, who calls it the fort of 
BUhanda, jsjJyu In this last name we have a very 
near approach to the old form of Utalchanda, which is 
given by Hwen Thsang. From all these examples, I 
infer that the original name of Utakhanda, or Ut-khand^ 
was first softened to UtJiand or Bithanda, and then 
shortened to Ultandox Oliind. The other form of Wehand 
I look upon as a simple misreading of TJthand^ as the 
two words only differ in the position of the diacritical 
points of the second letter. General James Abbott, in 
his ' Gradus ad Aornon,' calls the place Oond^ and says 
that it was formerly called Oora^ from which he thinks 
it probable that it may be identified with the Ora, 
"flpa^ of Alexander's historians. 

I have entered into this long detail out of respect 
for the acknowledged learning of the late lamented 
Isidor Loewenthal. His opinion as to the name of 
Ohind was most probably, although quite unconsci- 
ously, biassed by his belief that Utakhanda was to be 
found in the modem Attak. But this place is unfor- 
tunately on the wrong side of the Indus, besides which 
its name, as far as I am aware, is not to be found in 
any author prior to the reign of Akbar. Abul Fazl 

* There is a place of the same name on the Jhelam, which Moor- 
croft spells Oin. 



calls the fort AtaJc-Bandras^ and states that it was built 
m the reign of his Majesty. Baber never mentions 
the place, although he frequently speaks of Nilab. 
Eashid-ud-din, however, states that the Parashawar 
river joins the Indus near Tavkur, which most probably 
refers to the strong position of Khairabad. I have a 
suspicion that the name of Attak, the "forbidden," 
may have been derived by Akbar from a mistaken 
reading of Tanhur^ with the Arabic article prefixed, as 
Et-tankur. The name of Bandras was undoubtedly de- 
rived from Bandr, the old name of the district in 
which the fort is situated. The name of Banar sug- 
gested Banaras, and as Kdai-Badjiras was the city 
which all Hindus would wish to visit, so we may guess 
that this fact suggested to the playful mind of Akbar 
the exactly opposite idea of Attah Bandras or the " for- 
bidden " Banaras, which all good Hindus should avoid. 
Or the existence of Katalc Bandras* (or Cuttack) in 
Orissa, on the extreme eastern limit of his kingdom, 
may have suggested an alteration of the existing names 
of Attak and Banar to Attak-Bandras as an antithesis 
for the extreme west. 

TFehand, or TJhand as I believe it should be written, 
was the capital of the Brahman kings of Kabul, whose 
dynasty was extinguished by Mahmud of Ghazni in 
A.D. 1026. Masudi, who visited India in a.d. 915, 
states that " the king of El-kandahar (or Gandhara), 
who is one of the kings of Es-Sind ruling over this 
country, is called Jahaj ; this name is common to all 
sovereigns of that country."! Now, C/iack is the name 

* ' Ayin Akbari," ii. 194, and Stirling's ' Orissa,' in Bengal Asiat 
Researches, xv. 189. 
f Sir Henry Elliot's ' Muhammadan Historians of India,' i. 57. In 


of the great plain to the east of the Indus, im- 
mediately opposite to Ohind; and as the plain of 
Bandr is said to have been named after Eaja Bandr, it 
seems probable that the plain of Chach may have 
been named after the Brahman dynasty of Ohind. 
It is curious that the Brahman dynasty of Sindh 
was also established by a Chach in a.d. 641 ; but it 
is still more remarkable that this date corresponds 
■with the period of the expulsion of the Brahman 
dynasty from Chichito, or Jajhoti, by the Chandels 
of Khajura. I think, therefore, that there may have 
been some connection between these events, and that 
the expelled Jajhotiya Brahmans of Ehajura may have 
found their way to the Indus, where they succeeded in 
establishing themselves at first in Sindh and afterwards 
in Ohind and Kabul. 

In the time of Hwen Thsang the city was 20 //, or 
upwards of 3 miles, in circuit, and we may reasonably 
suppose that it must have increased in size during the 
sway of the Brahman dynasty. It would seem also to 
have been still a place of importance under the suc- 
cessors of Changiz Xhan, as the Mogals had changed 
its name to Karajang. But the building of Attak, and 
the permanent diversion of the high-road, must 
seriously have affected its prosperity, and its gradual 
decay since then has been hastened by the constant en- 
croachments of the Indus, which has now carried away 
at least one-half of the old town.* In the sands at the 
foot of the cliff, which are mixed with the debris of the 
ruined houses, the gold-washers find numerous coins 
and trinkets, which offer the best evidence of the 

the new edition by Professor Dowson, i. 22, the name is altered to 
Hahaj. * See No. IV. Map for its position. 


former prosperity of the city. In a few hours' wash- 
ing I obtained a bronze buckle, apparently belonging 
to a bridle, a female neck ornament, several flat needles 
for applying antimony to the eyes, and a considerable 
number of coins of the Indo-Scythian and Brahman 
princes of Kabul. The continual discovery of Indo- 
Scythian coins is a sufiicient proof that the city was 
already in existence at the beginning of the Christian 
era, which may perhaps induce us to put some faith in 
the tradition, mentioned by Abul Peda, that Wehand, 
or OJiind, was one of the cities founded by Alexander 
the Great. 

After the surrender of Peukelaotis, Arrian* relates 
that Alexander captured other small towns on the 
river Kophenes, and " arrived at last at Embolima, a 
city seated not far from the rock Aornos," where he 
left Kraterus to collect provisions, in case the siege 
should be protracted. Before he left Bazaria, Alex- 
ander, with his usual foresight, had despatched 
Hephsestion and Perdikkas straight to the Indus with 
orders to "prepare everything for throwing a bridge 
over the river." Unfortunately, not one of the his- 
torians has mentioned the name of the place where the 
bridge was made ; but as the great depot of provisions 
and other necessaries was formed at Embolima, I con- 
clude that the bridge must have been at the same 
place. General Abbott has fixed Embolima at Amb- 
Balima on the Indus, 8 miles to the east of Mahaban ; 
and certainly if Mahaban was Aornos the identity of 
the other places would be incontestable. But as the 
identification of Mahaban seems to me to be altogether 
untenable, I would suggest that Ohind or Ambar- Ohind 

* 'Anabasis,' it. 28. 


is tlie most probable site of Emboliina. Ambar is a 
village two miles to the nortb of Ohind, and it is in 
accordance with Indian custom to join the names of 
two neighbouring places together, as in the case of 
Attak-Bandras, for the sake of distinction, as there is 
another OJiin on the Jhelam. It must be remembered, 
however, that Emboliina or Ekholima may be only a 
pure Greek name, descriptive of the position of the 
place, at the junction of the Kabul river with the 
Indus, where it is placed by Ptolemy. In this case 
the claim of Ohind would be even stronger than before. 
That the bridge over the Indus was at, or near, Em- 
bolima, seems almost certain from the statement of 
Curtius, that when Alexander had finished his cam- 
paign to the west of the Indus by the capture of 
Aornos, "he proceeded towards Ecbolima;^^* that is, 
as I conclude, to the place where his bridge had been 
prepared by Hephsestion and Perdikkas, and where 
his provisions had been stored by Kraterus. I infer 
that the depot of provisions must have been close to 
the bridge, because one guard would have sufficed for 
the security of both bridge and stores. 

Sdldtura, or Lahor. 

Hwen Thsang next visited So-lo-tu-lo, or S^l^tura, 
the birthplace of the celebrated grammarian Panini, 
which he says was 20 /«, or %\ miles, to the north- 
west of Ohind. In January, 1848, during a day's 
halt at the village of Lahor, which is exactly four 
miles to the north-east of Ohind, I procured several 
Greek and Indo-Scythian coins, from which it may be 

' Vit. Alex., viii. 12, — "inde processit Ecbolima. " 


inferred, with some certainty, that the place is at 
least as old as the time of Panini himself, or about 
B.C. 350. I have, therefore, no hesitation in identify- 
ing Salatura with LaJior. The loss of the first syllable 
of the name is satisfactorily accounted for by the 
change of the palatal sibilant to the aspirate, according 
to the well-known usage of the people of western 
India, by whom the Sindlm river was called Hendhu 
and Indus, and the people on its banks Hindus or 
Indians ; Salatura would, therefore, have become Hdld- 
tura and Aldlur^ which might easily have been cor- 
rupted to Lahor; or, as General Court writes the 
name, to Lavor. 

In describing the countries to the west of the 
Indus I must say a few words on the much vexed 
question of the position of Aornos. In 1836 General 
Court wrote as follows : — " As relates to Aornos, it is 
probably the castle which was opposite Attak, and the 
vestiges of which we see upon the summit of the 
mountain. Its foundation is attributed to Eaja 
JlodV* In 1848 I suggested that the "vast hill 
fortress of Bdni-gat, situated immediately above the 
small village of Nogram, about 16 miles north by 
west from Ohind, corresponded in all essential par- 
ticulars with the description of Aornos, as given by 
Arrian, Strabo, and Diodorus ; excepting in its ele- 
vation, the height of Rdni-gat not being more than 
1000 feet, which is, however, a very great elevation for 
so large a fortress."! In 1864 General James Abbott 

* Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1836, p. 395. 
t Ibid., 1848, p. 103. 


took up the subject in a very full and elaborate article, 
in wMch the various authorities are ably and criti- 
cally discussed. His conclusion is that the Mahaban 
hill is the most probable site of Aomos.* This opinion 
was combated early in 1863 by Mr. Loewenthal, who 
again brought forward the claims of Eaja Hodi's fort, 
opposite Attak, which had first been suggested by 
General Court.-f Towards the end of the year 
General Abbott replied to Mr. Loewenthal's objections, 
and reiterated his conviction that " the Mahaban is the 
Aornos of history," although he thinks that the 
question is still " open to discussion. "J 

In reopeniag this discussion, I believe that I am 
able to clear away some df the diflBculties with which 
the subject has confessedly been obstructed by the 
vague and contradictory accounts of Alexander's his- 
torians ; but I can scarcely venture to hope that my 
identification of Aornos wUl be received as satisfac- 
tory, when I am constrained to own that I am not 
perfectly satisfied with it myself. But if I do not 
succeed in convincing others, I feel that my failure 
will be shared in common with two such able writers 
as General James Abbott and the lamented missionary, 

I will begin with the name Aornos, which, though 
a Greek word, can hardly, as Mr. Loewenthal observes, 
be an invention of the Greeks. It must, therefore, 
be the transcription, either more or less altered, of 
some native name. Mr. Loewenthal thinks that it 
was derived from Banaras in its Sanskrit form of Va- 
rdnasi, which a Greek of Alexander's time could only 

* Journ. Asiat. Soo. Bengal, 1854, p. 309. 

t Ibid., 1863, p. 14. % Ibid., 1863, p. 409. 


have pronounced by prefixing a vowel. He would 
thus have got Avaranas or Aornos. But this is, per- 
haps, proving too much, as the final letter in Aornos 
is almost certainly the Greek termination, which need 
not, therefore, have formed part of the original native 
name. It is also suspicious that the literal transcrip- 
tion of the native name should form a pure Greek 
word. If Bandras or Vardnasi was the original form 
of the name, then we ought to find another Banaras 
to the north of the Caucasus, as Arrian relates that 
after passing Drwpsaka, or Andarab, Alexander 
" moved against Aornos and Badra, the two chief 
cities of the Bactrians, which being immediately sur- 
rendered to him, he placed a garrison in the castle of 
Aornos."* On comparing Arrian's names with Pto- 
lemy's map, it seems evident that his Badra and 
Aornos are the same as Ptolemy's Zariaspa and Badra 
reffia, and as the latter is placed in the country of the 
Varni, or Ovapvoi, I conclude that the name Aornos, 
"Aopvos, is only a natural and slight alteration of 
Ovapvos or Varnos, made by the followers of Alexander 
for the sake of obtaining a significant name in Greek. 
Similarly I would refer the second Aornos to Baja 
Vara, whose name is still attached to all the ruined 
strongholds between Hashtnagar and Ohind. Thus 
the old hill fort and city of TakJd-i-Bahai, 15 miles 
to the north-east of Hashtnagar, is said to have been 
the residence of Eaja Vara. But his name is more 
particularly attached to the grand hill- fort of Edni- 
gat above Nogram. Bdni-gat, or the (Queens rock, is 
a huge upright block on the north edge of the fort, 
on which Eaja Vara's Bani is said to have seated her- 

* ' Anabasis,' iii. 29. 


self daily. The fort itself is attributed to Eaja Vara, 
and some ruins at the foot of the hill are called Eaja 
Faro's stables. Some people call him Eaja Virdt, but 
as they connect him with the story of the five Pandus, 

I conclude that the name has been altered to suit the 
story. The position of the true Virdt was in Matsya 
or Mdcheri, to the south of Delhi : all others are 
spurious. I think, therefore, that the hill fort of 
Jornos most probably derived its name from Eaja 
Vara, and that the ruined fortress of Bdni-gat has a 
better claim to be identified with the Aornos of Alex- 
ander than either the Malidban hill of Greneral Abbott, 
or the castle of Raja liodi proposed by General Court 
and Mr. Loewenthal. 

My chief objections to the Mahaban hill as the re- 
presentative of Aornos are the following : — 1. It is 
a vast mountain of comparatively easy access, and of 
which no spur presents a very steep face towards the 
Indus. 2. The Mahaban hill is not less than 50 miles 
in circuit, whereas Aornos was not more than 200 stadia, 
or about 22 miles, according to Arrian, or 100 stadia or 

II miles, according to Diodorus. 3. The Mahdvana 
hill was visited by Hwen Thsang in a.d. 630, and he 
describes it simply as a great mountain, which derived 
its name from the Mahdvana monastery, in which 
Buddha had dwelt in a former existence under the 
name of Sarvvada Eaja.* That the monastery was on 
the top of the mountain we know from the subsequent 
statement, that he descended the mountain towards 
the north-west for about 30 or 40 li to the Masura 
Monastery. This place may, I believe, be identified 
with the large village of Sura in the Chumla valley, 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 136. 


whicli is just 10 miles to the north-west of the 
highest peak of Mahdban. If any fort had then ex- 
isted on the top of the mountain, it is almost certain 
that the pilgrim would have mentioned its name, with 
his usual statement of its size, and of any special point 
of noteworthiness, such as its inaccessibility, etc. 
His total silence I look upon as decisive against the 
existence of any fort on the top of Mahaban, whether 
occupied or in ruins. 

Mr. Loewenthal's objection, based on the opinion 
of a high military authority, that the Mahaban hill 
" commands nothing," only shows how readily even a 
very learned man will accept an utterly false argu- 
ment when it tells in his own favour. General Abbott 
has noticed this subject in his reply to Mr. Loewenthal; 
but some months previous to the publication of his 
reply, I had already given a similar refutation to this 
objection, both in conversation with different friends 
and in writing to Mr. Loewenthal himself. It is ob- 
jected that Mahaban "commands nothiug;" I reply 
that it commands the very thing that the people of an 
invaded country wanted, it commands safety for those 
who seek its shelter. It is said to be " so much out 
of the way " that none would have sought it as a 
place of refuge, and that Alexander would not have 
wasted time in its reduction, as it did not impede his 
passage to the Indus.* This objection supposes that 
Alexander's chief object was the passage of the Indus, 
whereas it is clear, both from his previous and subse- 
quent career, that his invariable plan was never to 
leave an enemy behind him. For this he had given 
up the pursuit of Bessus, to conquer Aria, Drangiana, 

* Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1863, p. 17. 


and Araohosia; for this lie liad spent two years in 
Sogdiana and Baotriana, until the death of Spitamenes 
left no enemy remaining ; for this he now turned 
aside from the passage of the Indus to subdue the 
people who had refused their submission by taking 
refuge in Aornos ; and for this he afterwards re- 
crossed the Hydraotes to attack Sangala, an isolated 
rock, which commanded nothing but the jangal 
around it. 

Mr. Loewenthal rests his arguments ia favour of 
the castle of Eaja Hodi being the Aornos of Alex- 
ander, chiefly on the great similarity of the name of 
Bandras, and partly on Sir Neville Chamberlain's 
opinion " that the hill above Khairabad is not only 
a most conspicuous point for friend and foe, but also 
one that must be taken before a passage of the Indus 
at Attok would be attempted by an invading force." 
The first argument has already been disposed of in 
my discussion on the name of Aornos. The second 
argument takes two things for granted; first, that 
Alexander crossed the Indus at Attak, and, therefore, 
that he must have reduced the castle of Eaja Hodi 
before he attempted the passage of the river ; and 
next, that the people of the country had thrown 
themselves into Aornos to oppose his passage. The 
latter was certainly not the case, as we are told by 
Arrian that the people of Bazaria, " distrusting then- 
strength, fled out of the city in the dead of night, and 
betook themselves to a rock, called Aornos, for safety.* 
Here we see clearly that the people of Bazaria were 
desirous of avoiding instead of opposing Alexander ; 
from which we may infer that Aornos did not com- 

* ' Anabasis,' iv. 28. 


mand that passage of the Indus which Alexander had 
chosen for his bridge of boats. But as all the ac- 
counts agree in placing the scene of Alexander's cam- 
paign before crossing the Indus in the country to the 
north of the KopJies, or Kabul river, it appears quite 
certain that neither Aornos itself nor the bridge of 
boats could have been in the neighbourhood of Attak. 
For these reasons I conclude that the ruined castle 
of Eaja Hodi cannot possibly be identified with the 
Aornos of Alexander. Indeed, its name alone seems 
sufficient to forbid the identification, as the people are 
unanimous in calling it Eaja Hodi-da-garld, or Hodi- 
garlu^ an appellation which has not even one syllable 
in common with Aornos. 

After a careful consideration of all the points that 
have been just discussed, I am satisfied that we must 
look for Aornos in the direction of the hills some- 
where in the north-east comer of the Tusufzai plaia. 
It is there that the people still seek for refuge on the 
approach of an invader ; it is there only that we can 
expect to find a hill fort that will tally even approxi- 
mately with the exaggerated descriptions of Alex- 
ander's historians, and it is there also that we ought 
to look for Aornos, according to the almost unanimous 
opinion of all those who have studied the subject. 

The accounts of Alexander's historians are often 
vague and sometimes conflicting, but we are generally 
able to correct or explain the statements of one by 
those of the others. Where they agree, we can follow 
them with confidence, as it may be presumed that the 
original authors from whom they copied were not at 
variance. The last is fortunately the case with their 
accounts of Alexander's movements shortly before his 


approach, to Aornos. According to Arrian, imme- 
diately after crossing the Gurseus river Alexander 
marched straight to Massaffa, the capital of the Assa- 
keni, and after its capture he dispatched Koinos 
against Bazaria. Curtins calls the river Choes, and 
makes Koinos proceed straight to Bazaria, whilst 
Alexander advanced against MasagcB. Arrian then 
states that as Bazaria still held out, the king deter- 
mined to march thither, but hearing that many Indian 
soldiers had thrown themselves into Ora, he changed 
his plan, and moved against that city, which was 
captured at the first assault. According to Curtius, 
the siege of Ora was entrusted to Polysperchon, while 
the king himself took many small towns, whose inha- 
bitants had sought refuge in Aornos. Arrian makes 
the people of Bazaria fly to Aornos for safety, but he 
agrees with Curtius in stating that the inhabitants of 
many of the neighbouring villages followed their ex- 
ample. From these accounts it is evident that Aornos 
was beyond Bazaria, and from the subsequent narra- 
tives of Arrian and Curtius, it is equally clear that Em- 
holima was beyond Aornos, and on the Indus, where 
Ptolemy has placed it. Taking all these points into 
consideration, I believe that Bazaria, Aornos and Em- 
bolima may be best identified with Bazar, Bdni-gat and 

Bazar is a large village situated on the bank of the 
Kalpan, or Kdli-pdni river, and quite close to the town 
of Rustam, which is built on a very extensive old 
mound attributed to the time of the Kafirs or Hindus. 

* It would appear also from Arrian, iv. 28, that Aornos was only one 
day's march from Bmbolima, which agrees with the distance of Kanigat 
from Ohind of 16 miles. See No. IV. Map. 



According to tradition, this was tlie site of tlie original 
town of Bazar. The position is an important one, as 
it stands just midway between the Swat and Indus 
rivers, and has, therefore, been from time immemorial 
the entrepot of trade between the rich valley of Sw^t 
and the large towns on the Indus and Kabul rivers. 
Indeed, its name of Bazar ^ or "Mart," is sufficient to 
show that it has always been a place of consequence. 
Judging, therefore, by the importance of the place 
alone, I should be induced to select Bazar as the most 
probable representative of Bazaria ; but this proba- 
bility is turned almost to certainty by its exact corre- 
spondence, both in name and in position, with the 
ancient town that was besieged by Alexander. This 
identification is much strengthened by the proximity 
of Mount Dantalok, which is most probably the same 
range of hills as the Monies Bcedali of the Greeks. In 
the spoken dialects of the present day, as well as in 
the ancient Pali, the nasal of the word danta is assimi- 
lated with the following letter, which thus becomes 
doubled, as in datton, a "tooth brush," or twig used 
for cleaning the teeth. Hence the Greek Daidalos is 
a very fair rendering of the Pali Dattalok. The Ba- 
dalian mountains are mentioned by Justin* as adjoin- 
ing the kingdom of Queen Cleofis, or Cleophes, who, 
according to Curtius, was the mother (a mistake for 
wife) of Assacanus, king of Massaga. I have already 
identified the cave of Prince Suddna in Mount Ban- 
taloJi, as described by Hwen Thsang, with the great 
cave of Kashmiri-Ghdr, which is just eight miles to 
the nortli-west of Bazftr. The Bantalok range would, 
therefore, have been on the right-hand of the Greeks 

* Hist., xii. 7. " Inde montes Dtedalos, regnaque Cleofidis regina; 


on their marcli over the hills from Massaga in the 
Sw§,t valley to Bazaria. From all these concurring 
circumstances, I conclude that B^z^r is almost cer- 
tainly the same place as Alexander's Bazaria, and 
that Ohind was Embolima, as I have previously en- 
deavoured to show. 

In proposing the ruined fortress of Bdni-gat as the 
most probable representative of the famous Aornos, I 
must confess that the identification is incomplete. In 
1848, I estimated the perpendicular height of Eanigat 
as about one thousand feet above the plain, and Mr. 
Loewenthal has since confirmed my estimate. But 
this height is so insignificant when compared with the 
11 stadia, or 6674 feet of Arrian,* that I should 
hesitate to attempt the identification, did I not believe 
that the height has been very much exaggerated. 
Philostratusf calls it 15 stadia; and Diodorus]: makes 
it even greater, or 16 stadia, equivalent to 9708 feet; 
but as he gives the circuit of the base at only 100 
stadia, or just one-half of that of Arrian, I think it 
probable that his height may have been originally in 
the same proportion which we may obtain by simply 
reading 6 stadia instead of 16, or 3640 feet instead of 
9708 feet. It is certain at least that one of the num- 
bers of Diodorus must be erroneous, for as a circuit of 
100 stadia, or 60,675 feet, would give a base diameter 
of 19,200 feet, or just twice the recorded height of 
9708 feet, the slope would have been exactly 45°, and 
the hill would have terminated in a mere point, instead 
of a large platform with arable land, as described by 
Arrian. Where the difference between the two au- 
thorities is so great, and the exaggeration so apparent, 

* ' Anabasis," iy. 28. f Vit. ApoUonii, ii. 10. % Hist., xvii. 44. 



it is difficult to suggest any possible alteration that 
\yould reconcile tlie discrepant measurements, and at 
the same time bring tbem within the range of proba- 
bility. I believe, however, that we are quite safe 
not only in preferring the lesser numbers, but also in 
applying the altitude to the slant height instead of to 
the perpendicular height. But even with these lesser 
measurements, the Indian Aornos would still be twice 
the size, and more than twice the height of the famous 
rock of Gibraltar, which is 7 miles in circuit at base, 
and only 1600 feet in height. 

In the similar case of the great fortress of Gwalior, 
we find the usually accurate English traveller, WilUam 
Finch, describing it as a castle situated on a steep 
craggy cliff, " 6 Jcos in circuit, or, as some say, 11 feo*." 
As Finch generally adopts the short imperial kos of 1| 
mile, his estimate of the circuit of Gwalior will be 
9 miles, or nearly twice the actual measurement of 5 
miles, while the popular estimate will be nearly four 
times greater than the truth. It is possible, however, 
to reconcile these different numbers by supposing that 
the larger refers to the imperial kos, and the smaller 
to the greater kos of Akbar, which is just double the 
former. But in this case the estimate of the circuit 
of the fort of Gwalior would be from 14 to 15 miles, 
or just three times too great. Finch does not mention 
the height of Gwalior, but he notes that the "steep 
ascent " to the castle of Nanrar was " rather more 
than a mile " in length, which is just double the 
truth. Here the traveller was led to exaggerate the 
height by the mere steepness of the ascent. But in 
the case of Aornos, the Greeks had an additional mo- 
tive for exaggeration in the natural wish to enhance 


their own glory. For this reason I would suggest, as 
a possible explanation of the discrepancy between the 
16 stadia of Diodorus and the 11 stadia of Arrian, 
that the original authority of the former may have 
quadrupled or trebled the true measurement, while 
that of the latter only trebled or doubled it. Under 
this explanation the two numbers would become either 
4 and 3^ stadia, or 5^ and 5^ stadia, or from 2300 to 
3400 feet, which might be accepted as a very pro- 
bable measure of the slant height; similarly the 
circuit might be reduced to 50 stadia, which are equi- 
valent to 5f miles or 30,300 feet, or rather more than 
the circuit of the road around the base of the Gwalior 
hill. A slant height of 2300 feet, with a base of 
1900 feet, would give a perpendicular height of 1250 
feet, or an ascent of 2 feet in every 3 feet. I do not 
propose this mode of reduction as a probable explana- 
tion of the discrepancies in the recorded measure- 
ments, but I venture to suggest it only as a possible 
means of accounting for the evident exaggeration of 
the numbers in both of the authorities. 

All the accounts of Aornos agree in describing it as 
a rocky hill of great height and steepness. Justin 
calls it saxum mircB asperitaiis et altitudinis, " an ex- 
ceedingly rugged and lofty rock."* Diodorus, Strabo, 
Arrian, Curtius, and Philostratus, all call it petra, or 
a " rock fort." Its rocky ruggedness was, therefore, 
a special feature of Aornos. According to Arrian, it 
was " only accessible by one difficult path, cut out by 
hand, and it possessed a fine spring of pure water on 
the very summit, besides wood and sufficient arable 
soU for the cultivation of one thousand men." The 
* Hist., xii. 7. 


last expression is still in common use in India, under 
tlie form of ploughs of land, and means simply as 
much land as one man can plough in a day. The 
same thing was expressed by the Greeks and Eomans 
by yokes^ each being as much as one yoke of oxen could 
plough in a single day. Now the smallest plough of 
land would not be less than 100 feet square, or 10,000 
square feet, which would give 10,000,000 square feet 
for 1000 men. This would show an area of 4000 feet 
in length by 2500 feet in breadth, or, making allow- 
ance for buildings, of one mile in length by half a mile 
in breadth, or 2 miles in length by a quarter of a mile 
in breadth, which is just the size of Gwalior. But if 
such a vast fortress as Gwalior had ever existed on 
the western frontier of India, it would certainly not 
have escaped the notice of the early Muhammadan 
conquerors, and it could scarcely have eluded the 
searching inquiries of General Court and General 
Abbott. I, therefore, look upon the thousand ploughs 
of land as another gross exaggeration of Alexander's 
followers for the sake of ministering to their master's 
vanity. I accept the one difficult path of access and 
the spring of pure water, as two of the necessary pos- 
sessions of a strong military post, but I unhesitatingly 
reject the 100 ploughs of arable land, for if such an 
extensive tract as half a square mile of irrigable land 
had ever existed on the top of a hill in this arid dis- 
trict, I cannot believe that such an important and 
valuable site ever would have been abandoned. 

In searching for a position that will answer the 
general description of Aornos, it is unfortunate that 
our range is limited to the few points which have been 
visited by Europeans. The claims of the Mah^ban 


hill have already been discussed ; and the only other 
possible positions that I know of are the following : — 

1. The ruined city of Takht-i-Bahai. 

2. The lofty isolated hill of Kdramdr. 

3. The hill of Panjpir. 

4. The ruined fortress of Hdnigat. 

The first of these places stands on an isolated hill, 
about halfway between B&z^r and Hashtnagar; Mr. 
Loewenthal describes it as a barren hill of no great 
height, which forms three sides of a square, with the 
open side towards the north-west.* By the trigonome- 
trical survey maps, Takht-i-Bahai is only 1859 feet 
above the sea, or 650 feet above the Tusufzai plain. 
Mr, Loewenthal also describes the ascent as easy; and 
as the place is situated not less than 35 miles from 
the nearest point of the Indus, I think it may be re- 
jected at once as not answering the description of lofty 
and difficult access, and as being too far from the pro- 
bable position of Embolima. The position of the lofty 
isolated hill of Kdramdr^ which is situated 6 miles to 
the south of Bizar, and only 18 miles to the north-north- 
west of Ohind, added to its height, which is 3480 feet 
above the sea, or 2280 feet above the Yusufeai plain, 
would give it a most prominent claim to notice if it 
possessed any remains of former occupation. But the 
Kdramdr hill is a mere bluflf ridge, without ruins and 
without a name in the traditions of the people. The 
Panjpir hill is a similar but smaller ridge, which rises 
to the height of 2140 feet above the sea, or 940 feet 
above the Yusufzai plain. It is a mere sharp ridge 
crowned with a single building, which is now dedi- 
cated to the Panjpir, or five Great Saints of the Mu- 

* Journ. Asiat. Soo. Bengal, 1863, p. 2. 


hammadans, of wliom tlie earliest is Baha-ud-din 
Zakariya of Multan, commonly called Balidwal Hakk. 
But the Hindus affirm tliat the place was originally- 
dedicated to the Panch-Pandu^ or Five Pandu brothers 
of the ' Mahahharata.' 

The last probable position that I know of is the ruined 
fortress of Rdnigat. I visited this place in January, 
1848, and I had intended revisiting it during my tour 
in 1863, but the war on the Buner frontier most un- 
fortunately prevented me from carrying out my inten- 
tions. I can,, therefore, add but little to the information 
which I collected in 1848; but as that has not been 
made public, and as no one but Mr. Loewenthal would 
appear to have visited the place since then, my account 
will still possess all the advantage of novelty. 

Pdniffnt is situated on a lofty hill above the vUlage 
of Nogram, which is just 12 miles to the south-east of 
Bazar, and 16 miles to the north of Ohind. Its posi- 
tion, therefore, is strongly in favour of its identifica- 
tion with Aornos. The hill itself is the last point of 
one of the long spurs of the Mahaban range. Its base 
is rather more than two miles in length from north to 
south by about half a mile in width, but the top of the 
hill is not more than 1200 feet in length by 800 feet 
in breadth. In 1848, I estimated its height at 1000 
feet ; but from the unanimous assertions of the people 
that it is higher than Panjpir, I think that it is pro- 
bably not less than 1200 feet. The sides of the hill 
are covered with massive blocks of stone, which make 
it exceedingly rugged and inaccessible. There is only 
one road, cut in the rock, leading to the top, although 
there are two, if not more, rather difficult pathways. 
This, wo know, was also the case with Aornos, as 


Ptolemy succeeded in reaching tlie top by a "rugged 
and dangerous path,* whilst Alexander himself at- 
tacked the place by one regular path which was cut 
out by the hand.t Hdnigai may be described as con- 
sisting of a castle, 500 feet long by 400 feet broad, 
surrounded on aU sides except the east, where it 
springs up from the low spur of Mah&ban, by a rocky 
ridge, which on the north side rises to an equal height. 
On all sides the castle rock is scarped ; and on two 
sides it is separated from the surrounding ridge by 
deep ravines, that to the north being 100 feet deep, 
and that to the west from 50 to 150 feet. At the 
north-west angle of the castle two dykes have been 
thrown across the ravine, which would appear to have 
been intended to arrest the flow of water, and thus to 
form a great reservoir in the west hollow. In the 
north ravine, between the castle and the great isolated 
block called 'Rdnigat^ there are three square wells ; and 
to the north-east lower down, I thought that I could 
trace another dyke, which was most probably only the 
remains of part of the outer line of defences. The 
entire circuit of this outer line is about 4500 feet, or 
somewhat less than a mile. 

The castle itself is thus described by Mr. Loewen- 
thalj : — " The summit of the hill oflPers a flat plateau 
of some size, which had been very strongly fortified by 
buildings all round the brow. These buildings are 
constructed of large blocks of stone (conglomerate 
found on the spot) neatly hewn, and carefully fitted, 
disposed with very great regularity, and laid in a 
cement of extraordinary excellence. Unavoidable in- 

* Arrian, 'Anabasis,' iv. 29. f Ibid., iv. 28. 

% Joura. Asiat. Soo. Bengal, 1863, p. 5. 


terstices between the large blocks are filled up by 
layers of thin small stone tablets, this latter practice 
being an invariable feature in all the so-called Kafir 
buildings which I have seen in the Trans-Indus 
country." To this description I may add that all the 
stone blocks are laid most carefully as headers and 
stretchers, that is alternately lengthwise and breadth- 
wise, which gives a very pleasing and varied appear- 
ance to the massive walls. All the buildings are now 
much ruined, but the external walls are traceable 
nearly all round, and on the south and west sides are 
still standing to a considerable height, and in very 
good order. The main entrance, which is at the 
south-west corner, is formed in the usual ancient man- 
ner by overlapping stones. The passage is not per- 
pendicular to the face of the wall, but considerably 
inclined to the right for a short distance. It then 
turns to the left to a small chamber, and then again 
to the right till it reaches what must have been an 
open courtyard. The whole of this passage was ori- 
ginally roofed in by courses of stone with chamfered 
ends overlapping each other so as to form the two 
sides of a pointed arch, but the ends of the upper 
course of stones being left straight, the apex of the 
arch has the appearance of a rectangular cusp. This 
peculiarity was also noticed by Mr. Loewenthal, who 
says that "the arch would be pointed, but the centre 
line is taken up by a narrow rectangular groove." 
On the west face I observed a smaller passage of a 
similar kind, but it was so blocked up with rubbish 
that I was quite unable to trace its course. 

This central castle or citadel, with its open court- 
yard surrounded by costly buildings, I take to have 


been the palace of the king, with the usual temples 
for private worship. At the north end I traced a 
wide flight of steps leading down to a second plateau, 
which I presume to have been the outer court of the 
palace or citadel. The upper courtyard is 270 feet 
long and 100 feet broad; and the lower courtyard, 
including the steps, is just half the size, or 130 feet 
by 100 feet. These open areas were covered with 
broken statues of all sizes, and in all positions. Many 
of them were figures of Buddha the Teacher, either 
seated or standing ; some were of Buddha the Ascetic, 
sitting under the holy Pipal tree ; and a few repre- 
sented May^, the mother of Buddha, standing under 
the stl tree. But there were fragments of other 
figures, which apparently were not connected with 
religion, such as a life-size male figure in chain 
armour, a naked body of a man with the Macedonian 
chlami/s, or short cloak, thrown over the shoulders and 
.fastened in front in the usual manner, and a human 
breast partly covered with the Mamys and adorned 
with a necklace of which the clasps are formed by two 
human-headed, winged, and four-footed animals, some- 
thing like centaurs. All these figures are carved in 
a soft, dark-blue clay slate, which is easily worked 
with a knife. It is exceedingly brittle, and was there- 
fore easily broken by the idol-hating Musalmans. But 
as the surface was capable of receiving a good polish, 
many of the fragments are still in very fine preserva- 
tion. The best piece that I have seen was a head of 
Buddha, with the hair massed on the top of the head, 
and worked in a peculiar manner in wavy lines, in- 
stead of the usual formal curls. It was found at Jamal 
Garhi, and is by far the best piece of Indian sciilp- 


ture that I have seen. The calm repose of the finely- 
chiselled features is not unworthy of Grecian art, but 
the striking beauty of the face is somewhat marred by 
the round projecting Indian chin. 

I have already noticed that the ES.nigat hill is 
covered on all sides with massive blocks of stone, 
which make the approach very rugged and difficult. 
Numbers of these stones are of very large size, and 
some of those on the top of the hill have been hol- 
lowed out to form cells. Mr. Loewenthal notices 
this as "one of the most marked features" amongst 
these remains. Many of the cells are quite plain inside, 
whilst others have the simple ornament of a niche or 
two. The most notable of these excavated blocks is 
on the ridge to the south of the castle. It is called 
Kairi-kor, or the " Grain Merchant's house," by the 
people ; but I observed nothing about the rock that 
would give any clue to its original purpose, save the 
smallness of the entrance, which was certainly better 
suited for the cell of a monk than for the shop of a 
dealer. Mr. Loewenthal notices that "the vegetation 
on the hill is principally olive and myrtle ; " but in 
1848 there was a considerable number of good-sized 
trees scattered over the summit. 

I do not insist upon the identification, but if we 
admit that the accounts of the historians are very 
much exaggerated, I think that the ruins of E^ni- 
gat tally much better with the vague descriptions of 
Aornos that have come down to us, than any other 
position with which I am acquainted. In all essen- 
tial points, save that of size, the agreement is won- 
derfully close. Its position between Bazar and Ohind, 
or Bazaria and Embolima, is quite unobjectionable. 


Its attribution to Eaja Vara renders it probable 
that the place may have been named after him, 
which would give a very near approach to the Aor- 
nos of the Greeks. Its great height, its ruggedness, 
and difliculty of access, its one path cut in the rock, 
its spring of water and level ground, and its deep 
ravine separating the outer works from the castle, 
are so many close and striking points of resemblance, 
that, were it not for the great difference in si^e, I 
should be very much disposed to accept the iden- 
tification as complete. But though in this point it 
does not come up to the boastful descriptions of the 
Greeks, yet we must not forget the opinion of Strabo 
that the capture of Aornos was exaggerated by Alex- 
ander's flatterers. It must also be remembered that 
as the campaign against Assakanus took place " during 
the winter,"* and the Macedonians entered Taxila "at 
the beginning of spring," the siege of Aornos must 
have been carried on during the very depth of winter, 
when the Mahg,ban hill, 7471 feet above the sea, and 
e'very other hill of the same height, is usually covered 
with snow. It is almost certain, therefore, that even 
the lesser height of 11 stadia, or 6674 feet above the 
Yusufzai plain, equivalent to 7874 feet above the sea, 
must be grossly exaggerated. In this part of the 
country the snow falls annually as low as 4000 feet 
above the sea, or 2800 above the Yusufzai plain, and 
as no snow is said to have fallen on Aornos, although 
the Greeks mention that they saw snow during the 
winter, I think that their silence on this point is ab- 
solutely conclusive against the recorded height of 
Aornos, and therefore also against the claims of Ma- 
* Strabo, Geogr., xv. 1, 17. 


haban, and of any other hill exceeding 4000 feet in 
height. All the ancient authorities agree in describ- 
ing Aornos as a Trerpa, or ' rock,' with rugged and pre- 
cipitous sides, and with only a single path cut by 
hand. The Mah^ban hill does not, therefore, fulfil 
any one condition of the ancient description. It is a 
huge mountain of comparatively easy access, and is 
more than twice the size of the most exaggerated 
estimate of Alexander's flatterers. Its name also has 
no resemblance to Aornos ; whilst the traditions of 
Eaja Va7-a, attached to Ranigat, would seem to con- 
nect that place directly with Aornos. 

ParasZ/mvara, or Peskdwar. 

The great city now called Peshawar is first men- 
tioned by Fa-Hian, in a.d. 400, under the name of 
Fo-leu-sha.* It is next noticed by Sung-Yun in a.d. 
502, at which time the king of Gandhara was at war 
with the king of Kipin, or Kophene, that is Kabul 
and Ghazni, and the sun-ounding districts. Sung-Yun 
does not name the city, but he calls it the capital, and 
his description of its great stupa of king Kia-ni-sse-Jcia, 
or Kanishka, is quite sufiicient to establish its iden- 
tity.f At the period of Hwen Thsang's visit, in a.d. 
630, the royal family had become extinct, and the 
kingdom of Gandhara was a dependency of Kapisa or 
Kabul. But the capital which Hwen Thsang calls 
Pu-hi-.'iha-pii-h, or ParasJimmra, was still a great city 
of 40 li, or 6f miles, in extent.j It is next mentioned 
by Masudi and Abu Eihan, in the tenth and eleventh 

* Deal's translation of ' Fah-Hian,' p. 34. 
t Beal's translation of ' Sung-Yun,' p. 202. 
X Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 104. 


centuries, under the name of Parashdwar, and again 
by Baber, in the sixteenth century, it is always called 
by the same name throughout his commentaries. Its 
present name we owe to Akbar, whose fondness for 
innovation led him to change the ancient Parashdwar^ 
of which he did not know the meaning, to Peshdwar^ 
or the " frontier town." Abul Fazl gives both names.* 
The great object of veneration at Parash^war, in 
the first centuries of the Christian era, was the beg- 
ging pot of "Buddha, which has already been noticed. 
Another famous site was the holy Pipal tree, at 8 or 
9 /f, or \\ mile, to the south-east of the city. The 
tree was about 100 feet in height, with wide spread- 
ing branches, which, according to the tradition, had 
formerly given shade to Sakya Buddha when he pre- 
dicted the future appearance of the great king Ka- 
nishka. The tree is not noticed by Fa-Hian, but it 
is mentioned by Sun- Yung as the Vho-tJd, or Bodhi 
tree, whose " branches spread out on all sides, and 
whose foliage shuts out the sight of the sky." Beneath 
it there were four seated statues of the four previous 
Buddhas. Sung-Yun further states that the tree was 
planted by Kanishka over the spot where he had 
buried a copper vase containing the pearl tissue lattice 
of the great stupa, which he was afraid might be ab- 
stracted from the tope after his death. This same 
tree would appear to have been seen by the Emperor 
Baber in a.d. 1505, who describes it as the "stu- 
pendous tree " of Begr^m, which he " immediately 
rode out to see."f It must then have been not less 
than 1500 years old, and as it is not mentioned in 

* ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 341. 

t ' Memoirs, translated by Leyden and Erskine,' p. 157. 



A.D. 1594 by Abul Fazl,* in Ms account of the Gor- 
Katri at Peshawar, I conclude that it had previously 
disappeared through simple old age and decay. 

The enormous stupa of Kanishka, which stood close 
to the holy tree on its south side, is described by all 
the pilgrims. In a.d. 500 Fa-Hian says that it was 
about 400 feet high, and " adorned with all manner of 
precious things," and that fame reported it as supe- 
rior to all other topes in India. One hundred years 
later, Sung-Yun declares that "amongst the topes of 
western countries this is the first." Lastly, in a.d. 
630, Hwen Thsang describes it as upwards of 400 
feet in height and 1\ li, or just one quarter of a mile, 
in circumference. It contained a large quantity of 
the relics of Buddha. No remains of this great stupa 
now exist. 

To the west of the dupa there was an old monastery, 
also built by Kanishka, which had become celebrated 
amongst the Buddhists through the fame of Arya- 
Pdrsioika, Manorhita, and Vasu-bandhu^ three of the 
great leaders and teachers of Buddhism about the be- 
ginning of the Christian era. The towers and pavi- 
lions of the monastery were two stories in height, but 
the building was already much ruined at the time of 
Ilwen Thsang's visit. It was, however, inhabited by 
a small number of monks, who professed the " Lesser 
Yehicle " or exoteric doctrines of Buddhism. It was 
still flourishing as a place of Buddhist education in 
the ninth or tenth centuryj- when Vira Deva of Ma- 
gadha was sent to the " great Vihara of Kanishka 
where the best of teachers were to be found, and which 
was famous for the quietism of its frequenters," I be- 

* ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 165. t Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, 1849, i. 494. 


lieve that this great monastery was still existing in 
the times of Baber and Akbar under the name of Gor- 
Katri^ or the Baniya's house. 

The former says, " I had heard of the fame of 
Gurh-Katri, which is one of the holy places of the 
Jogis of the Hindus, who come from great distances 
to cut off their hair and shave their beards at this 
Gurh-Katri.^'' Abul Fazl's account is still more brief. 
Speaking of Peshawur he says, "here is a temple, 
called Gor-Katri, a place of religious resort, particu- 
larly for Jogis." According to Erskine, the grand 
caravansara of Peshawur was built on the site of the 


On leaving Utakhanda Hwen Thsang travelled about 
600 //, or iOO miles, towards the north, to U-chanff-na^ 
or Udydna, which was situated on the river 8u-po-fa- 
su-tu, the Subhavastu and Suvastu of Sanskrit, the 
Suastus of Arrian, and the Swdi or 8udt river of the 
present day. It is called U-chang by the earlier pil- 
grims Fa-Hian and Sung-yun, which is a close tran- 
script of Ujjdna, the Pali form of Udyana. The 
country is described as highly irrigated, and very 
fertile. This agrees with all the native accounts, ac- 
cording to which Swat is second only to the far-famed 
valley of Kashmir. Hwen Thsang makes it 5000 li, or 
833 miles, in circuit, which must be very near the 
truth, if, as was most probably the case, it included 
all the tributaries of the Sw^t river. TJdydna would 
thus have embraced the four modern districts of Panj- 
kora, Bij^war, Sw§,t, and Bunir, which have a circuit 
of only 500 miles, if measured on the map direct, but 



of not less than 800 miles by road measurement. Fa- 
Hian mentions Su-Jio-to as a small district to the south 
of Udy^na. This has generally been identified with 
the name of Sw^t ; but from its position to the south 
of TJdyana, and to the north of Parashawar, it cannot 
have been the large valley of the Swat river itself, 
but must have been limited to the smaller valley of 
Bunir. This is confirmed by the legend told by Fa- 
Hian of the hawk and pigeon ; in which Buddha, to 
save the pigeon, tears his own flesh and ofi'ers it to 
the hawk. The very same legend is related by Hwen 
Thsang, but he places the scene at the north-west 
foot of the Mahdban mountain, that is, in the actual 
valley of Bunir. He adds that Buddha was then a 
king, named 8hi-pi-kia, or Sivika, which may, perhaps, 
be the true form of Fa-Hian's Suhoto. 

The capital of TJdyana was called Mung-Me-li^ or 
Mangala^ which is probably the Mangora of Wilford's 
surveyor, Mogal Beg, and the Manglora of General 
Court's map. It was 16 or 17 //, about 2f miles, in 
circuit, and very populous. At 250 or 260 li, about 
42 miles, to the north-east of the capital the pilgrim 
reached the source of the Suhhavastu river, in the 
fountain of the Naga king Apaldla ; and at 750 li, or 
125 miles, further in the same direction, after crossing 
a mountain range and ascending the Indus, he arrived 
at Tha-li-lo, or Bdrel, which had been the ancient 
capital of Udyana. Ddrel is a valley on the right or 
western bank of the Indus, now occupied by Bdrdiis, 
or Ddrdx, from whom it received its name. It is 
called To-li by Fa-Hian, who makes it a separate 
kingdom. The Dards are now usually divided into 
three separate tribes, according to the dialects which 


they speak. Those who use the Arniya dialect occxipy 
the north-western districts of Yasan and Chitrdl ; those 
who speak the Khajunah dialect occupy the north-east 
districts of Hunza and Nager ; and those who speak 
the Shina dialect occupy the valleys of Gilgit, ChilS,s, 
Darel, Kohli, and Palas, along the banks of the Indus. 
In this district there was a celebrated wooden statue 
of the future Buddha Maitreya, which is mentioned 
by both of the pilgrims. According to Fa-Hian it 
was erected 300 years after the Nirvana of Buddha, 
or about B.C. 243, that is, in the reign of Asoka, when 
the Buddhist religion was actively disseminated over 
India by missionaries. Hwen Thsang describes the 
statue as 100 feet in height, and states that it was 
erected by Madliydntiha.* The name and the date 
mutually support each other, as Madhydntika, or Maj- 
jhima in Pali, was the name of the Buddhist teacher, 
who, after the assembly of the Third Synod in Asoka's 
reign, was sent to spread the Buddhist jEaith iu Kash- 
mir and the whole Himavanta country.-)- This is most 
probably the period alluded to by Hwen Thsang when 
Ddrel was the capital of UdyS,na. 


From Darel Hwen Thsang travelled 500 A', or 83 
mil«s, over a mountain range, and up the valley of 
the Indus to Po-lu-lo, or Bolor. This district was 
4000 li, or 666 miles, in circuit; its greatest length 
being from east to west. It was surrounded by snowy 
mountains, and produced a large quantity of gold. 
This account of the route, compared with the bearing 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 168. But he fixes the date at only 50 

years after Buddha, for which we should most probably read 250 years. 

t Tumour's ' Mahawanso,' p. 71 ; see also my ' BLilsa Topes,' p. 120. 



and distance, show that Po-lu-lo must be the modern 
Balii, or Little Tibet, which is undoubtedly correct, 
as the people of the neighbouring D^rdu districts on 
the Indus know Balti onlj' by the name of Palolo* 
Balti also is still famous for its gold washings. The 
name, too, is an old one, as Ptolemy calls the people 
BiiXrai,^ or Byltm. Lastly, both in size and position 
Balti corresponds exactly with the account of the 
Chinese pilgrim, as the length of the province is along 
the course of the Indus from east to west for 150 
miles, and the breadth about 80 miles from the moun- 
tains of Deoseh to the Karakoram range, or altogether 
460 miles in circuit, as measured direct on the map, 
or about 600 miles by road measurement. 


The name of Fa-la-na is mentioned only by Hwen 
Thsang, who places the coimtry to the south-east of 
Ghazni, and at fifteen days' journey to the south of 
Lamghan.t It was 4000 //, or 666 miles, in circuit, 
and was chiefly composed of mountains and forests. 
It was subject to Kapisene, and the language of the 
people had a slight resemblance to that of Central 
India. Prom the bearing and distance, there is no 
doubt that Banii was the district visited by Hwen 
Thsang, from which it may be inferred that its ori- 
ginal name was Varana, or Barna. This is confirmed 
by Fa-Hian, who calls the country by the shorter 
Yoruacular name of Po-na, or Bona, which he reached 
in thii'teen days from IS'agarahara in going towards the 
south. Pona also is said to be three days' journey 
to the west of the Indus, which completes the proof 
of its identity with Banu, or the lower half of the 

* 'HioiienThsang.'ii. 150; andmy'Ladak.'p. 31. f H. Tli., i. 265. 


valley of the Kuram river. In the time of Fa-Hian 
the kingdom of Banu was limited to this small tract, 
as he makes the upper part of the Kuram valley a 
separate district, called Lo-i, or Boh.* But in the 
time of Hwen Thsang, when it had a circuit of more 
than 600 miles, its boundaries must have included 
the whole of the two large valleys of the Kuram and 
Gomal rivers, extending from the Safed Koh, or 
" Little Snowy Mountains " of Fa-Hian, to Sivastan 
on the south, and from the frontiers of Ghazni and 
Kandahar on the west to the Indus on the east. 

I think it not improbable that the full name of this 
district, Falana or Barana, may have some connection 
with that of the great division of the Ghilji tribe 
named Burdn, as the upper valleys of both the 
Kuram and Gomal rivers, between Ghazni and the 
Sulimani mountains, are now occupied by the nume- 
rous clans of the Sulimani Khel, or eldest branch of 
the Burgins. Iryub, the elder son of Buran, and the 
father of Suliman, is said to have given his name to 
the district of Haryuh or Irydb, which is the upper 
valley of the Kuram river. 

M. Vivien de St. Martin"]' identifies Falana with 
Vdneh, or Wanneh, of Elphinstone. :]: But Vdtia, or 
Wdna, as the Afghans call it, is only a petty little 
tract with a small population, whereas Banu is one of 
the largest, richest, and most populous districts to the 
west of the Indus. Yana lies to the south-south-east, 
and Banu to the east-south-east of Ghazni, so that 
either of them will tally very well with the south-east 
direction noted by Hwen Thsang ; but V^na is from 

* Seal's Translation, c. 14, p. 50. t ' Hiouen Thsang,' appendice iii. 
X Elphinstone 's ' Kabul,' ii. 156, 158. 


20 to 25 days' journey to the south of Lamghan, while 
Banu is just 15 days' journey as noted hy the pilgrim. 
As Fa-Hian's notice of Banu dates as high as the 
beginning of the fifth century, I think that it may he 
identified with the Banagara of Ptolemy, which he 
places in the extreme north of Indo-Scythia, and to 
the south-south-east of Nagara^ or Jalalab&d. A 
second town in the same direction, which he names 
Andrapana, is probably Drdhand or Berdband, near 
Dera Ismail Khan. 

Hwen Thsang mentions a district on the western 
frontier of Palana, named Ki-kiang-na, the position of 
which has not yet been fixed. M. Vivien de St. 
Martin and Sir H. Elliot have identified it with the 
KaiJcdndn, or KiJcdn, of the Arab historians of Sindh ;* 
but unfortunately the position of Kaikdndn itself is 
still undetermined. It is, however, described as lying 
to the north or north-east of Eachh Gandava, and as 
Kikiangna was to the west of Falana or Banu, it appears 
probable that the district intended must be somewhere 
in the vicinity of PisJiin and Kwetta ; and as Hwen 
Thsang describes it as situated in a valley under a 
high mountain, I am inclined to identify it with the 
valley of Pishin itself, which lies between the Khoja 
Amran hills on the north, and the lofty Mount Takatu 
on the south. This position agrees with that of Kai- 
Icdn, Jjitj given by Biladuri,t who says that it 
formed part of Sindh in the direction of Khorasan. 
This is further confirmed by the statement that Kai- 
Icdn was on the road from Multan to Kabul, as the 
usual route between these places lies over the Sakhi 

* ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 185 ; Dowson's edition of Sir H. Elliot's 
' Muhammadan Historians,' i. 381. 

! Eeinaud's 'Fragments Arabes, etc.,' p. 184. 


Sarwar Pass in tlie Sulimani mountains, and across 
the PisWn valley to Kandahar. A shorter, but more 
difficult, route is by the valley of the Gomal river 
to Ghazni. But as the valley of the Gomal belonged 
to Falana, it follows that the district of KiUangna 
must have been somewhere in the neighbourhood of 
Pisltin; and as this valley is now inhabited by the 
tribe of Khakas, it is not improbable that the name of 
Kikdn, or Kaikdn, may have been derived from them. 


0-po-kien is mentioned only once by Hwen Thsang 
in a brief paragraph, which places it between Falana 
and Ghazni, to the north-west of the former, and to 
the south-east of the latter. From this description it 
would appear to be the same as the Lo-i of Fa-Hian, 
and the Boh of the Indian historians. Perhaps the 
name of Opohlen may have some connection with Vorgun 
or Verghin^ which Wilford's surveyor, Mogal Beg, 
places near the source of the Tunchi, or Tochi branch 
of the Kuram river. In the map attached to Burnes's 
Travels by Arrowsmith the name is written Borghoon. 
I am, however, inclined to identify Opokien, or Avakan, 
as it is rendered by M. Julien, with the name of Af- 
ghan, as I find that the Chinese syllable Men represents 
ghan in the word Ghanta. From the cursory notice 
of the district by Hwen Thsang, I infer that it must 
have formed part of the province of Falana. It was 
certainly a part of the mountainous district called 
Boh by Abul Fazl and Ferishta,* or south-eastern 
Afghanistan, which would appear to have been one 
of the original seats of the Afghan people. Major 
* Briggs's ' Ferishta,' i, p. 8. 


Eaverty* describes Eoli as " the mountainous district 
of Afghanistan and part of Bilnchistan," or "the 
country between Ghazni and Kandahar and the 
Indus." The people of this province are called Ro- 
hilas, or Eohila Afghans, to distinguish them from 
other Afghans, such as the Ghori Afghans of Ghor 
between Balkh and Merv. There is, however, a slight 
chronological difficulty about this identification, as 
the Afghans of Khilij, Ghor, and Kabul are stated by 
Ferishta to have subdued the province of Eoh so late 
as A.H. 63, or a.d. 682, that is about thirty years later 
than the period of Hwen Thsang's visit. But I 
think that there are good grounds for doubting the 
accuracy of this statement, as Hwen Thsang describes 
the language of Falana as having but little resem- 
blance to that of Central India. The inhabitants of 
Eoh could not, therefore, have been Indians; and if 
not Indians, they must almost certainly have been 
Afghans. Ferishtaf begins his account by saying 
that the Muhammadan Afghans of the mountains 
"invaded and laid waste the inhabited countries, such 
as Kirman, Shivaran, and Peshawar;" and that seve- 
ral battles took place between the Indians and Afghans 
" on a plain between Kirman and Peshawar." The 
Kirman here mentioned is not the great province of Ku- 
man, or Karmania, on the shore of the Indian Ocean, 
but the Kirman, or Kirmdsh, of Timur's historians, 
which is the valley of the Kui-am river. The dif- 
ficulty may be explained if we limit the part of Kir- 
mfm that was invaded to the lower valley, or plains 
of the Kuram river, and extend the limits of the 
Afghan country beyond Ghazni and Kabul, so as to 

* Puslitu Dictionary, in voce. f Briggs's Translation, i. 7. 


embrace the upper valley, or mountain region of tlie 
Kuram river. Politically the ruler of Peshawar has 
always been the ruler of Kohat and Banu, and the 
ruler of Kabul has been the lord of the upper Kuram 
valley. This latter district is now called Khost ; but 
it is the Irydb of Timur's historians, and of Wilford's 
surveyor, Mogul Beg, and the Haryub of Elphinstone. 
Now the Sulimda-K/iel of the Burdn division of the 
Ghiljis number about three-fourths of the whole horde. 
I infer, therefore, that the original seat of the Ghiljis 
must have included the upper valleys of the Kuram 
and Gomal rivers on the east, with Ghazni and Kelat- 
i-Ghilji on the west. Haryub would thus have formed 
part of the Afghan district of Khilij, or Ghilji, from 
which the southern territories of Peshawar were easily 

But whether this explanation of Ferishta's state- 
ment be correct or not, I feel almost certain that Hwen 
Thsang's 0-po-kien must be intended for Afghan. Its 
exact equivalent would be Jvaffhan, which is the 
nearest transcript of Afghan that the Chinese syllables 
are capable of making. If this rendering is correct, 
it is the earliest mention of the Afghans that I am 
aware of under that name. 

II. Kingdom of KLishmir. 

In the seventh century, according to the Chinese 
pilgrim, the kingdom of Kashmir comprised not only 
the valley of Kashmir itself, but also the whole of the 
hilly country between the Indus and the Chenab to 
the foot of the Salt range in the south. The different 
states visited by Hwen Thsang were TJrasa^ to the 
west of Kashmir ; J'axila and Sinhajjura, to the south- 


■west; and Punach and Eajaori to the soutli. The 
other hill-states to the east and south-east are not 
mentioned; but there is good reason for believing 
that they also were tributary, and that the dominions 
of Kashmir in the seventh century extended from the 
Indus to the Eavi. The petty independent state of 
Kullu, in the upper valley of the Bias river, was saved 
by its remoteness and inaccessibility ; and the rich 
state of Jdlandhar, on the lower Bias, was then sub- 
ject to Harsha Vardhana, the great king of Kanoj. But 
towards the end of the ninth century the Kangra valley 
was conquered by Sankara Yarmma, and the sovereign 
power of Kashmir was extended over the whole of the 
Alpine Panjab from the Indus to the Satlej.* 

Hwen Thsang describes Kashmir as surrounded on 
all sides by lofty mountains, which is a correct de- 
scription of the valley itself ; but when he goes on to 
say that its circuit is 7000 li, or 1166 miles, he must 
refer to the extended kingdom of Kashmir, and not 
to the valley, which is only 300 miles in circuit. 
But the extent of its political boundary, from the 
Indus on the north to the Salt range on the soutli, 
and from the Indus on the west to the Eavi on the 
east, cannot be estimated at less than 900 miles, and 
may very probably have reached the amount stated 
by the pilgrim. 


H^ven Thsang entered the valley of Kashmir from 
the west in September, a.d. 631. At the entrance 
there was a stone gate, where he was met by the 
younger brother of the king's mother ; and after pay- 

* ' Eaja Taracgini,' v. 144. 


ing his devotions at the sacred monuments, he went 
to lodge for the night in the monastery of Hu-se-kia-lo, 
or Hushkara.* This place is mentioned by Abu 
Eihan,! who makes Ushkara the same as Bardmula, 
which occupied both sides of the river. In the ' Eaja 
Tarangini 'J also Hushhapura is said to be near Vardha, 
or Vardhamula, which is the Sanskrit form of Bard- 
mula. Hushkara or Uskar stiU exists as a village on 
the left or eastern bank of the Behat, two miles to the 
south-east of Baramula. The Kashmiri Brahmans say 
that this is the Hushkapura of the ' Eaja Tarangini,' 
which was founded by the Turushka king Hushka, 
about the beginning of the Christian era. 

According to the chronology of the ' Eaja Tarangini,' 
the king of Kashmir in A.n. 631 was Pratapaditya ; 
but the mention of his maternal uncle§ shows that 
there must be some error in the native history, as 
that king's father came to the throne in right of his 
wife, who had no brother. Pratapaditya's accession 
must, therefore, have taken place after Hwen Thsang's 
departure from Kashmir in a.d. 633, which makes an 
error of three years in the received chronology. But 
a much greater difference is shown in the reigns of 
his sons Chandrapida and Muktapida, who applied to 
the Chiaese emperor for aid against the Arabs. || The 
date of the first application is a.d. 713, while, accord- 
ing to the native chronology, Chandrapida reigned 
from A.D. 680 to 688, which shows an error of not 
less than twenty-five years. But as the Chinese 
annals also record that about a.d. 720 the emperor 
granted the title of king to Chandrapida, he must 

* ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 90. \ Eeinaud, ' Fragments Arabes,' p. 116. 
+ B. Tii. 1310 and 1313. § ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 90. 

II Kemusat, ' Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques,' i. 197. 



have been living as late as the previous year a.d. 719, 
which makes the error in the Kashmirian chronology 
amount to exactly thirty-one years. By applying this 
correction to the dates of his predecessors, the reign 
of his grandfather, Durlahha, will extend from a.b. 
625 to 661. He, therefore, must have been the kirig 
who was reigning at the time of Hwen Thsang's 
arrival in Kashmir in a.d. 631. Durlabha, who was 
the son-in-law of his predecessor, is said to have been 
the son of a Niiga, or Dragon ; and the dynasty which 
he founded is called the Nuga or KarJcota dynasty. 
By this appellation I understand that his family was 
given to ophiolatry, or serpent-worship, which had 
been the prevailing religion of Kashmir from time im- 
memorial. Hwen Thsang designates this race as Ki- 
li-to^ which Professor Lassen and M. Stanislas Julien 
render by Kriiya and Kritiya. They were extremely 
hostile to the Buddhists, who had frequently deprived 
them of power, and abolished their rights ; on which 
account, says the pilgrim, the king, who was then 
reigning, had but little faith in Buddha, and cared 
only for heretics and temples of the Brahmanical gods. 
This statement is confirmed by the native chronicle, 
which records that the queen, Ananga-Iekha, built a 
Vihdra, or Buddhist monastery, named after herself, 
Anangahhavana ; while the king built a temple to 
Vishnu, called after himself, Burlahha-sivdmina* I 
infer from this that the queen still adhered to the 
Buddhist faith of her family, and that the king was, 
in reality, a Brahmanist, although he may have pro- 
fessed a lukewarm attachment to Buddhism. 

The people of Kashmir are described as good look- 

* ' Raja Tarangiui,' iy. 3 aud 5. 


ing, easy and fickle in manner, effeminate and cowardly 
in disposition, and naturally prone to artifice and 
deceit. This character they still bear; and to it I 
may add that they are the dirtiest and most immoral 
race in India. Hwen Thsang states that the neigh- 
bouring kings held the base Kashmiris in such scorn 
that they refused all alliance with them, and gave 
them the name of Ki-li-to or Krityas, which would 
appear to be a term of contempt applied to evil-minded 
and mischievous persons, as enemies, traitors, assas- 
sins, etc. The term which 1 have heard used is Kh^- 
Mlechchhas, or the " Barbarian Kiras," and "Wilson 
gives Kira as a name of the valley of Kashmir, and 
Kiruh as the name of the people. 

In the seventh century the capital of the country 
was on the eastern bank of the river, and about 10 li, 
or less than 2 miles, to the north-west of the ancient 
capital. Abu Eihan* calls the capital Adishtdn, which 
is the Sanskrit JdMsthdna, or "chief town." This is 
the present city of Srinagar, which was built by Raja 
Pravarasena about the beginning of the sixth century, 
and was, therefore, a new place at the time of Hwen 
Thsang's visit. The "old capital" I have abeady 
identified with an old site, 2 miles to the south-east 
of the Takht-i-Suliman, called Pundrethdn, which is 
the corrupt Ka'shmirian form of Purdnddhisthdna, or 
"the old chief city." Pdn is the usual Kashmiri 
term for " old," as in Pdn Drds, or "old Dras," to 
distinguish it from the new village of Dras, which is 
lower down the river, t Near the old capital there 

* Eeinaud, ' Fragments Arabes, eto.,' p. 116. 

t Wilson altered this spelling to Payin Dras, wliioh in Persian 
signifies " Lower Dras," in spite of the fact that PiU Drds is higher 
up the river. 


was a famous stupa, which, in a.d. 631 enshrined a 
tooth of Buddha; hut before Hwen Thsang's return 
to the Panjab in a.d. 643 the sacred tooth had been 
given up by the Eaja to Harsha Varddhana, the power- 
ful king of Kanoj, who made his demand at the head 
of an army on the frontier of Kashmir.* As Eaja 
Durlabha was a Brahmanist, the sacrifice of the Bud- 
dhist tooth was a real gain to his religion. 

From the earliest times Kashmir has been divided 
into the two large districts of Kamrdj and Meraj\ the 
former being the northern half of the valley, below 
the junction of the Sindh river with the Behat, and 
the latter the southern half above that junction. The 
smaller divisions it is unnecessary to mention. But 
I may note the curious anomaly which a change of 
religious belief has produced in the use of two of the 
most distinctive Hindu terms. By the Hindu who 
Avorships the sun, the cardinal points are named with 
reference to the east, as para, the " front," or the 
" east," to which he turns in his daily morning wor- 
ship ; apara, "behind," or the "west;" vama, the 
"left" hand, or the "north;" and dakshim, the 
"right" hand, or the "south." By the Muhamma- 
dan, who turns his face to the west, towards Mecca, 

these terms are exactly reversed, and dachin, which 
still means the " right " hand in Kashmiri, is now 
used to denote the "north," and kdwar, or the "left" 
hand to denote the "south." Thus, on the Lidar 
riA'cr there is the subdivision of Dachinpdra to the 
north of the stream, and Kmoarpdra to the south of 
it. On the Behat river also, below Barahmula, the 
subdivision of Dachin lies to the north, and that of 

* Compare ' Hiouen Thsaiig,' ii. 180 with i. 251. 


Kdwar to the south of the stream. This change in 
the meaning of Dachin from " south " to " north " 
must have taken place before the time of Akbar, as 
Abul Fazl* describes Z>acAm/iffm as " situated at the 
foot of a mountain, on the side of Great Tibet," that 
is to the north of the river Lidar. 

The principal ancient cities of Kashmir are the old 
capital of Srinagari, the new capital called Pravarasena- 
pura ; Khdgendra-pura and Khunamusha, built before 
the time of Asoka; Vijipdra and Pdntasok^ which are 
referred to Asoka himself ; Surapura, a restoration of 
the ancient Kdmhuva ; Kanishkapura, Hushkapura, 
and Jushkapura, named after the three Indo-Scythian 
Princes by whom they were founded ; Parihdsapura, 
built by Lalitaditya ; Padmapura, named after Padma, 
the minister of Eaja Vrihaspati ; and Avantipura, 
named after Haja Avanti Yarmma. 

Srinagari, the old capital of Kashmir prior to the 
erection of Pravarasenapura, is stated to have been 
founded by the great Asoka, f who reigned from e.g. 
263 to 226. It stood on the site of the present Pdn- 
drethdn, and is said to have extended along the bank 
of the river from the foot of the TakJd-i-Sulimdn to 
Pdntasok, a distance of more than three miles. The 
oldest temple in Kashmir, on the top of the Takht-i- 
Suliman, is identified by the unanimous consent of all 
the Brahmans of the valley with the temple of Jyeshta 
Budra, which was built by Jaloka, the son of Asoka, 
in Srinagari.;]: This identification is based on the fact 
that the hill was originally called Jyesldeswara. The 
old bridge abutments at the village of Pantasok are 

* ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 130. J ' Eaja Tarangini,' i. 124. 

t 'Kaja Tarangini,' i. 101. 


also attributed to Asoka ; and the other ruins at the 
same place are said to be the remains of the tAvo Jsok- 
eswara temples which are noted in the native chronicle 
of Kashmir. Srinagari was still the capital of the 
valley in the reign of Pravarasena I., towards the end 
of the fifth century, when the King erected a famous 
symbol of the god Siva, named after himself Pravares- 
loara. This city still existed in a.d. 631, when the 
Chinese pilgrim arrived in Kashmir, although it was 
no longer the capital of the valley. He speaks of the 
capital of his time as the " new city," and states that 
the " old city " was situated to the south-east of it, at 
a distance of ten li^ or nearly two miles, and to the 
south of a high mountain. This account describes the 
relative positions of Pandrethan and the present 
capital with the lofty hill of Takht-i-Suliman so 
exactly, that there can be no hesitation in accepting 
them as the representatives of the ancient places. The 
old city was still inhabited between a.d. 913 and 921, 
when Meru, the minister of Eaja Partha, erected in 
Purunadhisthdna, that is in the " old capital," a temple 
named after himself Meru- Varddha7ia-sivdmi. This 
building I have identified with the existing temple of 
Pandrethan, as Kallian Pandit relates* that, when Eaja 
Abhimanyu set fire to his capital, all the noble build- 
ings "from the temple of Varddliana iSwdmi, as far as 
BhikshuJcipdraka''^ (or the asylum of mendicants) were 
destroyed. I attribute the escape of the limestone 
temple to its fortunate situation in the midst of a tank 
of water. To this catastrophe I would assign the final 
desertion of the old capital, as the humble dwellings of 
the people could not possibly have escaped the destruc- 

* See my ' Temples of Kashmir,' p. 41; and ' Eaja Tarangini.'.vi. 191. 


tive fire which consumed all the " noble edifices " of 
the city. 

Pravarasenapura, or the new capital, was built by 
Eaja Pravarasena II. in the beginning of the sixth 
century. Its site, as already noted, was that cif the 
present capital of Srinagar. This is determined beyond 
all possibility of doubt by the very clear and distinct 
data furnished by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, 
and by the Hindu historian Kalhan Pandit. The 
statements of the first have already been quoted in 
my account of the old capital ; but I may add that 
Hwen Thsang resided for two whole years in Kash- 
mir, in the Jayendra Vihdra^* or Buddhist monastery, 
built by Jayendra, the maternal uncle of Pravarasena. 
The Hindu author describes the city as situated at the 
confluence of two rivers, and with a hill in the midst 
of it. This is an exact description of the present 
Srinagar, in the midst of which stands the hill of Hari 
Parbat, and through which flows the river Hara, or 
Ara, to join the Behat at the northern end of the 

The question now arises, how did the new city of 
Prmarasenapura lose its own name, and assume that 
of the old city of Srinagari ? I think that this diffi- 
culty may perhaps be explained by the simple fact 
that the two cities were actually contiguous, and, as 
they existed together side by side for upwards of five 
centuries, the old name, as in the case of Delhi, would 
naturally have remained in common use with the 
people, in preference to the new name, as the 

* ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 96. 

t ' Moorcroft's Travels,' ii. 276. I speak also from personal know- 
ledge, as I have twice visited Kashmir. 



cnstomnr}' designation of the capital. The old name 
of Dcllii is exactly a case in point. There, new city 
after new city was built by successive kings, each 
with the distinctive name of its founder ; but as they 
were all in the immediate vicinity of Delhi itself, the 
old familiar name still clung to the capital, and each 
new appellation eventually became absorbed in the 
one general name of "Delhi." In the same way I 
believe that the old familiar name of Srinagar eventually 
swamped the name of the new city of Pravarasenapura. 

The names of Khdr/ipura and Kfiunamusha are referred 
by Kalhan Pandit* to Eaja Khagendra^ who, as the 
sixth predecessor of Asoka, must have reigned about 
400 B.C. Wilson and Troyer have identified these 
two places with the Kdkajnir and Gauinoha of Muham- 
madan wiiters. The first is certain, as Kdkapur still 
exists on the left bank of the Behat, at 10 miles to 
the south of the Takht-i-Suliman, and 5 miles to 
the south of Pampur. But the identification of Gau- 
moha, wherever that may be, is undoubtedly wrong, as 
Khunamusha is now represented by the large village of 
Khunamoh, which is situated under the hills at 4 miles 
to the north-east of Pampur. 

The old town of Bij Bidra, or Vijipdra, is situated 
on both banks of the Behat, at 25 miles to the south- 
east of the capital. The original name was Vijnya- 
pdra, so called altci' the ancient temple of Vijagesa, 
which still exists, although its floor is 14 feet below 
the present level of the surrounding ground. This 
difference of level shows the accumulation of ruins 
since the date of its foundation. The people refer its 
erection to Asoka, B.C. 250, who is stated by Kalhan 

* 'Eaja Tarangini,' i. 90. 


Pandit* to have pulled down the old brick temple of 
Vijayesa^ and to have rebuilt it of stone. This is ap- 
parently the same temple that is mentioned in the 
reign of Arya Eaja, some centuries after Christ, t 

Snrapura^ the modern Supur or Sopur, is situated 
on both banks of the Behat, immediately to the west 
of the Great "Wular Lake. It was originally called 
Kumbuva, and under this name it is mentioned in the 
chronicles of Kashmir as early as the beginning of the 
fifth century. J It was rebuilt by Sura, the minister 
of Avanti Yarmma, between a.d. 854 and 883, after 
whom it was called SArapura. From its favourable 
position at the outlet of the Wular Lake, I think it 
probable that it is one of the oldest places in Kashmir. 

Kanishkapura was built by the Indo-Scythian prince 
Kanishka,§ just before the beginning of the Christian 
era. In the spoken dialects of India it is called 
Kanikhpur, which in Kashmir has been still further 
corrupted to Kdmpur. It is situated 10 miles to the 
south of Srinagar, on the high-road leading to the Pir 
Panchal Pass. It is a small village with a sarai for 
travellers, and is now generally known as Kdvipur 
Sarai. In the large map of Kashmir by Captain 
Montgomerie the name is erroneously given as 

Hushkapura, which was founded by the Indo- 
Scythian prince Hushka, or Huvishka, the brother of 
Kanishka, would appear to have been the same place 
as the well-known Vardhamula, or Bardhmula, on the 
Behat. Abu Eihan|| calls it " UsJikar, which is the 

* 'Eaja Tarangini,' i. 105. t Hid., ii. 123. % Ibid., iii. 237. 
§ Ibid., i. 168. || Reinaud, 'Fragments Arabes, etc.,' p. 116. 


town of Banmula, built on botli banks of the river." 
It is noted under tbe same name by the Chinese pil- 
grim Hwen Thsang, who entered the valley from the 
west by a stone gate, and halted at the monastery of, or Hushkara. The name of Bardhmula 
has now eclipsed the more ancient appellation, which, 
however, still exists in the village of Uskara, 2 
miles to the south-east of the present town, and im- 
mediately under the hills. The place has been visited, 
at my request, by the Eev. G. W. Cowie, who found 
there a Buddhist stupa still intact. This is probably 
the same monument that is recorded to have been 
erected by Eaja Lalitaditya* between a.d. 723 and 
760. It is again mentioned in the native chronicle| 
as the residence of the Queen Sugandha in a.d. 913. 
From all these notices, it is certain that the town still 
bore its original name down to the beginning of the 
eleventh century, when Abu Eihan mentions both 
names. But after this time the name of Vardhamula 
alone is found in the native chronicles, in which it 
is mentioned during the reigns of Harsha and Sussala, 
early in the twelfth century. I think it probable 
that the main portion of the town of Hushkapiira 
was on the left, or south bank of the river, and that 
Yarahamula was originally a small suburb on the 
right bank. On the decline of Buddhism, when the 
monastic establishment at Hushkapura was abandoned, 
the old town also must have been partially deserted, 
and most probably it continued to decrease until it 
was supplanted by the Brahmanical suburb of Yara- 

Jushkopura was founded by the Indo- Scythian prince 

* ' Eaja Tavangini,' iv. 188. \ Ibid., v. 258. 


Jushka, a brother of Kanishka and Huslika. The 
Brahmans of Kashmir identify the place with Zuhru, 
or Zukur, which is still a considerable village, 4 miles 
to the north of the capital. This is evidently the 
" SchecroJi^ ville assez considerable," which Troyer and 
"Wilson* have identified with Hushkapura. I visited 
the place in November, 1847, but the only traces of 
antiquity that I could discover were a considerable 
number of stone pillars and mouldings of the style of 
architecture peculiar to Kashmir, all of which had 
been trimmed and adapted to Muhammadan tombs 
and Masjids. Parihdsapura was built by the great 
Eaja Lalitaditya,f who reigned from a.d. 723 to 
760. It was situated on the right, or eastern bank of 
the Behat, near the present village of Sumbal. There 
are still many traces of walls and broken stones on 
the neighbouring mounds, which show that a city 
must once have existed on this spot ; but the only 
considerable remains are a bridge which spans tlio 
Behat, and a canal which leads direct towards Supur, 
to avoid the tedious passage by the river through the 
Wular Lake. As Pari/idsripura is not mentioned 
again in the native chronicle, it must have been neg- 
lected very soon after its founder's death. His own 
grandson, Jayapida, built a new capital named Jaya- 
pura, in the midst of a lake, with a citadel, which he 
named Sri-dtodravati, but which the people always 
called the " Inner Fort."! The position of this j)lace 
is not known, but I believe that it stood on the left 
bank of the Behat, immediately opposite to Parihdsa- 
pura, where a village named Jnfar-kof^ or the " Inner 

* 'Eaja Tarangini,' i. 370; Asiat. Kes. xv. 23. 

t ' Eaja Tarangini,' iv. 194 % Ibid., iv. 505, 510. 


Fort," exists to this day. The final destruction of 
this city is attributed by the people to Sangkara 
Varmma, who reigned from a.d. 883 to 901. He is 
said to have removed the stones to his own new city 
of Sangharapura^ which still exists as PaiJian, 7 miles 
to the south-west of the Sumbal bridge. The great 
temple at Parikisa was destroyed by the bigoted Si- 
kandar, who reigned from 1389 to 1413, a.d. Of this 
temple a curious story is told by the Muhammadan 
historians. Speaking of Pdrispur, Abul Fazl* says, 
"here stood a lofty idolatrous temple which was 
destroyed by Sikandar. In the ruins was found a 
plate of copper with an inscription in the Indian lan- 
guage purporting that after the expiration of 1100 
years the temple would be destroyed by a person 
named Sikandar." The same story is told by Ferishta,-]" 
with the addition of the name of the Eaja, whom the 
translator calls Balnat, which is probably a mistake 
for Laldil, the usual contracted form of Lalitaditya 
among the Kashmiris. As the difference of time 
between this prince and Sikandar is barely 700 years, 
it is strange that the tradition should preserve a date 
which is so much at variance with the chronology of 
their own native chronicles. 

Padmapura, now called Pdinpur, was founded by 
Padma, the minister of Raja Yrihaspati, who reigned 
from A.D. 832 to 844. i}: It is situated on the right 
bank of the Behat, 8 miles to the south-east of the 
capital, and about midway on the road to Avautipura. 
The place is still Avell inhabited, and its fields of 
saffron are the most productive in the whole valley. 

* ' Ayin Akbari," ii. 135. f Briggs's ' Ferishta,' iv. 465. 

X ' Eaja Tarangini,' iv. 69-1. 


Avaniipura was founded by Eaja Avanii-Varmma* 
who reigned from a.d. 854 to 833. It is situated on 
the right bank of the Behat, 17 miles to the south- 
east of the present capital. There is now only a small 
village called Wafitipur ; but the remains of two mag- 
nificent temples, and the traces of walls on all sides, 
show that it must have been once an extensive city. 
The name of No-naff ar, or the " New Town," which is 
now attached to the high tract of alluvial table-land 
on the opposite side of the river, is universally al- 
lowed by the people to refer to Avantipura itself, which 
is said to have occupied both banks of the river ori- 

2. UEASA. 

Between Taxila and Kashmir Hwen Thsang places 
the district of U-la-shi, or Urasa, which, from its po- 
sition, may at once be identified with the Varsa Begio of 
Ptolemy, and with the modern district oiBa-sh^ in Dhan- 
tawar, to the west of MuzafarabS,d. It is mentioned 
in the native chronicle of Kashmirf as a mountainous 
district in the vicinity of the valley, where Eaja Sani/- 
kara Varmma received his death wound in a.d. 901. 
It corresponds exactly with the Pakhali of Abul Fazl, 
which included all the hilly country between the 
Indus and Kashmir, as far south as the boundary of 
Attak. At the present day the principal towns of the 
district are Manser a^ in the north-east; Noshahra^ in 
the middle ; and Kishangarh^ or Haripur^ in the south- 
west. In Hwen Thsang's time the capital is said to 
have been either 300 or 500 U, that is, 50 or 83 miles, 
distant from Taxila. This difference in the distance 

* 'Eaja Tarangini,' v. 44. t Ibid., t. 216. 


makes it impossible to identify tlie actual position of 
the capital in the seventh century ; but it seems pro- 
bable that it must have been at Mdngali, which is said 
by the people to have been the ancient capital of the 
district. This place stands midway between Noshahra 
and Mansera, and about 50 miles to the north-east of 

According to Hwen Thsang, Urasa was 2000 li, or 
333 miles, in circuit, which is probably correct, as its 
length from the source of the Kunihar river to the 
Gandgarh mountain is not less than 100 miles, and its 
breadth from the Indus to the Behat, or Jhelam, is 55 
miles in its narrowest part. Its distance from Kash- 
mir is stated at 1000 li, or 167 miles, which would 
place the capital somewhere in the neighbourhood of 
Noshahra, and within a few miles of Mangala, which 
was the ancient capital according to the traditions of 
the people. 


The position of the celebrated city of Taxila has 
hitherto remained unknown, partly owing to the erro- 
neous distance recorded by Pliny, and partly to the 
want of information regarding the vast ruins Avhich 
still exist in the vicinity of Shah-dheri. All the copies 
of Pliny agree in stating that Taxila Avas only 60 
Eoman, or 55 English, miles from Peucola'itis, or 
Hashtnagar, which would fix its site somewhere on 
the Haro river, to the west of Hasan Abdal, or just 
two days' march from the Indus. But the itineraries 
of the Chinese pilgrims agree in placing it at three 
days' journey to the east of the Indus,* or in the im- 

* 'Fa-Iiian,' c. xi., Beal's translation, makes it seven days' journey 
from Peshawar, that is, four days to (he Indus plus three days to Taxila- 

runnuigKojii del"* 

A. Ciintuii^i^jTi del* 


mediate neighbourhood of Kala-ka-sarai, which was 
the third halting-place of the Mogul emperors, and 
which is still the third stage from the Indus, both for 
troops and baggage. Now as Hwen Thsang, on his 
return to China, was accompanied by laden elephants, 
his three days' journey from Takhshasila to the Indus 
at Utakhanda, or Ohind, must necessarily have been of 
the same length as those of modern days, and, conse- 
quently, the site of the city must be looked for some- 
where in the neighbourhood of Kdla-Jca-sardi. This 
site is found near Shah-dheri, just one mile to the 
north-east of K^la-ka-sarai, in the extensive ruins of a 
fortified city, around which I was able to trace no less 
than 55 stupas, of which two are as large as the great 
Manikyala tope, twenty-eight monasteries, and nine 
temples. Now the distance from Shah-dheri to Ohind 
is 36 miles, and from Ohind to Hashtnagar is 38 
more, or altogether 74 miles, which is 19 in excess of 
the distance recorded by Pliny between Taxila and 
Peukelaotis. To reconcile these discrepant numbers 
I would suggest that Pliny's 60 miles, or LX., should 
be read as 80 miles, or LXXX., which are equivalent 
to 73^ English miles, or within half a mile of the actual 
distance between the two places. 

The classical writers are unanimous in their ac- 
counts of the size and wealth of Taxila. Arrian de- 
scribes it as "a large and wealthy city, and the most 
populous between the Indus and Hydaspes."* Strabo 
also declares it to be a large city, and adds, that the 

Sung-yun (Beal's translation, p. 200) places it three days to the east 
of the Indus. Hiouen Thsang makes it three days' journey to the 
south-east of the Indus (Julien's translation, i. 263). See Maps Nos. 
IV., v., and VI. for the position of Shah-dheri or Taxila. 
* ' Anabasis,' v. 8 : ttoKiv fxiyaXrjv Koi ivhaifiova. 


neighbouring country was " crowded with, inhabitants, 
and very fertile."* Pliny calls it "a famous city, si- 
tuated on a low but level plain, in a district called 
AmandaP^ These accounts agree exactly with the 
position and size of the ancient city near Shah-dheri, 
the ruins of which are spread over several square miles. 

About fifty years after Alexander's visit, tlie people 
of Taxila rebelled against Bindmdra, king of Magadha, 
Avho sent his eldest son Susima to besiege the place. 
On his failure, the siege was entrusted to his younger 
son, the celebrated Asoka ; but the people came out 
2^ yojanas^ or 17|- miles, to meet the young prince 
and ofi'er their su.bTi!ission.J At the time of Asoka's 
accession the wealth of Taxila is said to have amounted 
to 36 hotis^ or 360 millions of some unnamed coin, 
which, even if it A\'as the sih^er tmigha^ or sixpence, 
would have amounted to nine karors of rupees, or 
£9,000,000. It is probable, however, that the coin 
intended by the Indian writer was a gold one, in 
which case the wealth of this city would have 
amounted to about 90 or 100 millions of pounds. I 
quote this statement as a proof of the great reputed 
wealth of Taxila within fifty years after Alexander's 
expedition. It was here that Asoka himself had re- 
sided as Yiceroy of the Panjab during his father's 
lifetime ; and here also resided his own son Kundla, 
or the "fine-ejred," who is the hero of a very curious 
Buddhist legend, which will be described hereafter. 

Just before the end of the third century b.c. the 

* Geojrr. XT. i. 17 ; xv. i. 2S. 

t Hist. Nat., vi. 23. " Taxillaj, cum urbe pclcbri, jam in plana de- 
misso tractu, cui univcrso nomen Amaudaj. 

X Burnouf, 'latroduction a I'llistoire du Buddlusme IndicD,'p. 361. 


descendants of the Maurya kings must have come in 
contact with the Bactrian Greeks under Demetrius, 
the son of Enthydemus, and in the early part of the 
following century Taxila must have formed part of 
the Indian dominions of Eilkratides. In 126 B.C. it 
was wrested from the Greeks by the Indo-Scythian 
Sus or J&ars, with whom it remained for about three- 
quarters of a century, when it was conquered by the 
later Indo-Scythians of the Kuslidn tribe, under the 
great Kanishka. During this period Parshawar would 
appear to have been the capital of the Indo-Scythian 
dominions, while Taxila was governed by satraps. 
Several coins and inscriptions of these local governors 
have been found at Shah-dheri and Manikyala. Of 
these the most interesting is the copper plate obtained 
by Mr. Eoberts, containing the name of Takhasila, the 
Pali form of Tahnhasila^ from which the Greeks ob- 
tained their Taxila.* 

During the reign of the Parthian Bardanes, a.d. 42 
to 45, Taxila was visited by ApoUonius of Tyana and 
his companion, the Assyrian Damis, whose narrative 
of the journey Philostratus professes to have followed 
in his life of Apollonius. His account is manifestly 
exaggerated in many particulars regarding the acts 
and sayings of the philosopher, but the descriptions of 
places seem to be generally moderate and truthful. If 
they were not found in the narrative of .Damis, they 
must have been taken fi-om the journals of some of 
Alexander's followers; and in either case they are 
valuable, as they supply many little points of in- 

* See translation by Professor J. Dowson in Journ. Koyal Asiat. 
See, XX. 221 ; see also notes on the same inscription by the author, 
Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1863, p. 139. 


formation that are wanting in the regular histories. 
According to Philostratus, Taxila was "not unlike 
the ancient Ninus^ and was walled in the manner of 
other Greek towns."* For Niniis, or Nineveh^ we must 
read Babylon, as we have no description of the great 
Assyrian city, which was destroyed nearly two cen- 
turies before the time of Herodotus. Now we know 
from Curtius that it was the " symmetry as well as the 
antiquity " of Babylon that struck Alexander and all 
who beheld it for the first time.f I conclude, there- 
fore, that Taxila must have reminded the Greeks of 
Babylon by its symmetry^ as Philostratus goes on to 
say, that the city was " divided into narrow streets 
with great regularity." He mentions also a temple 
of the sun, which stood outside the walls, and a palace 
in which the usurper was besieged. He speaks also 
of a garden, one stadium in length, with a tank in 
the midst, which was filled by " cool and refreshing 
streams." All these points will be noticed in a sejia- 
rate work when I come to describe the existing ruins 
of this ancient city. 

"We now lose sight of Taxila until a.d. 400, when it 
was visited by the Chinese pilgrim Fa- Hi an ^ who 
calls it Cfiu-sJta-^Jii-lo^ or the "severed head;" and 
adds, that " Buddha bestowed his head in alms at 
this place, and hence they gave this name to the 
country.:}: The ti'anslation shows that the original 
Sanskrit name must have been Cliuiyasira^ or the 
"fallen head," which is a synonym of Taksha-slra, or 
the "severed head," the usual name by which Taxila was 

* Vita Apolloti., ii. 20. 

t Vita Alex., v, 1 : " Puk'liriludo no vetiistMs." 

1 Deal's Translation, e. xi. 


known to the Buddhists of India. In a.d. 502, " the 
place where Buddha made an alms-gift of his head " 
was visited by Sung-yim, who describes it asbeing three 
days' journey to the east of the river Sin-tu, or Indus.* 
We now come to Hwen Thsang, the last and best 
of the Chinese pilgrims, who first visited Ta-cha-shi-lo^ 
or TaJcshasila, in a.d. 630, and again in ad. 643, on 
his return to China. He describes the city as about 
10 li, or If mile, in circuit. The royal family was 
extinct, and the province, which had previously been 
subject to Kapisa, was then a dependency of Kashmir. 
The land, irrigated by numbers of springs and water- 
courses, was famous for its fertility. The monasteries 
were numerous, but mostly in ruins ; and there were 
only a few monks who studied the Mahdydnu^ or eso- 
teric doctrines of Buddhism. At 12 or 13 li^ or 2 
miles, to the north of the city there was a stupa of 
King Asoka, built on the spot where Buddha in a 
former existence had made an alms-gift of his head ; 
or, as some said, of one thousand heads in as many 
previous existences. This was one of the four great 
stupas that were famous all over north-west India ;f 
and accordingly on his return journey Hwen Thsang 
specially notes that he had paid his adorations, for the 
second time, to the "stupa of the alms-gift of one 
thousand heads.J The present name of the district is 
Chach-Hazdra, which I take to be a corruption of 
Sirsha-sahasra, or the "thousand heads." In the 
Taxila copper-plate of the Satrap Liako Kujuluka, the 
name is written Chhahara-Chukhsa^ which appears 

* Seal's Translation, p. 200. 

t ' Fak-Hian,' (Seal's translation) e. xi. 

J Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 262. 


to me to be only another form of the same appella- 

From these accounts of the Chinese pilgrims, we see 
that Taxila was specially interesting to all Buddhists 
as the legendary scene of one of Buddha's most meri- 
torious acts of alms -giving, when he bestowed his 
head in charity. The origin of this legend I think 
may be certainly traced to the name, which as Takslia- 
sila means simply the "cut rock;" but with a slight 
alteration, as Taksha-sira means the " severed head." 
Jut ex re nomen, aut ex vocabulo fahula* either the 
name sprang from the legend, or the legend was in- 
vented to account for the name." In this case we 
may be almost certain that the latter was the process, 
as the Greeks have preserved the spelling of the ori- 
ginal name before Buddhism had covered the land 
with its endless legends of Sakya's meritorious acts in 
previous births. It is nowhere stated to whom Bud- 
dha presented his head, but I believe that it was of- 
fered to the hungry tiger whose seven cubs were saved 
from starvation by a similar offering of his blood.\ I 
am led to this belief by the fact that the land imme- 
diately to the north of the ruined city is still called Ba- 
har Khctna, or the " Tiger's House," a name which is as 
old as the time of Mahmud, as Abu Eihan speaks of 
Baharkdn as being halfway between the Indus and 
the Jhelam,:{: a description which is equally applicable 
to the Baljarkhana of the ancient Taxila. The name is 
a Turki one, and is, therefore, probably as old as the 

* Pomponius Mela, iii. 7. 

t Sung-yun inentions that the liead was offered " for the sake of a 
man ;" that is, Buddha offered his own life to save that of another man. 
(Seal's translation, p. 200.) 

X Eeinaud's ' Fragments Arabes, etc.,' p. 116. 


time of Kanishka. From the continued cxistonfie of 
this name, I infer that, in the immediate neighbour- 
hood of the great stupa of the "head-gift," there was 
most probably a temple enshrining a group in which 
Buddha was represented offering his head to the tiger. 
This temple the Turks would naturally have called 
the Babar-KJiuna^ or " Tigers'-house ;" and as Taxila 
itself decayed, the name of the temple would gradually 
have superseded that of the city. The remembrance 
of this particular act of Buddha's extreme charity is, 
I believe, preserved in the name of Mdrgala, or the 
"beheaded," which is applied to the range of hills 
lying only two miles to the south of Shah-dheri. Mdr- 
gala means literally "decollated," from gala-mdrna^ 
which is the idiomatic expression for " cutting the 
neck," or beheading. 

The ruins of the ancient city near Shah-dheri, which 
I propose to identify with Taxila, ar« scattered over a 
wide space extending about 3 miles from north to 
south, and 2 miles from east to west. The remains of 
many stupas and monasteries extend for several miles 
further on all sides, but the actual ruins of the city 
are confined within the limits above-mentioned. These 
ruins consist of several distinct portions, which are 
called by separate names even in the present day.* 
The general direction of these different works is from 
south-south-west to north- north-east, in which order 
I will describe them. Beginning at the south, their 
names are : — 

1. Bir or Fher. 

2. Ilatidl. 

3. Sir-Kap-ka-kot. 
* See Map No. IV. 


4. KacJia-kot. 

5. Babar Khdna. 

6. Sir-Suk-ka-kot. 

Tlie most ancient part of these ruins, according to 
the belief of the people, is the great mound on which 
stands the small village of Bir or Pher. The mound 
itself is 4000 feet in length from north to south, and 
2600 feet in breadth, with a circuit of 10,800 feet, o- 
rather more than two miles. On the west side towa^ ,1 
the rock-seated village of Shah-dheri, the Bir m .';. a 
has an elevation of from 15 to 25 above the fie^ ' jOsb 
by ; but as the ground continues to slo- > ivards 
Shah-dlieri, the general elevation is no+ 1; ■ ^nan from 
25 to 35 feet. On the east side, 'iii ^diately above 
the Tabrd, or Tamrd Nala^ it t' j:0 feet above the 
fields, and G8 feet above thr of the stream. The 

remains of the walls c ■■^ traced only in a few 
places both on the ea^ , .d west sides ; but the whole 
surface is covered 1 broken stones and fragments 
of bricks and po j. Here the old coins are found 
in greater nm. .s than in any other part of the 
ruins ; and here, also, a single man collected for me, 
in about two hours, a double handful of bits of lapis 
lazuli, which are not to be seen elsewhere. Judging 
from the size of the place, I take it to be the site of 
the inhabited part of the city in the time of Havbu 
Thsaijg, Avho describes it as being only 10 li, or If mile, 
in circuit. This conclusion is confirmed by the posi- 
tion of the great ruined stupa in the midst of the Bahar- 
khdna land, which is 8000 feet north-north-east from 
the near end of the Bir mound, and 10,000 feet, or 
just 2 miles, from the main entrance to the middle of 


the old city. As Hwen Tlisang describes the position 
of the stupa of the " Head Gift " as being 12 or 13 li, 
or rather more than 2 miles, to the north of the city,* 
I think that there can be little doubt that the city of 
his time was situated on the mound of Bir. I traced 
the remains of three small topes on the north and east 
sides of the mound, all of which had been opened pre- 
viously by the villagers, who, however, stoutly denied 
the fact, and attributed the explorations to General 
Abbott and Major Pearse. 

liatidl is a strong fortified position on the west end 
of a spur of the Mdrgala range, and immediately to 
the north-east of the Bir mound, from which it is 
separated by the Tabrd Nala. About half a mile from 
Bir the spur is divided into two nearly parallel ridges, 
about 1500 feet apart, which run almost clue west to 
the bank of the Tabra, where they are joined by a 
high earthen rampart. The clear space thus enclosed 
is not more than 2000 feet by 1000 feet, but thcAvhole 
circuit of the defences, along the hill-ridges and the 
artificial ramparts, is about 8100 feet, or upwards of 
1^ mile. At the east end the two parallel ridges 
are joined by stone walls, 15 feet 4 inches thick, with 
square towers at intervals, all of which are still in 
very good order. The crest of the south or main ridge 
is 291 feet above the general level of the fields, but 
the north ridge has an elevation of only 163 feet. 
Between these two there is a small rocky ridge, 206 
feet in height, crowned by a large bastion or tower, 
which the people look upon as a stupa or tope. Thei-e 
is a similar tower on the crest of the north ridge, 
which I Avas induced to excavate by the report of a 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Tlisang,' ii. 153. 



villager named iV?«-, who informed me tliat he had 
found a copper coin at each of the four corners of the 
basement, which he considered as a certain sign that 
the building was a tope. I knew also that it was the 
custom in Barma to erect a stupa in each of the corner 
bastions of their square fortified cities. But my ex- 
cavation, which was carried down to the bare rock, a 
depth of 26 feet, showed only regular courses of large 
rough blocks, which were extracted with much diffi- 
culty. Close to the west of this tower I traced the 
remains of a large enclosure, 163 feet long by 151-|^ 
feet broad, divided into rooms on all four sides, from 
which I at first thought that the building was a mo- 
nastery. But the subsequent discovery of a large 
quantity of burnt clay pellets of a size well adapted 
for slingers led me to the conclusion that the i^lace 
was most probably only a guard-house for soldiers. 
The two ridges fall rapidly t(_)wards the west for about 
1200 feet, till they meet the general slope of the inter- 
vening ground, and at these points are the two gateways 
of the fort, the one being due north of the other. The 
north ridge then rises again, and running to the west- 
south-west for 2000 feet, terminates in a square-topped 
mound, 130 feet high. This part of the ridge is en- 
tirely covered with the remains of buildings, and near 
its cast end the villager Nm- discovered some copper 
coins in a ruined tope. Of the name of Ilaiial 1 could 
obtain no information whatever ; but it is probably old, 
as I think it may possibly be identified with llattidr- 
Lcuilc^ Avhich Abul Fazl places in the Sindh-Sagar 
Doab. The spelling of the name would refer it to 
Tlatti, a shop, and Hatti-dla would then be the market- 
place or bazaar. But the liatidl fort is so evidently 


the stronghold or citadel of this ancient place that I 
look upon this derivation as very doubtful. 

The fortified city of Sir -hap is situated on a large 
level mound immediately at the north foot of Ilatial, 
of which it really forms a part, as its walls are joined to 
those of the citadel. It is half a mile in length from 
north to south, with a breadth of 2000 feet at the 
south end, but of only 1400 feet at the north end. 
The circuit of Sirkap is 8300 feet, or upwards of 1^ 
mile. The walls, which are built entirely of squared 
stone, are 14 feet 9 inches thick, with square towers 
of 30 feet face, separated by curtains of 140 feet. The 
east and north walls are straight, but the line of west 
wall is broken by a deep recess. There are two large 
gaps in each of these walls, all of which are said to be 
the sites of the ancient gates. One of these in the 
north face is undoubted, as it lies due north of the 
two gateways of the Hatidl citadel, and due south of 
the three ruined mounds in the Babar-Mdna. A 
second in the east face is equally undoubted, as parts 
of the walls of the gateway still remain, with j)ortions 
of paved roadway leading directly up to it. A third 
opening in the west face, immediately opposite the 
last, is almost equally certain, as all the old founda- 
tions inside the city are carefully laid out at right 
angles due north and south. The position of Sirkap 
is naturally very strong, as it is well defended on all 
sides, — by the lofty citadel of Hatial on the south, by 
the Tahrd Nala on the west, and by the Gau Nala on 
the east and north sides. The entire circuit of the 
walls of the two places is 14,200 feet, or nearly 2f 

KacJia-lcot, or the " mud fort," lies to the north of 

I 2 


Sirkap, in a strong isolated position formed by the 
doubling round of the Tabra Nala below the junction 
of the Gau Nala, which together surround the place 
on all sides except the east. The ramparts of Kacha- 
kot, as the name imports, are formed entirely of earth, 
and rise to a height of from 30 to 50 feet above the 
stream. On the east side there are no traces of any 
defences, and inside there are no traces of any build- 
ings. It is difficult therefore to say for what j)urpose 
it was intended ; but as the Gau Nala runs through 
it, I think it probable that Kacha-kot was meant as a 
place of safety for elephants and other cattle during a 
time of siege. It is 6700 feet, or upwards of Ij mile 
in circuit. The people usually called it Kot, and this 
name is also apj^lied to Sir-kap, but "\^'hcn they "flish 
to distinguish it from the latter they call it Kaclia-hot. 
Now this name is found both in Baber's ' Memoirs,' and 
in the 'Ay in Akbari.' In the former the Haro river 
is called the river of Kacha-kot, which therefore must 
have been some large place near the banks of that 
stream, but I suspect that it ought rather to be looked 
for near Hasan Abdal, or even lower down. 

Bahar Khcina is the name of the tract of land lying 
between the Lundi Nala on the north and the Tabra 
and Gau ISTalas on the south. It includes Kacha-kot, 
and extends about one mile on each side of it to the 
cast and Avcst, embracing the great mound of Srri-ki- 
Pind on the north-west, and the Gangu group of topes 
and other ruins on the east. In the very middle of this 
tract, where the Lundi and Tabra Nalas approach one 
another within one thousand feet, stands a lofty mound, 
45 feet in height, called Jhandidla Plnd^ after a small 
hamlet close by. To the west of the Plnd^ or mound. 


there is another mass of ruins of greater breadth, but 
only 29 feet in height, which is evidently the remains 
of a large monastery. It is remarkable that the road 
which runs through the two gateways of the Ilatidl 
citadel, and through the north gateway of Sirkap, 
passes in a direct line due north between these two 
mounds until it meets the ruins of a large stupa, on 
the bank of the Lundi river, 1200 feet beyond the 
Jhandiala Find. This last I believe to be the famous 
"Headgift Stupa'''' which was said to have been 
erected by Asoka in the third century before Christ. I 
have already alluded to its position as answering al- 
most exactly to that described by Hwen Thsang ; and 
I may now add as a confirmation of this opinion that 
the main road of the city of Taxila was laid in a direct 
line running due north upon the Jhandiala stupa, a 
fact which proves incontestably the very high estima- 
tion in which this particular monument must have 
been held. This is further confirmed by the vicinity 
of another mound, 3600 feet to the north-west, called 
Seri-ki-pind, or Siri-ki-pind, which would appear to 
refer directly to the " Head Gift," as the Sirshd-ddnam, 
or Sir-ddn of Buddha. Taking all these points into 
consideration, I think that there are very strong 
grounds for identifying the great ruined tope of 
Babar-khdna with the famous stupa of the " Head 
Gift " of Buddha. 

The large fortified enclosure called Sir-Suk is situ- 
ated at the north-east corner of the Babar-khana, 
beyond the Lundi Nala. In shape it is very nearly 
square, the north and south sides being each 4500 
feet in length, the west side 3300 feet, and the east 
side 3000 feet. The whole circuit, therefore, is 15,300 


feet, or nearly 3 miles. The south face, which is pro- 
tected by the Lundi Nala, is similar in its construc- 
tion to the defences of Sir-hap. The walls are built 
of squared stones, smoothed on the outer face only, 
and are 18 feet thick, with square towers at intervals 
of 120 feet. The towers of this face have been very 
carefully built with splayed foundations, all the stones 
being nicely bevelled to form a smooth slope. The 
tower at the south-east corner, which is the highest 
part now standing, is 10 feet above the interior 
ground, and 25 feet above the low ground on the 
bank of the stream. Towards the west end, where 
the stones have been removed, the south wall is not 
more than 2 or 3 feet in height, about the interior 
ground. Of the east and west faces, about one- half 
of the walls can still be traced, but of the north face 
there is but little left except some mounds at the two 
corners. Inside there are three villages named Mir- 
pur, Tupkia, and Find, with a large ruined mound, 
called Pindora, Avhich is COO square feet at base. To the 
south of Pindora, and close to the village of Tupkia, 
there is a K/iaii(/dk, or shrine of a Muhammadan saint, 
on a small mound. An this is built of squared stones, 
I presume that the Ivhangrdi represents the positidu of 
a stupa or tope which must have given its name to the 
village of Tupkia, and that the great Pindora mound 
is the remains of a very large monastery. I found 
two massive channelled stones, or spouts, which, from 
from their size, could only have been used for convey- 
ing the rain-A\'ater from a courtyard to the outside of 
the walls. At half a mile to the AA'cst there is an 
outer line of high earthen mounds running due north 
and south for upwards of 2000 feet, when it bends to 


the east-north-east. Beyond this the line is only 
traceable by a broad belt of broken stones, extending 
for 3500 feet, when it tnrns to the south-east for 
about 1200 feet and joins the north face of Sir-Suk. 
These external lines would appear to be the remains 
of a large outwork which once rested its north-west 
angle on the Lundi Nala. The entire circuit of Sir- 
Suk and its outwork is about 20,300 feet, or nearly 
5 miles. 

I have now described all the different parts of this 
great city, the ruins of which, covering an area of six 
square miles, are more extensive, more interesting, and 
in much better preservation than those of any other 
ancient place in the Panjab. The city of Sirkap, with 
its citadel of Ilatidl, and its detached works of £ir 
and Kac/ia-/cot, has a circuit of 4f miles ; and the large 
fort of Sir-Suk^ with its outwork, is of the same size, 
each of them being nearly as large as Shah Jahan's 
imperial city of Delhi. But the number and size of 
the stupas, monasteries, and other religious buildings 
are even more wonderful than the great extent of the 
city. Here both coins and antiquities are found in far 
greater numbers than in any other place between the 
Indus and Jhelam. This then must be the site of 
Taxila, which, according to the unanimous testimony 
of ancient writers, was the largest city between the 
Indus and Hydaspes. Strabo and Hwen Thsang both 
speak of the fertility of its lands, and the latter spe- 
cially notices the numbers of its springs and water- 
courses. As this description is applicable only to the 
rich lands lying to the north of the Tabr^ Nala, which 
are amply irrigated by numerous channels drawn from 
the Haro river, the proof of my identification is com- 


plete. Burnes crossed this tract in 1832, wlien he 
encamped at Usman Khatar, 3 miles to the north of 
Shah-dheri, and about 1 mile to the south of the Haro 
river. He describes the village as standing " on a 
plain at the mouth of a valley close to the base of the 
outlying hills."* This agrees most exactly with the 
accounts of Strabo and Pliny, who describe Taxila as 
situated in a level country where the hills unite with 
the plains. Of Usman, Burnes goes ou to say that 
"its meadows are watered by the most beautiful and 
crystal rivulets that flow from the mountains." In 
the first part of this statement he is quite correct ; but 
in the latter part he is undoubtedly wrong, as every 
rill of water that passes through Usman is drawn by 
artificial means from the Haro river. Two miles to 
the south, towards the ruins of the old city, the irri- 
gation is carried on by cuts from the Lundi Nala, but 
as the main body of water in this stream is artificially 
obtained from the Haro, the whole of the ii-rigation 
may be truly said to be derived from that river. 

The district of Taxila is described by Hwen Thsang 
as being 200 //, or 333 miles, in circuit. It was 
bounded by the Indus on tbe west, by the district of 
Urasa on the north, by the Jhelam or Behat river on 
the east, and by the district of Sinhapura on the south. 
As the capital of the last was in the Salt range of 
mountains, either at or near Ketus, the boundary of 
Taxila on that side was most probably defined by the 
Suhan river to the south-west, and by the Bakrala 
range of hills to the south-east. Accepting these 
limits as nearly correct, the frontier lines of the Indus 
and Jhelam A\'ill be respectively 80 miles and 50 miles 

* ' TraTcls,' ii. 01. 



in length, and those of the northern and southern 
boundaries 60 and 120 miles, or, all together, 310 
miles, which accords very nearly with the measurement 
given by Hwen Thsang. 


The great stupa or Buddhist monument of Mani- 
kyala, was first made Imown by the journey of El- 
phinstone,* and has since been explored by Generals 
Ventura and Court. The name is said to have been 
derived from Eaja Mdn^ or Mdnik,-\ who erected the 
great stupa. This tradition is probably correct, as I 
discovered a coin and relic deposit of the Satrap Jiho- 
niya, or Zeionises, the son of Manigal^ in a small tope 
to the east of the village. The old town, which is 
usually called Mdnikpur^ or Mdniknagar^ is the scene 
of the curious legend of Easalu, who expelled the 
HdksJiasas, or Demons, and delivered the people from 
the tyranny of Sir-knp, the " decapitator," and his 

The name of Manikyala is not mentioned by any 
of the Chinese pilgrims, although every one of them 
has described the situation of the place. Fa-Hian 
merely states that at two days' journey to the east of 
Taxila is the spot where Buddha " gave his body to 
feed a starving tiger."| But S;ing-yun fixes the scene 

* ' Cabul,' i. 106. Stupa is the Sanskrit term for a mound or bar- 
row, either of masonry or of earth ; see Colebroke, ' Amara Eosha,' in 
voce. The Pali form is Tlmpo ; see Turnour ' Mahawanso,' and also 
Thupa, or Tliuva, in the early Arian inscriptions from the Punjab. 
The term now used is Tliup for a tolerably perfect building, and Thwpi 
for a ruined mound. It is, therefore, very much to be regretted that wo 
should have adopted the word Tope, which preserves neither the spell- 
ing nor the pronunciation of the native word. 

t Moorcroft, 'Travels,' ii. 311. 

X Seal's translation of ' Fa-Hian,' c. xi. p. 32. 


of this exploit at eiglit da3's' journey to the soutli-east 
of the capital of Gandhara,* which is a very exact 
description of the bearing and distance of Manikyala, 
either from Peshawar or from Hashtnagar. Lastly, 
Hwen Thsang places the site of the " Body- 6ffering " 
at 200 li, or nearly 34 miles, to the south-east of 
Taxila,f which are the exact bearing and distance of 
Manikyala from Shah-dheri ; but his statement that 
he crossed the Sin-tit, or Indus, is a simple mistake 
for the SuJuiii or SMh river, which flows between the 
two places. J 

The great stupa of the "Body-offering" I have 
identified with the monument that was opened by 
General Court, § which, according to the inscription 
found inside, was built in the year 20, during the 
reign of the great Indo-Scythian prince Kanishka, 
shortly before the beginning of the Christian era. 
Manikyala was, therefore, one of the most famous 
places in the Panjab at a veiy early period ; but I 
think that it must have been the site of a number of 
large religious establishments rather than that of a 
great city. General Abbott, when he examined the 
ruins around the Manikyala tope in 1853, could "not 
see any evidence of the existence of a city. The area 
occupied by submergt-d ruins A^'ould not ha\-c com- 
prised a very considerable village, while the compara- 
tively large number of wrought stones denotes some 
costly structure which might have occupied the entire 
site. "II In 1834, General Court described "the ruins 

* Seal's translation of ' Sung-yun," p. 193. 

t J alien's ' Hiouen Tbsanf!;,' ii. 164. 

X See Maps Nos. V. and VI.. 

§ Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1834, p. 562. 

il Ibid.,\%5-i, p. 570. 


of the town itself as of very considerable extent, mas- 
sive walls of stone and lime being met with every- 
where, besides a great number of wells." After a 
careful examination of the site, I have come to the 
same conclusion as General Abbott, that there are no 
traces of a large city ; and I am quite satisfied that all 
the massive walls of cut stone, which General Coui't 
truly describes as being met with everywhere, must 
have belonged to costly monasteries and other large re- 
ligious edifices. Doubtless, a few private houses might 
be built of squared stones even in a village, but these 
massive edifices, with their thickly gilded roofs, which 
still repay the labour of disinterment, are, I think, too 
numerous, too large, and too scattered to be the re- 
mains of private buildings even of a great city. The 
people point to the high ground immediately to the 
west of the great tope, as the site of the Eaja Man's 
palace, because pieces of plaster are found there only, 
and not in other parts of the ruins. Here it is pro- 
bable that the satraps of Taxila may have taken up 
their residence when they came to pay their respects 
at the famous shrine of the " Body-gift " of Buddha. 
Here, also, there may have been a small town of 
about 1500 or 2000 houses, which extended to the 
northward, and occupied the whole of the rising 
ground on which the village of Manikyala now stands. 
I estimate the entire circuit of the space that may 
have been occupied by the town as about one mile 
and a half, which, at 500 square feet per man, would 
give a population of 12,500 persons, or just six persons 
to each house. 

The people are unanimous in their statements that 
the city was destroyed by fire ; and this belief, whether 


based on tradition or conviction, is corroborated by 
the quantities of charcoal and ashes which are found 
amongst all the ruined buildings. It M'as also amply 
confirmed by the excavations which I made in the 
great monastery to the north of General Court's Tope. 
I found the plaster of the walls blackened by fire, and 
the wrought blocks of kankar limestone turned into 
quicklime. The pine timbers of the roofs also were 
easily recognized 1)y their charred fragments and 
ashes. Unfortunately, I discovered nothing during 
my researches that offered any clue to the probable 
period of the destruction of these buildings, but as 
this part of the country had fallen into the power of 
the Kashmirian kings, even before the time of Hwcn 
Thsang, I am inclined to attribute their destruction 
rather to Brahmanical malignity than to Muhammadan 


According to Hwen Thsang, the capital of the king- 
dom of 8e-)iff-ho-pu-lo, or Singliapura^ was situated at 
700 //, or 117 miles, to the south-east of Taxila. The 
bearing points to Jhelam, near which is the town of 
Sanr/oM^ which has been noted by M. Yivien de St. 
Martin as the possible rcprcscntati\'e of Singhapura. 
But Sangohi stands on an open plain, instead of on a 
high mountain of difficult access, as described by the 
pilgrim. The vicinity of ten pools of limpid water, 
with surrounding temples and sculptures, points to 
the holy tanks of Ketdksh^ or Kheids, which are still 
visited by crowds of pilgrims from all parts of India. 
I thinlc also that the name of Ketds is only a slightly 
altered form of the Sanskrit Swetavdm, or the " White 


Eobes," which Hwen Thsang mentions as the title of 
the chief religious sect then resident near Singhapura. 
In the western countries, where the compound sw is 
changed to kh, the name would have been pronounced 
Khetavdsa, or by a slight contraction, Khetds* The 
Brahmans of course refer the name to their own reli- 
gion, and say that the place was called Katdkslta^ or 
the " Eaining Eyes," because the tears literally rained 
from Siva's eyes when he heard of the death of his 
wife Sati. But as their own spelling of the name 
Ketuksh, Avhich I received from themselves, is at 
variance with the meaning which they give to it, I 
am inclined to adopt the etymology that I have already 
suggested as S%ueta-vdsa, or the "White Eobes," This 
sect would appear to have belonged to the Sioeidmhara^ 
or " "White-robed" division of the Jains, while another 
sect at the same place, who are described by Hwen 
Thsang as going naked, must be the Dic/dnibara^ or 
"unclothed" (literally "sky-clad") division of the 
Jains. Their books also are stated to have been chiefly 
copied from the Buddhist literature, while the statue 
of their god resembled that of Buddha himself. From 
these curious details it seems almost certain that this 
heretical sect must have been Jains, whose religion 
has much in common with Buddhism, while their 
statues are frequently mistaken for those of Buddha. 
Kdds is situated on the north side of the Salt Eange, 
at 16 miles from Find Dadan Khan, and 18 miles from 
Chakowal, but not more than 85 miles from Shah- 
dheri, or Taxila. Now the distance of Singhapura 
from Taxila is given at 700 U^ or 117 miles, which is 

* Thus tlie Sanskrit Saraswati became tlie Zend Rarahhaiti, and 
the Greek Arahhotos. 


certainly too great, as it would place the capital about 
30 miles beyond tlie most distant point of tlie hills 
in any direction between the south and east. Swr/ha- 
pura is described as situated on the top of a high hill 
of diiScult access ; and as the climate is said to be 
very cold, it is certain that the place must have occu- 
pied one of the isolated j^eaks either of the Salt Eange 
on the south-south-east, or of the Baluath Eange on 
the east-south-east.* But as there are no clear pools 
swarming with fish in the Balnath Eange, I have little 
hesitation in identifying the place described by Hwen 
Thsang with the beautiful limpid pool of Ketds^ which 
has been esteemed holy from time immemorial. 

The capital of Siiirjliapura was situated at from 40 
to 50 A", or 7 to 8 miles, to the north-west of the 
sacred tanks ; but I know of no place that corresponds 
with this bearing and distance. ]\lalot was the capital 
of the JanjuJias at a very early period ; but its bearing 
is south-east, and its distance 1 2 miles. If we might 
read 4 to 5 //, instead of 40 to 50, the capital might 
at once be identified with the ruined fort of Kofera, 
which is situated on a steep hill to the west, about 
200 feet in height, that overhangs the town and holy 
pools of Ketds. This is called the ancient town. It 
consists of an upper fort, 1200 feet long, by 300 
broad, and of a lower fort. 800 feet long, by 450 
broad, the circuit of the two being about 3600 feet, 
or less than tliree-quarters of a mile. But the whole 
circuit of Ketds, including the modern town on both 
biuiks of the stream, both above and below the fort, 
is about 2 miles. This is ratlu^r smaller than the 
capital described by Hwen Thsang, which Avas 14 

* Sc6 Maps Nos. V. and TI. 


or 15 //, or 21 to 2^ miles, in circuit. But as it cor- 
responds in all other material particulars, I think that 
Ketds has a very good claim to be identified with the 
capital of Singhapura. 

According to Hwen Thsang,* the district was 3600 
li, or 600 miles, in cu-cuit. On the west it was 
bounded by the Indus, on the north by the southern 
frontier of Taxila, 120 miles in length, and on the 
south by the Jhelam and the northern frontier of Tdki^ 
or the plains of the Panjab. It cannot therefore have 
extended much beyond the foot of the Salt Eange. 
This limit would make the Indus frontier about 60 
miles in length, the Jhelam frontier about 50 miles, 
and the northern and southern frontiers each 120 
miles, or altogether .350 miles. The only explanation 
that occurs to me of the diiference between this num- 
ber and that of Hwen Thsang, is the probability that 
the ancient kos of the Panjab was the same as the mo- 
dern one, that is, a short kos of 1-^ mile, or 1 mile and 
2;J- furlongs, and that the Chinese pilgrim, ignorant 
of the difference, made his calculations in the common 
Indian kos of about two miles. This would reduce his 
numbers by very nearly one-third, and at the same 
time bring them into close accordance with the actual 
measurements of our maps. Thus, Hwen Thsang's 
3600 li, or 600 miles, for the circuit of Singhapura, 
would become 400 miles, which is within 50 miles of 
the actual measurement already given. Great accuracy 
cannot be expected in these estimates of frontier dis- 
tances, as the pilgrim had no means of checking the 
numbers of his informants. "With the road distances 
which he had himself travelled it was different, as 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 162. 


he could test them by his own knowledge of the time 
occupied, as well as by the number of journeys between 
any two points. In the present instance of Singha- 
pura it is quite certain that the frontier distance is 
exaggerated, as the boundary of Tselcia^ or Taki, is 
also said to have extended to the Indus, which could 
not have been the case if the frontier of Singhapura 
had stretched further to the south than I have placed it. 


The district of Puan-nu-tso, or Ftinacha, is placed by 
Hwen Thsang at 700 li, or 117 miles, to the south- 
west of Kashmir.* It is called Funais by the Kash- 
miris, who have adopted a soft pronunciation of the 
c/., as in Pir Pantsal for Panchdl of the Panjabis. 
Moorcroftf spells the name Primch, or Pruntz, accord- 
ing to the Kashmiris. General Court also has PruncJi ; 
but it is called Punje by Wilford's surveyor, Mirza 
Mogal Beg, and Punch by Vigne, both of whom actu- 
ally visited the place. Its distance from Kashmir, as 
measured on the map via Barahmula and Uri is 75 
miles, which is equal to about 100 miles of actual 
road distance.! 

Hwen Thsang describes Punach as 2000 //, or 333 
miles, in circuit, which is just about twice its actual 
size. On the west it is boimded by the Jhelam, on 
the north by the Pir Panchal range, and on the east 
and south-east by the small state of Rajaori. But these 
limits, which include the potty state of Kotali, are not 
more than 170 miles in circuit ; and even if the tract at 
the source of the Punach river be included, the frontier 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang," ii. 187. t ' Travels,' ii. 298. 

X See Maps Nos. V. and VI. 


will not be more than 200 miles in circuit. But as 
the distances in the mountain districts were most pro- 
bably estimated by the lengths of the roads, the circuit 
of the frontier line may be taken as equivalent to 
about 300 miles in road distance. 

In the seventh century Punach was without a king, 
and subject to Kashmir ; but in later times it had a 
chief of its own, whose descendants. Shir Jang Khan 
and Shams Khan, were put to death by Gulab Singh, of 
Jammu, and this petty sovereignty once more forms 
part of the kingdom of Kashmir. 


Prom Punach, Hwen Thsang proceeded to the south- 
east for 400 li, or 67 miles, to Ko-lo-she-pu-lo^ or Md- 
japura* which I long ago identified with the petty 
chief ship of Eajaori, to the south of Kashmir. The 
circuit of the district is described as 4000 /«', or 667 
miles, which is about double the true amount, unless, 
as is not improbable, the whole of the hill-states as 
far as the Eavi be included within its boundaries. 
From the native chronicle of Kashmir we learn that 
the petty chiefships of the hills to the south and 
south-east of the valley were generally subject to 
Kashmir ; and there is no reason to suppose that they 
were independent at the time of Hwen Thsang's visit. 

The district of Eajaori proper is nearly a square of 
about 40 miles each side, bounded on the north by 
the Pir Panchal, on the west by Punach, on the south 
by Bhimbar, and on the east by Eihasi and Aknur.f 
By extending its boundary on the east to the Chenab, 

* Julieu's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 188. 
t See Maps Nos. V. and VI. 



and on the south to the plains, it would include all 
these petty places ; even then its frontier would not 
be more than 240 miles, or by road about 320 miles. 
But if the frontier of these hill-states subject to Kash- 
mir be extended to the Eavi on the east, the circuit 
would be about 420 miles measured on the map, or 
not less than 560 miles by road. 

Eajapuri is frequently mentioned during the me- 
dieval period of Kashmirian history, but chiefly in 
the eleventh and twelfth centuries, when it was an 
independent state under its own rajas. In the fifteenth 
century the Hindu family was dispossessed in favour 
of a son of the Muhammadan king of Kashmir ; and 
his descendant was so reduced by Gulab Singh that 
in 184G he was glad to accept an estate in the British 
district of Kangra in exchange for his petty chiefship 
of Eajaori. 


As the Chinese pilgrim has noticed so few of the 
many hill-states of the Panjab, I will here add a brief 
outline of the information which I have myself been 
able to collect regarding them. 

According to popular opinion the petty states of the 
Alpine Panjab, at the present time, consist of twenty- 
two Muhammadan and twenty-two Hindu chiefships, 
the former lying to the west, and the latter to the 
east of the Chenab river. An older classification 
divides them into three groups, each named after the 
most powerful state which formed the head of the 
confederation. These were Kashmir, Dogra, and Tri- 
gartta. The first consisted of the rich valley of Kash- 
mir, and all the petty states between the Indus and 
Jehlam; the second included Jammu, and the other 


petty states between the Jehlam and the Eavi ; the 
third comprised Jalandhar, and the A'arious small states 
between the Eavi and the Satlej. 

This division into three groups most probably ex- 
isted prior to the seventh century, as we find that 
the states to the east of the Eavi were quite indepen- 
dent of Kashmir, while those of Urasa, Punach, and 
Eajapuri are spoken of in such a way as to show that 
they had kings of their ovsm previous to their sub- 
jection by Kashmir. Trigartta is repeatedly mentioned 
in the chronicles of Kashmir as an independent king- 
dom ; and its own history shows that one-half of the 
present petty states of the Jalandhar hills have sprung 
from the division of the possessions of a single family. 

The following list gives the names and possessions 
of the various states attached to Kashmir, or the 
western division of the Alpine Panjab : — 

1. Kashmir. 

2. Gingal, on the Behat E. 

3. Muzafarabad ,, 

4. Khagan, on the Kunihar E. 

6. Garhi, ,, 
f 6. Eash, on Pakhli E. 

7. Dhantawar on Dor E. 

8. Gandgarh, ,, 

9. Darband, on the Indus E. 
JO. Torbela, „ 

[11. Pharwala, near Behat E. 

Gakars 12. Sultanpur, on Behat E. 

[l3. Khanpur, on Haro E. 

■ The Klidlca-Bamha chiefs hold the valley of the 
Behat river below Barahmula, and the whole course 


KhS^ka Bambas 



of the Ivunihar river to the north-west of Kashmir. 
They are all Muhammadans, and are most probably 
the descendants of the early inhabitants of the country, 
who retired to their present position on the advance of 
the Afghan invaders. 

The Afghan chiefs hold the valleys of the Pakhli 
and Dor rivers, to the south- vrest of Kashmir. They 
are all Muhamniadans, and their settlement in this 
part of the country is of recent date. Abul Fazl men- 
tions that before the time of Akbar, the raja of Pakhli 
was a tributary of Kashmir. He also states that 
Timur left a small body of troops in this district, 
whose descendants were still there in his time.* 

The Gakar chiefs hold the lower valley of the 
Jhelam, and the upper course of the Haro river to the 
south-west of Kashmir. They are all Muhammadans ; 
but their conversion is comparatively recent, as their 
names were Indian down to the invasion of Timur. 
Their occupation of these districts is of very early 
date ; but they are Turanians^ and not Arians, as none 
but a Gakar will intermarry with a Gakar, a practice 
that is utterly repugnant to Hinduism, which permits 
no man to marry one of his own tribe. The Gakars 
also occupy several portions of the eastern Doab, as 
Guliana, near Gujar Khan, and Bugial, under the 
lofty hill of Balnath. But these districts do not pro- 
perly belong to the hills, although they were subject 
to Kashmir at the time of Hwen Thsang's visit in 
the seventh century. 

The following list gives the names and positions of 
the various states attached to the central, or Jammu 
division of the Alpine Panjab : — 

* ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 155. 




Muhammadans . 


1. Jammu, to east of Chenab R. 

2. Btao, „ 

3. Eihasi, on Chenab E. 

4. Aknur, ,, 

5. Punach, on Punacli E. 

6. Eajaori, on ToM E. 

7. Kotali, on Punach E. 

8. Bhimbar, at foot of hills. 

9. Khariali, near Bhimbar. 

10. Kashtwar, on upper Chenab E. 

vll. Bhadrwar, to south of Kastwar. 

12. Chaneni, to west of Bhadrwar. 

13. Bandralta, to south of Chaneni. 

14. Samba, to S.W. of Bandralta. 

15. Jasrota, to south of Bandralta. 

16. Tirikot, near Jasrota. 

17. Mankot, to south of Bandralta. 

18. Badwal, or Yaddiwasa. 
,19. Ballawar, or Bisohli. 

The towns of Jammu and Bhao, which were founded 
by two brothers, are situated on opposite banks of the 
Tohi, a small stream that joins the Chenab at the foot 
of the hills. Jammu is mentioned several times in 
Muhammadan history, from the time when Timur 
forcibly converted the Eaja down to the end of the 
last century. The three famous brothers of Eanjit 
Singh's court — Gulab Singh, Dhyan Singh, and Suchet 
Singh, belonged to a younger branch of this family, 
and the son of Gulab Singh now rules over Kashmir 
and the whole of the states in the western and central 
divisions of the Alpine Panjab. 

The petty chiefs of Rihdsi and Aknur were branches 


of the Jammu family, on wliicli they were generally 
dependent. Punach was sometimes independent ; but 
its proximity to Kashmir placed it at the mercy of its 
more powerful neighbour. Bajaori and Kotali were 
held in later times by two branches of the royal family 
of Kashmir, to which they were usually tributary. 
But in the middle ages, under the Hindu rulers, Ko- 
tali formed part of Punach, to which it naturally be- 
longed as part of the same valley. Bldmhar and 
KharicUi were divisions of the Chibh, or Chibhan, 
branch of the Somvansi Eajas of Kangra and Jalan- 
dhar. In early times the name of Bhimbar was little 
used, the common appellation being Chibhan^ which 
is found in Sharifuddin's history of Timur, under 
the form of Jibhdl. The conversion of the family 
to Muhammadanism is probably of late date, as Fe- 
rishta mentions IIoiviis Eaja of Bhimbar in a.h. 891, 
or A.D. I486.* But so many of these hill chiefs re- 
tained their Hindu names after they became Muliam- 
madans, that the Hindu name alone cannot be taken as 
a decisive proof of his being unconverted. Kdshtwdr 
and Bhadrwdr are situated on opposite banks of the 
ujjper Chenab river, to the south-east of Kashmir, to 
which they were generally subject. These nine chief- 
ships of the central division, added to the thirteen of 
the western division, form the twenty-two Muham- 
madan states which the popular belief assigns to the 
western half of the Alpine Panjab. 

Of the eight remaining chiefships of this division I 
am not able to give much information, as many of 
them became extinct during the early period of Sikh 
rule, and all of them are now absorbed by the Jammu 

* 13riggs, ' Foriskta,' iv. 483. 


family in the great kingdom of Kashmir. Jasrota, in 
the outer range of hills, was once of some importance, 
and its chiefs intermarried with the other Eajput 
families of the Alpine Panjab; but I can find no 
mention of it in any of the histories. Balldwar and 
Badwdl were certainly at one time under a single 
chief, as Kalasa, the son of Tukka, who is twice men- 
tioned in the ' Eaja Tarangini '* as lord of Valktpura 
between 1028 and 1801, is found in the genealogical 
lists of both families. It is true that Vaddivdsa is 
noticed in the same chroniclef as a separate district at 
an earlier date, but as there is no mention of any 
chief, it may be inferred that it formed part of the 
small kingdom of Vallapura. As the names in the two 
genealogical lists differ from Kalasa downwards, it 
seems probable that the state may have been dismem- 
bered after his death. It is certain that he was mixed 
up with Kashmirian politics ; and as the contemporary 
Eaja of the neighbouring state of Chamba was put to 
death by Ananta of Kashmir, I conclude that BallS,- 
war must have been subjected at the same time. 

I may remark that all the chiefs of the Central 
Division, whose genealogies I possess, trace their 
origin to the Surajuansi, or Solar Eace, with the single 
exception of the intrusive Chibhdn of Bhimbar. The 
chiefs of Jammu, Jasrota, and Ballawar, with their 
offshoots, amounting together to eight of these petty 
states, all assert their descent from the Sun, a claim 
which is admitted by their Eajput neighbours. 

The following list gives the names and positions of 
the various states attached to the eastern, or JMand- 
har division of the Alpine Panjab. 

* ' Eaja TaraDgini,' vii. 220, 589, t Hid., vi. 318, Nandigupta. 




Surajvansi . 

Pundir, or Pandayas. 

1. K^ngra, or Katoch. 

2. Guler, to S.W. of Kangra. 

3. Jaswal, on Suhan E. 

4. Datarpur, on lower Bias E. 

5. Siba, do. 
Chamba, on Eavi E. 
KuUu, on upper Bias E. 
Mandi, on middle Bias E. 
Sukhet, to south of Mandi. 
Nurpur, between Eavi and 

Bias E. 
Kotila, to E. of Nurpur. 


^ 8 




Of these twelve states no less than five are mere 
subdivisions of the once rich kingdom of Jalandhar, 
which embraced the whole of the Doab, or plain 
country, between the Bias and Satlej, and all the hill 
country lying between the Eavi and the frontiers of 
Mandi and Sukket, to the south of the Dhaola-dhar 
mountains. This included Xurpur, Kotila, and Kotle- 
har ; and as Mandi and Sukhet were at first under one 
rule, there were originally only four chiefships in the 
eastern division of the Alpine Panjab, namely, Jalan- 
dhar, Chamba, Kullu, and Mandi. 


Since the occupation of the plains by the Muham- 
madans, the ancient kingdom of Jalandhara has been 
confined almost entirely to its hill territories, which 
were generally known by the name of Kdngra^ after 
its most celebrated fortress. The district is also called 
Katoch^ the meaning of which is unknown, and Tr>- 


gartla^* which is the usual Sansltrit name found in 
the Pur^nas, and in the native chronicle of Kashmir. 

In the seventh century Jdlandhara is described by 
the Chinese pilgrimf as about 1000 li, or 167 miles 
in length from east to west, and 800/2, or 133 miles 
in breadth from north to south. If these dimensions 
are even approximately correct, JMandhar must then 
have included the state of Chamba on the north, with 
Mandi and Sukhet on the east, and Satadru on the 
south-east. As the last is the only district to the east 
of the Satlej, which is included ia N. India, I infer 
that it must have belonged to the kingdom of Jdlan- 
dhar. With the addition of these districts the size of 
the province will agree very well with the dimensions 
assigned to it by the Chinese pilgrim. 

At the time of Hwen Thsang's visit, Jalandhar 
itself was the capital, which he describes as from 12 
to 13 li, or upwards of 2 miles in circuit. Its anti- 
quity is undoubted, as it is mentioned by Ptolemy as 
Kulindrine^ or KtuUndrine, which should probably be 
corrected to SuUndrine, as tlie K and 5 are frequently 
interchanged in Greek manuscripts. According to the 
Padma Purina, J the city of Jdlandhara was the capital 
of the great Daitya king Jalandhara^ who became so 
powerful by virtue of his austerities as to be invin- 
cible. At last, however, he was overcome by Siva, 
through a disgraceful fraud, and his body was de- 
voured by the yoginis^ or female demons. But the 
conclusion of the legend is differently given in the 

* ' HemaKoaha.' Jalandhards Trigarttasyuh — " Jalandhara, that 
is Trigartta." t Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 202. 

X Uttara Khanda of the Padma Puiana. Kennedy's ' Hindu Mytho- 
logy,' p. 456. 


local Purana,* wliicli states that he was overwhelmed 
and crushed to death by a mass of mountains which 
Siva placed upon him. Flames then sprang out of his 
mouth, which was under Jwdla-mukhi ; his back was 
under the upper part of the Doab, which is still called 
Jdlandhara-pitha, or Jdlandhar-pith, by the people ; and 
his feet were under the lower part of the Doab at 
Multan. Akbar partially adopted this version of the 
legend when he named the different Doabs after the 
enclosing rivers, by calling the land between the 
Satlej and Bias the Bodb-i-Bist Jdlandhm\ or Bit Jd- 
landhar^ instead of the Sab Doab, which it should 
have been if he had placed the initial of the eastern 
river first, as he did in the names of the Bari and 
Chaj Doabs. 

The royal family of Jakndhara and Kaiigra is one of 
the oldest in India, and their genealogy from the time of 
the founder, Sasarma Chandra, appears to me to have a 
much stronger claim to our belief than any one of the 
long strings of names now shown by the more power- 
ful families of Rajputaua. All the different scions of 
this house claim to be of Somavansi descent ; and they 
assert that their ancestors held the district of Mul- 
tan and fought in the Great War on the side of 
Duryodhan against the five Pandu brothers. After 
the war they lost their country, and retii'ed under the 
leadership of Susarma Chandra to the Jalandhar Doab, 
where they established themselves, and built the 
stronghold of Kangra. The expedition of Alexander 
terminated on the banks of the Hyphasis, or Bias ; 
but he received the submission of Phe(jela!s\ or Pke- 

* Jalaudliara Purana. 

t Diudorus, xvii. 51, " Pliegfcus." Curtius, ix. 1, 3, " Phegelas erat 
goiitis proximas rex." 


gceus^ the king of the district, beyond the river, that 
is of the Jalandhar Doab. Towards the end of the fifth 
century, the kingdom of Trigartta was presented to 
Pravaresa by the Eaja of Kashmir.* In the seventh 
century, the Chinese pilgrim, Hwen Thsang, was cour- 
teously entertained for a whole month by Eaja U-ti-io^ 
or UdUa,'\ whom I would identify with Adima of the 
genealogical lists. One hundred and sixty years later, 
in an inscription dated a.d. 804, the Eaja of Jaland- 
hara is named Jaya Chandra, who is the Jaya Malla 
Chandra of the lists, the seventh in descent from Adi- 
ma. Lastly, Avanta, king of Kashmir, from a.d. 1028 
to 1081, married two daughters of Indu Chandra, J 
Eaja of J§,landhara, who is the Indra Chandra of 
the genealogical lists of K^ngra. These instances are 
sufficient to show that Jdlandliara existed as an inde- 
pendent State for many centuries before the Muham- 
madan conquest. 

The smaller chiefships of Guler, Jaswal, Datarpur, 
and Siba, are offshoots fi'om the parent stem of 
K8,ngra. The independence of Gider^ or Haripur, was 
established by Hari Chandra, about a.d. 1400, when 
he yielded Kangra to his younger brother, Karmma 
Chandra. The date of the foundation of the other 
principalities is unknown, but I believe that they 
were always ti'ibutary to the parent state until the 
time of the Muhammadans, when the capture of 
Kangra by Mahmud of Ghazni afforded them an op- 
portunity of asserting their independence. 

The French traveller Thevenot,§ in his account of 
the dominions of the Emperor of Delhi, mentions 

* 'Eaja Tarangini,' iii. 100. f Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 261. 
X ' Eaja Tarangini,' vii. 150. § ' Travels,' part iii. c. 37. 


that " there are many Eajas who own not the autho- 
rity of the Great Mogul." But the territories of these 
Eajas must have been far in the interior of the hills, 
as we know that the chiefs of all the outer hills were 
subjected by the Mogul emperors. Thevenot specially 
mentions the province of " Ayoud, or Ilaoud" as con- 
taining " the most northern countries that belong to 
the Great Mogul, as Caucares, Bankish, Nagarcut, Siha, 
and others." The Caucares must be the Gakars who 
hold the lower hills to the west of the Jhelam. Terry* 
calls them Kakares^ and their principal cities Bekalee 
and Furhola (or Dangali and Pharwila). The Bankish 
are the Banchish of Terry, I whose " chief city, called 
Blshur (Peshawar) lyeth east (read west) somewhat 
southerly from Chishmere, from which it is divided by 
the river Indus." Naff ar cut is Kangra or Nagarkot, 
which is mentioned under the same name by Abu 
Kihan,j who was present at its capture by Mahmud 
of Ghazni. Siba is not as we might suppose, the 
small state in the neighbourhood of Kangra, but a dis- 
trict on the Ganges, of which the chief city, according 
to Terry, was " Hardware (or Haridwara), where the 
river Ganges, passing through or amongst large rocks, 
makes presently after a pretty full current." From these 
accounts it is clear that the whole of the states in the 
lower hills, from Peshawar on the west to the Ganges 
on the east, were subject to the emperor of Delhi. 
Regarding the general name of Ayoud^ or TIaoud, which 
Thevenot applies to them, I can only conjecture that 
it may be some corrupt form of Himavat, or Ilimwat, 

* ' A^oyage to East India,' p. 88. 
t Ibid., p. 81 : London, 1655. 
X ' Fragments Arabes, etc.,' 149. 


one of the well-known names of the Hmdlaya moun- 
tains, which the Greeks have preserved under the 
two different forms of Emddos and Iiiidus. 

Champa^ or Chamba. 

Chamba is a large district, which includes the val- 
leys of all the sources of the Eavi, and a portion of 
the upper valley of the Chenab, between Lahul and 
Kashi r^r. It is not mentioned by Hwen Thsang, 
and w«« ' -p'^fore, probably included by him within 
the limits '^f ^'ashmir. The ancient capital was Varm- 
viapuri oi barmawar, on the Budhil river, where 
many fin, ni ii'is, and a brazen bull, of life size, still 
exist to I tt *■ ' e wealth and piety of its early rulers. 
AccordL.^ uu i'le inscriptions these works belong to 
the nix^th -rd tenth centuries. The country is fre- 
quently me'^.ti i?d in the native chronicle of Kashmir, 
under tte raiiie of Champa, and each notice is con- 
firmed by the local genealogies. Between a.d. 1028 
and 1031 tue dLtrict was invaded by Ananta of Kash- 
mir,* when '.he native Eaja, named Sella, was defeated 
and put to death. His son founded a new capital, 
Champi mra, called after the goddess Champdvati Devi \ 
which, under the name of Chamba, is still the chief 
place in the district. The Eajas of Kashmir after- 
wards intermarried with the Chamba family ;f and 
during the troubles that followed the Muhainmadan 
invasions this petty state became independent, and re- 
mained so until reduced by Gulab Singh, early in the 
present century. 

* Briggs's 'Ferishta,' i. 283. The Gakara inhabited the banks of 
the Nilab (or Indus) up to the foot of the mountains of Siwalik. 

t 'Eaja Tarangini," vii. 218. \ Ibid., vii. 589, 1520; riii. 1092. 

h2 the ancient geography oe india. 


The kingdom of Kiu-Iu-to is placed by Hwen Thsang 
at 700 A', or 117 miles, to the north-east of Jalandhar,* 
which corresponds exactly with the position of the 
district of Ktillii, in the upper valley of the Eyas 
river. The Vishnu Puranaf mentions a people called 
Uhiia, or Kuhita, who are most probably the same as the 
Kaulutas of the ' Eamayana' and the ' Brihat Sanhita.'| 
As this form of the word agrees precisely with the 
Chinese Kiuluto, I conclude that the modern Kullu, 
must be only an abbreviation of the ancient name. 
The district is stated to be 3000 li, or 500 miles, in 
circuit, and entirely surrounded by mountains. The 
size is very much exaggerated for the present restricted 
limits of Kullu ; but as the ancient kingdom is said 
by the people themsel'ves to have included Mandi and 
Sulthet on the west, and a large tract of territory to 
the south of the Satlej, it is probable that the frontier 
measurement of 500 miles may be very near the truth 
if taken in road distance. 

The present capital of the valley is Sultanpur ; but 
the old capital of Makarsa is still called Nagar, or the 
city, by which name it is most generally known. 
Hwen Thsang states that gold, silver, and copper are 
all found in the district, which is only partially true, 
as the amount of gold to be obtained by washing is 
very small, and the silver and copper mines have long 
been abandoned. 

To the north-east of Kullu Hwen Thsang places 
the district of Lo-hu-lo, which is clearly the Lho-yal of 

* Julicn's ' Hiouon Thsang,' ii. 203. 

\ Wilson's 'Vishnu Purana,' edited by Hall, ii. 3, vol. ii. p. 171. 

% Kern's ' Brihat Sanhita,' xiv. 29. 


tlie Tibetans, and the Ldhul of the people of KuUu and 
other neighbonring states. Still further to the north 
he places the district of Mo-lo-so, which, from his 
position, must certainly be Ladak. I would, there- 
fore, alter the Chinese name to Mo-lo-po, which is an 
exact transcript of Mar-po, the actual name of the 
province of Ladak, as Mar-po-i/ul, or the "Eed dis- 
trict," in allusion to the general appearance of its soil 
and mountains. The Chinese syllables so and po are 
so much alike that they are frequently interchanged, 
as in the well-known name of Salatura, the birth-place 
of Panini, which is given in the original Chinese of 
Hwen Thsang's travels as Po-lo-lu-lo, or Falatura. 

Mandi and SuJchet. 
The petty chiefships of Mandi and SuHet were ovigi- 
nally a single state, bounded by Kangra on the west 
and Kullu on the east, and by the Dhaoladhar moun- 
tains on the north and the Satlej on the south. Mandi 
means the "market;" and its favourable position on 
the Bias river, at the junction of the two roads fi-om 
the west and south, must have ensured its early occu- 
pation, which was rendered prosperous and lasting by 
the existence of valuable mines of iron and black salt 
in its immediate vicinity. 

Nurp'kr, or Failidniya. 
The town of Nurpur derives its name from the cele- 
brated Nur Jahan, the wife of the emperor Jahanjir. 
Its original name was Dahmari, or Bahndla ; or as 
Abul Fazl writes, Dahmahri, although he mentions no 
fort. The people pronounce the name as if written Dah- 
meri. In the ' Tarikh-i-Alfi. ' it is called Damdl, an dis 
described as "situated on the summit of a high hill, 


on the borders of Hindustan." The fort was taken 
after a long siege by Ibrahim Ghaznavi. The name 
of the district is Pathdwat, and the old capital in the 
plains was called Pathidn, or Pathidnkot, which is now 
slightly altered to Pathdnhot. But the name is derived 
from the Pathan tribe of Hindu Eajputs, and not from 
the well-known Muhammadan Pathans, or Afghans. 
The Eaja was imprisoned in 1815 by Eanjit Singh, 
who took possession of his country. 

The petty chief of Kotila, to the east of Nurpur, 
who was a scion of the Pathaniya family, was seized 
about the same time, and his estate incorporated with 
the Sikh dominions. 

Kotlehar is a petty state in tlie Jaswal Dun, to the 
south-east of Jwala-Mukhi. It was generally a de- 
pendency of Kangra. 


The district of She-to-tu-lo^ or Satadru, is described 
by the Chinese pilgrim* as 2000 li, or 333 miles in 
circuit, with a large river forming its western boun- 
dary. The capital is placed at 700 //, or 117 miles, 
to the south of EuUu, and 800 li, or 133 miles, to the 
north-east of Baii'at. But there is a mistake in one 
of these numbers, as the distance between the capital 
of KuUu and Bairat is 336 miles, measured direct on 
the map, or not less than 360 miles, by road. There 
is a deficiency, therefore, in one of the distances of 
about 110 miles, or nearly 700 li, in a direct line 
between the two places, or of about 150 miles, or 
nearly 1000 li, in the detour, as shown by his bear- 
ings. Now it is remarkable that there is a deficiency 

* Julien'e ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 205. 


of about tlie same amount in the return journey along 
a parallel line of road, from Mathura to Thanesar, 
wMcli the pilgrim makes only 500 li, or 83 miles,* 
instead of 1200 li, or 200 miles, the actual distance 
being 199 miles. As it would seem that both routes, 
for some unknown reason, had been subjected to the 
same amount of curtailment, it is probable that the 
deficiency in the western line will lie in the southern 
portion between Satadru and Baixat, which is con- 
tiguous to the parallel line between Mathura and 
Thanesar. I would, therefore, increase the distance 
between the two former places by 150 miles, or in 
round numbers 1000 li, which would make the total 
distance 283 miles, or nearly 1800 li, instead of 800 
li. Taking this corrected distance from Bairat, and 
the recorded distance of 117 miles south from KuUu, 
the position of Satadru will correspond almost exactly 
with the large city of Sarhind, which both history and 
tradition affirm to be the oldest place in this part of 
the country. 

The present ruins of Sarhind consist almost entirely 
of Muhammadan buildings of a late period ; but it 
must have been a place of some consequence in the 
time of the Hindus, as it was besieged and captured 
by Muhammad Ghori, the first Mussulman king of 
Delhi. f The name of Sarhind, or " frontier of Hind" 
is popularly said to haye been given to the city at an 
earlier period, when it was the boundary town be- 
tween the Hindus and the later Muhammadan king- 
dom of Ghazni and Labor. But the name is probably 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 104, and ii. 211. 
t Dowson's edition of Sir H. Elliot's ' Muhammadan Historians of 
India,' ii. 295. 



much older, as the astronomer Yaraha Mihira men- 
tions the Sairind/uiH* immediately after the Kulutas, 
or people of KuUu, and just before Brakniapura, which, 
as we learn from the Chinese pilgrim, Avas the capital 
of the hill country to the north of Ilaridwar. The 
Sairindhas, or people of Sirindha, must, therefore, have 
occupied the very tract of country in which the pre- 
sent Sarhind is situated, and there can be little doubt 
that the two names are the same. But the geographi- 
cal list of Varaha Mihira is copied almost verbatim 
from that of the still earlier astronomer Parasara, who 
is believed to have flourished not later than the first 
century after Christ. "f 

If we apply the correction of 110 miles, or about 
700 li, to the northern half of the line between KuUu 
and Satadru, the position of the latter will be brought 
down to Hansi, which is an ancient fortified city of 
even greater strength and reputation than Sarhind. 
But as Hwen Thsang specially notes that the territory 
of Satadru was only 2000 /«, or 333 miles, in circuit, 
and that it was bounded on the west by a great river, 
Avhich can only be the Satlej or Satadru, it is quite 
impossible that Hansi could be the place intended, as 
it is upwards of 130 miles distant from the nearest 
point of that river. 

The position of the celebrated fortress of Bhatner 
would suit the description of a small district bounded 
on the west by the Satlej, and would also agree with 
the corrected distance from Kullu : but the direction 
is south-west instead of south, and the distance from 
Bairat is upwards of 200 miles, instead of 800 //, or 

■ Dr. Kern's edition of the ' Brihat Sanhita,' b. siv. 29, 30. 
t Kern's Preface to the ' Brihat Sanhita,' p. 32. 


133 miles, as stated by the pilgrim. The bearing of 
Bair^t is, however, in favour of Bhatner, as the 
pilgrim's south-west is certainly a mistake for south- 
east, otherwise the distance of Bairat from Mathura 
would be nearly 1600 //, or 250 miles, instead of 500 
//, or 83 miles, as recorded. If we might read 1500 
li instead of 500 //, the relative positions of Bhatner 
and Bairat would correspond very well with the pil- 
grim's account, as the road distance between the two 
places, via Hansi, is about 250 miles. It is quite 
possible also that there may be a mistake in the initial 
Chinese character. She or 8a^ which is very much like 
Po or Bha ; and if so, the Chinese syllables 
would represent Bhatasthala, or Bhatner. The latter 
name means the " fortress of the Bhatis," but the 
town itself was called Band, or Bando, which was pro- 
bably the contracted form of Bhatasthala, just as Mdru 
is now the common contracted form of Marusthala. 
But in spite of these plausible agreements both in 
name and in position, I am inclined to think that 
Sarhind must be the place indicated by the pilgrim as 
the capital of the ancient district of Satadru, This 
conclusion is strengthened by the pilgrim's statement 
that the country produced gold, which, so far as I 
know, can only apply to the lower hills lying to the 
north of Sarhind, where gold is still found in some of 
the smaller affluents of the Satlej. 

Accepting Sarhind as the capital of Satadru, the 
boundaries of the district may be determined approxi- 
mately from its size. On the west and north it was 
bounded by the Satlej for upwards of 100 miles from 
the neighbourhood of Simla to Tihara, below Ludiana. 
On the south the boundary extended for about 100 

L 2 


miles from Tihara to Ambala, and on the east for 
about the same distance, from Ambala to Simla. The 
circuit thus described embraces a considerable portion 
of the hill states to the west and south of Simla, to- 
gether with the districts of Sarhind proper and Lu- 
diana in the plains. As it is the only district lying to 
east of the Satlej that is included within the limits of 
Northern India, I infer that it must have been a de- 
pendency of the neighbouring state of Jalandhar. 

The kingdom which Hwen Thsang calls Tse-Jcia, or 
Tdki, embraced the whole of the plains of the Panjab 
from the Indus to the Bias, and from the foot of the 
mountains to the junction of the five rivers below 
Multan.* The Chinese syllable ise is used by Hwen 
Thsang to represent the cerebral t of the Sanskrit in the 
name of Danakakata^ which is found in no less than five 
of the western cave inscriptions at Kanhari and Karli.-]- 
In Hwen Thsang's travels this name is written, in which the last two syllables are trans- 
posed. It is the JDancd-a of Abu Eihan, which, as will 
be shown hereafter, is most probably the same as the 
old town of Dhdra7ii-kotia, on the Kistna river, adjoin- 
ing the modern city of Amaravati. Tse-kla., therefore, 
represents Tdki^ which would appear to have been the 
name of the capital as well as of the kingdom of the 
Panjab in the seventh century, just as Lahor has since 
been used to describe both the kingdom and the 

* See Maps Nos. Y. and VI. 

t Dr. Stevenson read this name as the Pali form of the Greek 
Xenolraies, but in all the inscriptions at Kanhari and KArli it is 
clearly the name of a town or country. 


capital of Eanjit Singh. The position of the capital 
will be discussed hereafter. It will be sufficient at 
present to note that it was within a few miles of the 
more ancient capital of She-kie-lo, which was long ago 
identified by Professor Lassen with the Sdkala of 
the Mah^bharata, and with the Sangala of Arrian. 
Now the people of Sdkala are called Madras, Araftas, 
JdrtliJcas, and Bdhikas* in the Mahdbhdrata ; and in 
the Lexicon of Hemachandra the Bdhikas are said to 
be the same as the Takkas.'\ Again, in the 'Eaja 
Tarangini,' the district of Takkadesa is mentioned as 
a part of the kingdom of Gurjjara (or Gujarfi,t, near 
the Chenab), which Raja Alakhana was obliged to 
cede to Kashmir between a.d. 883 and 901.| From 
these statements it is clear that Sakala was the old 
capital of the powerful tribe of Takkas, whose country- 
was named after themselves Takka-desa.^ The name 
of the new capital is not actually stated by Hwen 
Thsang, but I believe it to have been Taki, or Takkd- 
war, which I would identify with the Tahora of the 
Pentingerian Tables by the mere softening of the 
guttural k to the aspirate h. In the latter authority 
Tahora is placed at 70 Roman miles, or 64^ English 
miles from Spatura, opposite Alexandria Bucefalos. 

I will now turn to the early Muhammadan writers 
who have noticed Kashmir and Sindh, and who, there- 
fore can scarcely have omitted all mention of so im- 
portant a country as the Panjab, which lies immedi- 

* In the Maliabharata and Vishnu Parana the name is written 
B&llAlca ; but as they follow the KuUUan, it seems certain that the 
true reading is Baldka, as proposed by Lassen. 

t Lassen, ' Pentapot Indica,' p. 21. Bahilc&shtakkanam&no. 

X 'Eaja Tarangini,' v. 150, Troyer; v. 155, Calcutta edit. 

§ For the position of Sakala, or Taki, see Maps. Nos. V. and VI. 


ately between tliem. In a.d. 915, Masudi thus de- 
scribes the Indus, according to Sir Henry Elliot's 
translation :*' " The Mihrdii of es-Sind comes from the 
" well-known sources of the high land of es-Sind, 
" from the country belonging to Xinnauj in the king- 
" dom of Budah, and of Kashmir, el Kandahar, and 
" et-Tdkin. The tributaries which rise in these coun- 
" tries run to el Multan, and from thence the united 
" river receives the name of Mlhrdn.'''' In this 
passage Tdkin must certainly be intended for the hills 
of the Paujiib. The Kabul river and the Indus both 
flow through Gdndhdra^ or el Kandahar ; the Jhelam 
comes from Kashmir ; and the Bias and Satlej flow 
through Jalandhar and Kahlur, which in the time of 
Hwen Thsang were subject to Kanoj. The only other 
tributaries of the Indus are the Chenab and the Eavi, 
which must therefore have flowed through the king- 
dom of Tdkin. The mention of Gandhara and Kanoj 
shows that Masudi does not refer to the actual sources 
of the rivers, but to the points in the lower ranges of 
hills, where they enter the plains. Tdl'ui^ therefore, 
in the time of Masudi, represented the lower hills and 
plains of the Panjab to the north of Multan, which 
was then in the possession of the Brahman kings of 

The name is read Tdkin, ^^jli=, by Sir Henry 
Elliot, and Tdfan, ^^IL, by Gildemeister,| in his 
extracts from Masudi. The first reading is supported 
by the strong authority of Abu Eihan and Rashid-ud- 

* Sir PI. M. Elliot's ' Muliammadan Historians of India,' p. 56; 
and Prof. Dowson's edition, i. 21, wliere the name is read as Tdfan. 
But Sprenger, in his translation of 'Masudi,' p. 193, gives Tdfi, with 
Takan and Tafan as variants, and at p. 390, Taldn. 

\ ' De Eebus Indicia,' p. 161. 


din, who agree in stating that the great snowy moun- 
tain of Keldrjik (or Larjk), which resembled Dema- 
vend by its cupola form, could be seen from the 
boundaries of Tdkishar and Loh^war.* Elliot, in one 
passage, corrects Tdkishar to Kashmir ; but this altera- 
tion is quite inadmissible, as the mountain is specially 
noted to have been only 2 farsangs, or about 8 miles, 
distant from Kashmir. One might as well say that 
St. Paul's Cathedral is visible from Ludgate Hill and 
Windsor. The mountain here referred to is the great 
Dayamur, or Nanga Parbat, to the west of Kashmir, 
which is 26,629 feet in height ; and which I have 
myself seen repeatedly from Ramnagar, on the 
ChenS,b, a distance of 200 miles. In a second passage 
of the same author, Sir Henry calls the mountain 
Kaldrchal,'\ and the two places from which it can be 
seen he names Tdkas and Lohawar. This Tdkas, or 
Tdkishar, I take to be the same place as the Tsekia, or 
Tdki of Hwen Thsang, and the Tdkin of Masudi. 

The earliest Muhammadan author who mentions 
Tdki is the merchant Suliman, who visited the east 
before a.d. 851, when his account was written. He 
describes Tdfak, t^fAsHs, as not of very great extent, 
and its king as weak, and subject to the neighbouring 
princes ; but he adds that he possessed "the finest white 
women in all the Indies."J As Tdfak and Tdkin are al- 
most the same in unpointed Persian characters, I have 

* Eeinaud, ' Fragments Arabes,' p. 118. In Sir H. M. Elliot, p. 41, 
and in Dowson's edition of Elliot, i. 65, Takishar is altered to Kashmir. 

t Sir H. M. Elliot, p. 30 ; and Dowson's edition, i. 46. If this is 
the same as Ibn Batuta's Kar&chal, or " Black Mountain," the identi- 
fication with Nanga Parbat, or the " Bare Mountain " is nearly 
certain, as " bareness " means " blackness," from want of snow. 

J Sir Henry Elliot, p. 49 ; and Dowson's edition, i. 4. 


no hesitation in identifying Tdfak with the Panjab, 
where the women, and especially those of the lower 
hills, are the " fairest," as well as the " finest," in India. 

Ibn KhurdMba, who died in a.d. 912, mentions 
the king of Tafa* as next in eminence to the Balha 
E.a. Lastly, Eazwini describes Taifand^ '^-^^j which 
was taken by Mahmud of Ghazni in a.d. 1023, as a 
strong Indian fort, on the top of an inaccessible moun- 
tain.! This account agrees with the actual hill of 
Sangala^ which is almost inaccessible on three sides, 
and on the fourth is protected by a sheet of water. 

All these slightly different names of TdJcin, Tdfan, 
Td/ak, Tdffa, Tdkas, and Tdlcishar, I take to be only 
various readings of the one original form of TdJci, or 
Tdkin, which, when written without the diacritical 
points, may be read in several different ways. M. 
Eeinaud gives another spelling as I'dban, ^^^, which, 
without the points, may be read in as many different 
ways as the other form of Tdfan. I conclude, therefore, 
that the true form of the name of the country was Tdki^ 
or Tdka^ as recorded by Hwen Thsang. The name of 
the capital was probably either Tcikin or Takkdwar, of 
which the former agrees exactly with Kazwini's 
Taifand J>JifljJ3, and the latter with the Taliora of the 
Pentingerian Tables. I consider it almost certain 
that the name must have been derived from the tribe 
of Tdks or Takkas, who were once the undisputed 
lords of the Panjab, and who still exist as a nu- 
merous agricultural race iu the lower hills between 
the Jhelam and the Ravi. 

* Sir Henry Elliot, ' Muhammadan Historians of India,' p. 53. In 
Dowson's edition, i. 13, this name is written Ti'ifni^ 
f Gildemeister, ' De Eebus Indicia,' p. 208. 


The former importance of this race is perhaps best 
shown by the fact that the old Nd^ari characters, 
which are still in use throughout the whole country 
from Bamiyan to the banks of the Jumna, are named 
Tdkari, most probably because this particular form 
was brought into use by the Tdks or Takkas. I have 
found these characters in common use under the same 
name amongst the grain dealers to the west of the 
Indus, and to the east of the Satlej, as well as amongst 
the Brahmans of Kashmir and Kangra. It is used 
in the inscriptions, as well as upon the coins of 
Kashmir and Kangra ; it is seen on the Sati monu- 
ments of Mandi, and in the inscriptions of Pinjor ; and 
lastly, the only copy of the ' Raja Tarangini ' of Kash- 
mir was preserved in the Tdlcari characters. I have 
obtained copies of this alphabet from twenty-six dif- 
ferent places between Peshawar and Simla. In several 
of these places the Tdkari is also called Munde and 
Lunde^ but the meaning of these terms is unknown. 
The chief peculiarity of this alphabet is, that the 
vowels are never attached to the consonants, but are 
always written separately, with, of course, the single 
exception of the inherent short a. It is remarkable 
also that in this alphabet the initial letters of the 
cardinal numbers have almost exactly the same forms 
as the nine unit figures ui present use. 

In the seventh century the kingdom of Tdk'i was 
divided into three provinces, namely, Tdki in the north 
and west, Shorkot in the east, and Multdn in the south. 
The province of Tdki comprised the plains of the 
Panjab, lying between the Indus and the Bias, to 
the north of the Multan district, or the whole of the 
Chaj Doab, together with the upper portions of the 


three Do^bs of Sindh-Sagar, Eiclina, and Bari. The 
province of Shorhot comprised the middle portions of 
these Doabs, and the province of Multdn their lower 
portions. It is probable, also, that the possessions of 
Multan may have extended some distance to the west 
of the Indus as well as to the east of the Satlej, as 
was the case in the time of Akbar. 

The province of Taki contained several of the most 
celebrated places of ancient India ; some renowned in 
the wars of Alexander, some famous in Buddhist 
history, and others known only in the widely- 
spread traditions of the people. The following is a 
list of the most important of the ancient places, 
arranged according to their relative geographical posi- 
tions from west to east. The names of the Doabs 
were invented by Akbar by combining the names of 
the including rivers. Thus, Chaj is an abbreviation 
of Chenab and Jhelam ; Bic/ma of Eavi and Chenab ; 
and Bdri of Bias and Eavi. 

o- 11 QA^ -p. Aifl. Jobnathnagar, or Bhira. 
° (2. Bukephala, or Dilawar. 

Chai Doab ■ . •{ , ^ . ., ^ 

•' I 4. Gujarat. 

Eichna Doab 

5. Sakala, or Sangala. 

6. Taki, or Asarur. 

7. Narsingha, or Eansi. 

8. Ammakatis, or Ambakapi. 
r 9. Lohawar, or Labor. 

Bari Doab . . .llO. Kusawar, or Kasur. 

[ll. Chinapati, or Patti. 


Johndthnagar^ or BJdra. 

The modern town of Bliira, or Bheda, is situated on 
the left, or eastern bank, of the Jhelam ; but on the 
opposite bank of the river, near Ahmedabad, there is 
a very extensive mound of ruins, called Old Bhira, or 
Jobnathnar/ar, the city of Eaja Jobndth, or Chohndth. 
At this point the two great routes of the salt caravans 
diverge to Labor and Multan ; and here, accordingly, 
was the capital of the country in ancient times ; and 
here also, as I believe, was the capital of Sophites, 
or Sopeithes, the contemporary of Alexander the 
Great. According to Arrian, the capital of Sopeithes 
was fixed by Alexander as the point where the camps 
of Kraterus and Hephsestion were to be pitched on 
opposite banks of the river, there to await the arrival 
of the fleet of boats under his own command, and of 
the main body of the army under Philii).* As Alex- 
ander reached the appointed place on the third day, 
we know that the capital of Sophites was on the Hy- 
daspes, at three days' sail from Niksea for laden boats. 
Now Bhira is just three days' boat distance from Monff, 
which, as I will presently show, was almost certainly 
the position of Nikasa, where Alexander defeated 
Porus. Bhira also, until it was supplanted by Find 
Dadan Khan, has always been the principal city in 
this part of the country. At B/dra'f the Chinese pil- 
grim, Fa-Hian, crossed the Jhelam in a.d. 400 ; and 
against Bhira, eleven centuries later, the enterprising 
Baber conducted his first Indian expedition. 

The classical notices of the country over which 

* ' Anabasis,' vi. 3. 

f Seal's translation, cliap. xv. ; Fa-Hian calls it Pi-cha or Shi-da — • 
tlie Chinese ch being the usual representatiye of the cerebral d. 


SopMtes ruled are very conflicting. Thus Strabo* 
records : — " Some writers place Kathaa and the country 
of Sopeithes, one of the monarchs, in the tract between 
the rivers (Hydaspes and Akesines) ; some on the 
other side of the Akesines and of the Hyarotes, on the 
confines of the territory of the other Porus, — the 
nephew of Porus, who was taken prisoner by Alex- 
ander, and call the country subject to him Gmidarisy 
This name may, I believe, be identified with the pre- 
sent district of Gundalbdr, or Gundar-bdr. Bdr is a 
term applied only to the central portion of each 
Doab, comprising the high lands beyond the reach of 
irrigation from the two including rivers. Thus San- 
dal, or Sa7i.dar-bdr, is the name of the central tract 
of the Do9,b between the Jhelam and the Chenab. 
The upper portion of the Gundal Bdr Doab, which 
now forms the district of Gujarat, belonged to the 
famous Porus, the antagonist of Alexander, and the 
upper part of the Sandar-Bdr Doab belonged to his 
nephew, the other Porus, who is said to have sought 
refuge among the Gandaridse. The commentators have 
altered this name to Gangarida, or inhabitants of the 
Ganges ; bvit it seems to me that the text of Diodorusf 
is most probably correct, and that the name of Ganda- 
ridce must refer to the people of the neighbouring 
district of Gandaris, who were the subjects of Sophites. 
The rule of the Indian prince was not, however, 
confined to the Doab between the Hydaspes and Ake- 
sines; for Strabo]: relates that "in the territory of 

* Geogr., XV. 1, 30. t Hist., xix. 47. 

X Geogr., XV. 1-30. This notice was most probably derived from 
Kleilarchoa, one of the companions of Alexander, as Strabo quotes him 
in another place (v. 2-6) as having mentioned the salt mines of India, 
Ka\ Tovs iv "ivbois okas. 


Sopeithes tliere is a mountain composed of fossil salt 
sufficient for the whole of India." As this notice can 
only refer to the well-known mines of rock salt in the 
Salt Range, the whole of the upper portion of the 
Sindh Sagar Doab must have been included in the 
territories of Sopeithes. His sway, therefore, would 
have extended from the Indus on the west to the 
Akesines on the east, thus comprising the whole of the 
present districts of Pind Da dan and Shahpur. This 
assignment of the valuable salt mines to Sopeithes, or 
Sophites, may also be deduced from a passage in Pliny 
by the simple transposition of two letters in the name 
of a country, which has hitherto puzzled all the com- 
mentators. Pliny says, " when Alexander the Great 
was on his Indian expedition, he was presented by 
the king of Albania with a dog of unusual size," which 
successfully attacked both a lion and an elephant in 
his presence.* The same story is repeated by his 
copyist, Solinus,t without any change in the name of 
the country. Now, we know from the united testi- 
mony of Strabo, Diodorus, and Curtius, that the 
Indian king who presented Alexander with these 
fighting dogs was SopJdtes, and he, therefore, must 
have been the king of Albania. Por this name I pro- 
pose to read Labania, by the simple transposition of the 
first two letters. AABAN would, therefore, become 
AABAN, which at once suggests the Sanskrit word 
lavana, or ' salt,' as the original of this hitherto puzzling 
name. The mountain itself is named Orumenws by 
Pliny, j who notes that the kings of the country de- 

* Hist. JSTat., viii. 61. 

t Ibid., xxxi. 39. " Sunt et montes nativi salis, ut in Indis Oro- 
menus. + Ibid. 


rived a greater revenue from the rock salt than from 
either gold or pearls. This name is probably intended 
for the Sanskrit Raumaka, which, according to the 
Pandits, is the name of the salt brought from the hill 
country of Buma. H. H. Wilson, however, identifies 
Ruma with Sdmbliar ;* and as rauma means " salt," it 
is probable that the term may have been ajpplied to 
the Sdmhhar lake in Eajputana, as well as to the Salt 
Eange of hills in the Panjab.f 

The historians of Alexander have preserved several 
curious particulars regarding Sophites and the country 
and people over which he ruled. Of the king him- 
self, Curtius:|: records that he was pre-eminent amongst 
the barbarians for beauty ; and Diodorus§ adds, that 
he was six feet in height. I possess a coin of fine 
Greek workmanship, bearing a helmeted head on one 
side, and on the reverse a cock standing, with the 
legend Xfi^TTOT, which, there seems good reason to 
believe, must have belonged to this Indian prince. 
The face is remarkable for its very striking and pecu- 
liar features. The subjects of Sophitep also were dis- 
tinguished by personal beauty, which, according to 
Diodorus, they endeavoured to presor-\'e, by destroy- 
ing all their children who were not well formed. 
Strabo relates the same thing of the JCaiZ/ai, but, as 
he adds, that they elected the handsomest person for 
their king, || his account must be referred to the sub- 
jects of Sophites, as the Kathai of Sangala had no 
king. There is, however, so much confusion between 
all the authorities in their accounts of the Kathai and 

* See his Sanskrit Dictionary in voce. Suma, Eauma, Ratimaka. 
f See Maps Nos. V. and VI. X Vita Alex., ix. 1. 

§ Hist., xvii. 49. || Geogr., xv. 1, .30. 


of the subjects of SopMtes, that it seems highly pro- 
bable that they were one and the same people. They 
were certainly neighbours ; and as both of them would 
appear to have had the same peculiar customs, and to 
have been equally remarkable for personal beauty, I 
conclude that they must have been only diflferent 
tribes of the same race of people, 


The scene of Alexander's battle with Porus has 
long engaged the attention, and exercised the inge- 
nuity, of the learned. The judicious Elphinstone* 
placed it opposite to Jalfi,lpur ; but Burnesf concluded 
that it must have been near Jhelam, because that 
place is on the great road from Tartary, which ap- 
pears to have been followed by Alexander. In 1836 
the subject was discussed by General Court,J whose 
early military training, and unequalled opportunities 
for observation during a long residence in the Panjab, 
gave him the best possible means of forming a sound 
opinion. General Court fixed the site of Alexander's 
camp at Jhelam, his passage of the river at Khilipa- 
tam, 3 kos, or 6 miles, above Jhelam, the scene of his 
battle with Porus at Pattikoti on the Jaba Nadi, 8 
miles to the east of Jhelam, and the position of Niksea 
at Vessa, or B/iesa, which is 3 miles to the south-east 
of Pat/ii or Patti-koti. The late Lord Hardinge took 
great iuterest in the subject, and twice conversed with 
me about it in 1846 and 1847. His opinion agreed 
with mine that the camp of Alexander was most pro- 

* Elplainstone's ' Kabul,' i. 109. 

t ' Travels in Panjab, Bokhara, etc.,' ii. 49. 

% 'Journal of the Asiatic Society,' Bengal, 1836, pp. 472, 473. 


bably near Jalalpur. In tlie following year, General 
Abbott* published an elaborate disquisition on the 
battle-field of Alexander and Porus, in which he 
placed the camp of the former at Jhelam, and of the 
latter on the opposite bank near Norangabad. The 
passage of the river he fixed at Bhuna, about 10 miles 
above Jhelam, and the field of battle near Pakral, 
about 3 miles to the north of Sukchenpur. In this 
state the question remained until the end of 1863, 
when my tour through the Panjab gave me an oppor- 
tunity of examining at leisure the banks of the Hy- 
daspes from Jalalpur to Jhelam. 

Before discussing Alexander's movements, I think 
it best to describe the different places on the line of 
the river, between Jhelam and Jalalpur, with the ap- 
proaches to them from the westward. When we have 
thus ascertained the site that will best agree with the 
recorded descriptions of Bukephala, we shall then be 
in a better position for deciding the rival claims of 
Jhelam and Jelalpur as the site of Alexander's camp. 
The distances that I shall make use of in this discus- 
sion are all taken from actual measiu-ements.* 

The town of Jhelam is situated on the west bank 
of the river, 30 miles to the north-east of Jalalpur, 
and exactly 100 miles to the north-north-west of Labor. 
The remains of the old town consist of a large ruined 
mound, to the west of the present city, about 1300 
feet square and 30 feet high, which is surrounded by 
fields covered with broken bricks and pottery. The 
square mound I take to be the ruins of the citadel, 
which is said to have been called Puia. Numbers of 

* ' Journal of tlie Asiatic Society,' Bengal, 1848, part ii. p. 619. 
t See No. VII. Map of Alexander's Passage of the Hydaspes,' 


old coins arc still discovered in the mound after rain ; 
but those which I was able to collect were limited to 
the mintages of the later Indo-Scythians, the Kabul- 
Brahmans, and the princes of Kashmir. As similar 
and even earlier coins are described by Court and 
Abbott to have been found in great numbers in pre- 
vious years, it is certain that the city must have been 
in existence as early as the first century before Christ. 
But the advantages of its situation, on one of the two 
principal lines of road across the I^orth Panjtib, are so 
great that it must, I think, have been occupied at a 
very early date. This opinion is confirmed by the 
numbers of large bricks that have been dug out of the 
old mound. 

The ruined city near Dar^pur, which has been de- 
scribed by Burnes* and Court, f is situated on the west 
bank of the river, 20 miles below Jhelam, and 10 
miles above Jalalpur. In their time, the old mound 
was unoccupied, but about 1832 a.d. the people of 
Dilawar abandoned their village on a hill to the west, 
and settled on the site of the ruined city. Before that 
time, the place was usually called Find, or " the 
mound," although its true name is said to have been 
TJdamnagar, or Udinagar. The same name is also 
given by Burnes, but Court, who twice alludes to 
these ruins, mentions no name, unless he includes 
them under that of Gagirahlii, the ruins of which he 
describes as extending along the banks "of the Hy- 
daspes from near Jalalpur to Darapur." According 
to this account, the ruins would not be less than 6 or 
7 miles in length. I think it probable that there has 

* ' Travels in Panjab, Bokhara, etc.,' ii. 51. 
t Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1836, 472, 473. 


been some confusion between two different places, 
A\^hich have here been joined together as one con- 
tinuous extent of ruins. Girjhdk^ -which I take to be 
the original of Court's Gagirakhi, is an old ruined fort 
on the top of the hill to the north of JalMpur, to 
which the people assign a fabulous extent ; but it is 
at least 8 miles from Ddrdpur, and is, besides, sepa- 
I'ated from it by the deep Ivandar ravine, and hj the 
precipitous range of hills at whose west foot Dilawar 
is situated. Burnes also describes the old city as ex- 
tending "for three or four miles." But this is cer- 
tainly an exaggeration, as I was unable to trace the 
ruins for more than one mile in length by half a mile 
in breadth. The ruins consist of two large mounds 
just half a mile apart, with two smaller mounds about 
midway between them. The south moimd on which 
Dilawar is situated, is about 500 feet square at top, 
and 1100 or 1200 feet at base, with a height of 50 or 
GO feet. The north mound, on which old Darapur 
stands, is 600 feet square, and from 20 to 30 feet in 
height. Between these mounds the fields are covered 
with broken bricks and pottery, and the whole place 
is said to be the ruins of a single city. The walls of 
the Dilawar houses are built of the large old bricks 
dug out of this mound, which are of two sizes, one of 
11^ by 8 J by 3 inches, and the other of only half 
this thickness. Old coins are found in great numbers 
in the Dilawar mound, from which the Jalalpur bazar is 
said to be supplied, just as Find Dadan is supplied from 
the ruins of Jobnathnagar. The coins which I obtained 
belonged to the first Indo- Scythians, the Kabul-Brah- 
mans, the kings of Kashmir, and the KarhVii Hazdra 
chiefs, Hasan and his son Muhammad. The site. 


therefore, must have been occupied certainly as early 
as the second century before the Christian era. Its 
foundation is attributed to Eaja Bharati, whose age is 
not known. I conclude, however, that the dominating 
position of Dilawar, which commands the passage of 
the Jhelam at the point where the lower road from 
the west leaves the hills, just below the mouth of the 
Bunh^r river, must have led to its occupation at a 
very early period. 

The town of Jalalpur is situated on the west bank 
of the Jhelam at the point where the Kandar ravine 
joins the old bed of the river. The stream is now 
2 miles distant, but the intervening ground, though 
partially covered with small trees, is still very sandy. 
The town is said to have been named in honour of 
Akbar, in whose time it was most probably a very 
flourishing place. But since the desertion of the 
river, and more especially since the foundation of 
Pind Dadan, the place has been gradually decaying, 
until it now contains only 738 houses, with about 
4000 inhabitants. From the appearance of the site, 
I estimated that the town might formerly have been 
about three or four times its present size. The houses 
are built on the last slope at the extreme east end of 
the salt range, which rises gradually to a height of 
150 feet above the road. Its old Hindu name is said 
to have been Girjhdk, and as this name is found in 
Abul Fazl's ' Ayin Akbari '* as Kerchdk (read Girjak) of 
Sindh Sagar, we have a proof that it was in use until 
the time of Akbar, when it was changed to Jalalpur. 
But the people still apply the name of Girjhdk to the 
remains of walls on the top of the Mangal-De hill, 

* Gladwyn's Translation, ii. 263. 

M 2 


which rises 1100 feet above Jalalpur. According to 
tradition, Girjhuk extended to the west-north-west as 
far as the old temple of Baghanwala, a distance of 11 
miles. But this is only the usual exaggeration of 
ignorance that is told of all ancient sites. There is no 
doubt that the city did once extend to the westward 
for some considerable distance, as the ground on that 
side is thickly strewn with broken pottery for about 
half a mile. Its antiquity is undoubted, as the coins 
which it yields reach back to the times of Alexander's 
successors. But I believe that it is much older, as 
its favourable position at the south-east end of the 
lower road would certainly have led to its occupation 
at a very early period. I think, therefore, that it 
may be identified with the Girivraja of the Eamayana. 
Tradition has preserved the name of only one king, 
named Kumkamdratli, who is said to have been the 
sister's son of Mot/a, the founder of Mong. Mogal 
Beg* writes the name Ghir-Jelulk, and it is so Avritten 
by some of the people of the place, as if it was derived 
from Giri-Zohdk, or " Zohak's Hill." But the usual 
spelling, which accords with the pronunciation, is Jhak. 
From Jhelam to Jalapur the course of the river is from 
north-east to south-west, between two nearly parallel 
ranges of mountains, which are generally known as 
the Tila and Pabhi Hills. The Tila range, which is 
about thirty miles in length, occupies the west bank 
from the great east bend of the river below Mangala, 
to the bed of the Bunhar river, 1 2 miles to the north 
of Jalalpur. Tila meaDS simply a "peak or hill," and 
the full name is Goruhlindih-ka-TUa. The more ancient 

* Manuscript Map of the Panjab and Kabul Valley, by Wilford, 
from the surveys of Mirza Mogal Beg, in my possession. 


name was Bdlncith-ka-TlIa. Both of these are derived 
from the temple on the summit, which was formerly- 
dedicated to the sun, as Bdlndth, but is now devoted 
to the worship of Gorakhndlh, a form of Siva. The 
latter name, however, is very recent, as Mogal Beg, 
who surveyed the country between a.d. 1784 and 
1794, calls the hill '■'■ Jogion-di-Tibi, or tower of the 
Jogis, whose chief is called Bilndfy Abul Fazl* also 
mentions the " Cell of Balnat," and the attendant 
Joffis, or devotees, from whom the hill is still some- 
times called Jogi-iila. But the name of Balnath is 
most probably even older than the time of Alexander, 
as Plutarchf relates that, when Porus was assembling 
his troops to oppose Alexander, the royal elephant 
rushed up a hill sacred to the Sun, and in human 
accents exclaimed, " great king, who art descended 
from Gegasios, forbear all opposition to Alexander, 
for Geffasios himself was also of the race of Jove." 

The " Hill of the Sun " is only a literal translation 
of Bdlndth-ka-Tila, but Plutarch goes on to say that it 
was afterwards called the " Hill of the Elephant," 
which I take to be another proof of its identity with 
Bi,lni,th, for as this name is commonly pronounced 
Bilndi by the people, and is so \\Titten by Mogal Beg, 
the Macedonians, who had just come through Persia, 
would almost certainly have mistaken it for Fil-nafJi, 
or Pil-natli, the "Elephant." But wherever Alexan- 
der's camp may have been, whether at Jhclam or 
Jalalpur, this remarkable hill, which is the most com- 
manding object within fifty miles of the Hydaspes, 

* 'Ayin Akbari,' ii. 110. 

f ' De FluTiis,' in voce " Hydaspes." Gegasios must be Yayati or 
Jaj&ti in a Greek form. 


must certainly have attracted the attention of tlie 
Macedonians. Its highest peak is 3242 feet above the 
sea, or about 2500 feet above the level of the river. 

The Pabhi range of hills, on the east bank of the 
river, stretches from the neighbourhood of Bhimbar to 
Easul, a length of 30 miles. This range is a very low one, 
as the highest point is not more than 1400 feet above 
the sea, and is less than 500 feet above the river; 
but the broken and difficult ground on both flanks of 
the hill presents a barrier quite as impassable as a 
much loftier range. Until the British occupation of 
the Panjab, the Pabhi hills were crossed by only one 
carriage-road through the Khori Pass, 5 miles to the 
north-east of Rasul, and by one foot-path through the 
Kharian Pass, 10 miles to the south-east of Jhelam. 
But though the main road has since been carried 
through the latter pass, it is still liable to interrup- 
tion after heavy rain. 

In approaching the Hydaspes from the westward, 
Alexander had the choice of two diiferent lines, which 
are distinguished by Baber as the upjoer and lower 
roads. From the Indus to Hasan Abdal, or Shah- 
dheri, the two lines were the same. From the latter 
place, the upper road proceeded by the j\Iargala Pass 
through Rawal Pindi and Manikyala to Dhamak and 
Bakrala, from which place it descended by the bed 
of the Kalian river, through a gap in the Tila range, 
to Rolitas, and from thence over an open plain to 
Jhelam. From BafaMa there was also a foot-path to 
Jhelam, which orossod the Tila range about G miles 
to the north-east of Rohtas, but this pass was ahvays 
a dangerous one for horses and camels, and was diffi- 
cult even for foot passengers. The length of this 


upper road from Shah-dheri, via Rohtas, to Jhelam, 
was 94 miles ; but this lias since been shortened to 
87 miles by the new road, which avoids the two long 
detours by Rohtas and Dhamak. 

From Taxila, or Shah-dheri, the lower road proceeds 
via the Margala Pass to Jangi, from whence it strikes 
off via Chaontra to Dudhial. From this point the 
road branches into two lines, that to the south pro- 
ceeding by Chakowal and the salt mines to Pind 
Dadan and Ahmadabad, and that to the east proceed- 
ing via Asanot and the Bunhar river to Dilawar, 
opposite Rasul, or via Asanot and Vang to Jalalpur. 
From Shah-dheri to Dudhial the distance is 55 miles, 
from thence to Asanot 33 miles, and thence -to Dila- 
war, or Jalalpur, each 21 miles, the whole distance 
by this route being 118 miles. But this distance 
would bo shortened to 114 miles by the traveller pro- 
ceeding direct from the foot of the Salt Range to Jalal- 
pur. There is also a third line, which branches off from 
the upper road at Mandra, 6 miles to the south of the 
Maniky^la tope, and proceeds via Chakowal and Pind 
Dadan to Jalalpur. By this route the whole distance 
from Shah-dheri to JalS,lpur is 116f miles, or only 112| 
by leaving the line at the foot of the Salt Range and 
proceeding direct to Jalalpur. The respective dis- 
tances by these three different routes are 109, 114, 
and 112 J miles, the mean distance being 112;^ miles. 

Now, the distance from Taxila to the Hydaspes is 
given by Pliny,* from the measurement by Alex- 
ander's surveyors, Diognetes and Beiton, at 120 
Roman miles, which are equal to 11^^ English miles, 
at the value of 0-9193 each, as fixed in Smith's ' Dic- 

* Hist. JSTat.i vi. 21, "Ad Hydaepen fluvium clarum, csx. mill." 


tionary of Antiquities.' As all the copies of Pliny 
give the same number, we must accept it as the 
actual measurement of the route that was followed 
by Alexander from Taxila to his camp on the Hy- 
daspes. In comparing this distance with those already 
given from Shah-dheri to Jhelam and Jalalpur, we 
must unhesitatingly reject Jhelam, which is no less 
than 16 miles short of the recorded distance, while 
Jalalpur differs from it by less than 2 miles. But 
there is another objection which is equally fatal to 
the claims of Jhelam. According to Strabo,* "the 
direction of Alexander's march, as far as the Hy- 
daspes, was, for the most part, towards the south ; 
after that, to the Hypanis, it was more towards the 
east.'''' Now, if a line drawn on the map from Ohind 
on the Indus, through Taxila to Jhelam, be con- 
tinued onwards, it will pass through Gujarat and 
Sodhra to Jalandhar and Sarhind. As this is the 
most northerly road to the Ganges that Alexander 
could possibly have taken, his route by Jhelam would 
have been in one continuous straight line^ which is in 
direct opposition to the explicit statement of Strabo. 
But if we ado2')t Jalalpur this difficulty will be obvi- 
ated, as the change in the direction would have been 
as much as 25° more easterly. ■]" There is also a third 
objection to Jhelam, which, though not entitled to the 
same weight as either of the preceding, is still valu- 
able as an additional testimony on the same side. 
According to Arrian, the fleet, on descending the Hy- 
daspes from Niksea, reached the capital of Sopeithes 
on the third day. No^v, I have already shown that 
the residence of Sopeithes must have been at Johndth- 

* Googr., XV. 1, ;j2. t See Map No. V. 


nagar^ or Ahmedabad, wliicli is just three days' dis- 
tance for a laden boat from Jalalpur, but is six days 
from Jhelam. As the evidence in each of these three 
separate tests is as directly in favour of Jalalpur as it 
is strongly opposed to Jhelam, I think that we are 
fully justified in accepting the latter as the most pro- 
bable site of Alexander's camp. 

"We have now to examine how the river and the 
country .about Jalalpur will agree with the recorded 
accounts of Alexander's operations in his passage of 
the Hydaspes and subsequent battle with Porus. Ac- 
cording to Arrian* " there was a high wooded pro- 
montory on the bank of the river, 150 stadia, or just 
17 J miles above the camp, and immediately opposite 
to it there was a thickly-wooded island." Curtiusf 
also mentions the wooded island as "well fitted for 
masking his operations." "There was also," he adds, 
"not far from the spot where he was encamped, a 
very deep ravine [fossa prcealia), which not only 
screened the infantry but the cavalry too." We learn 
from ArrianJ that this ravine was not near the river 
because " Alexander marched at some distance from 
the bank, lest the enemy should discern that he was 
hastening towards the promontory and island." Now, 
there is a ravine to the north of JalaljDur which ex- 
actly suits the descriptions of both historians. This 
ravine is the bed of the Eandar Nala, which has a 
course of 6 miles from its source down to Jalalpur, 
^^'here it is lost in a waste of sand. Up this ravine 

* ' Anabasis,' v. II. 'An-cp^ei 8e tj re oKpa kqI t] vrjcrns roC fiiyaXov 
(TToaTOTrebov €S 7TevTr\K0VTa Koi cKarov <rraStous". 
t Vita Alez., viii. 13, " tegendis insidiis apta." 
t ' Anabasis,' V. 13, oTrexaiv ttjs oxdrjs. 


there has always been a passable but ditBcult road 
towards Jhelam. From the head of the Kandar, which 
is 1080 feet above the sea, and 345 above the river, 
this road proceeds for 3 miles in a northerly direction 
down another ravine called the Kasi, which then turns 
suddenly to the east for 6^ miles, and then again 1^ 
mile to the south, where it joins the Jhelam im- 
mediately below Diirnvar, the whole distance from 
Jalalpur being exactly 17 miles. I marched along 
this ravine road myself, for the purpose of testing the 
possibility of Alexander's march ; and I satisfied my- 
self that there was no difficulty in it except the 
fatigue of making many little ascents and descents in 
the first half, and of Avading through much heavy sand 
in the latter half. The ravine lies " at some distance 
from the bank " as described by Arrian, as the bend 
in the Kasi is 7 miles from the Jhelam. It is also 
" a very deep ravine," as described by Curtius, as the 
hills on each hand rise from 100 to 250 and 300 feet 
in height. Therefore, in the three leading particu- 
lars which are recorded of it, this ravine agrees most 
precisely with the accounts of the ancient historians,* 
Amongst the minor particulars, there is one which 
seems to me to be applicable only to that part of the 
river immediately above Jalalpur. Arrianf records 
that Alexander placed running sentries along the bank 
of the river, at such distances that they could see each 
other, and communicate his orders. Now, I believe 
that this operation could not be carried out in the 
face of an observant enemy along any part of the river 

* See Map No. VII. 

t ' Anabasis,' v. ii. Ilapa rrucrav 8e rrji' ox6r]v (pvXaKai re aira Kade- 
(TTrjKvlai rjo-av, SiaXeiVouo-ai Sa-ov ^vfififTpov is to ^vvopav re aSXifkovs Kai 
KaTa)(ov(w evTvcTas 6w66ei/ ri napayyeWoiTO. 


bank, excepting only that one part which lies between 
Jalalpur and Dilawar. In all other parts, the west 
bank is open and exposed, but in this part alone the 
wooded and rocky hills slope down to the river, and 
offer sufficient cover for the concealment o'f single 
sentries. As the distance along the river bank is 
less than 10 miles, and was probably not more than 
7 miles from the east end of the camp, it is easy to 
understand why Alexander placed them along this 
line instead of leaving them on the much longer route, 
which he was to march himself. Another minor par- 
ticular is the presence of a rock in the channel by 
the river, on which, according to Curtius, one of the 
boats was dashed by the stream. Now, rocks are still 
to be found in the river only at Kotera, Meriala, Ma- 
likpur, and Shah Kubir, all of which places are be- 
tween Dilawar and Jalalpur. The village of Kotera 
is situated at the end of a long wooded spur, which 
juts out upon the river just one mile below Dilawar. 
This wooded jutting spur, with its adjacent rock, I 
would identify with the uKpa^ or promontory of Arrian, 
and the petra of Curtius.* Beyond the rock there 
was a large wooded island which screened the foot of 
the promontory from the observation of the opposite 
bank. There are many islands in this part of the 
Jhelam, but when a single year is sufficient to destroy 
any one of these rapidly formed sandbanks, we can- 
not, after the lapse of more than 2000 years, reason- 
ably expect to find the island of Alexander. But in 
1849, opposite Kotera, there was such an island, 

* Arrian, 'Anabasis,' v. ii., nKpa rju dvexova-a ttjs 'ox6r]i toC 'Yhaairov. 
Curtius, Vita Alex., viii. 11, " Tina ergo navi, quam petrae fluctus illi- 
serat, hserente Cceterse evadunt." 


2^ miles in length and half a mile in breadth, which 
still exists as a large sandbank. As the passage was 
made in the height of the rainy season, the island, or 
large sandbank, would naturally have been covered 
with tamarisk bushes, which would have been suf- 
ficiently high to screen the movements of infantry 
and dismounted cavalry. 

The position of the two camps I believe to have 
been as follows :* — Alexander, with about 50,000 men, 
including 5000 Indian auxiliaries under Mophis of 
Taxila, had his head-quarters at Jalalpur, and his 
camp probably extended for about 6 miles along the 
bank of the river, from Shah Kabir, 2 miles to the 
north-east of Jalalpur, down to Syadpur, 4 miles to 
the west-south-west. The head- quarters of Porus 
must have been about Muhabatpur, 4 miles to the 
west-south-west of Mong, and 3 miles to the south- 
east of Jalalpur. His army of nearly 50,000 men, 
including elephant-riders, archers, and charioteers, 
must have occupied about the same extent as the Ma- 
cedonian army, and would, therefore, have extended 
about 2 miles above, and 4 miles below Muhabatpur. 
In these positions, the left flank of Alexander's camp 
would have been only 6 miles from the wooded pro- 
montory of Kotera, where he intended to steal his 
I)assage across the river, and the right flank of the 
Indian camp would have been 2 miles from jNIong, and 
6 miles from the point opposite Kotera. 

As my present object is to identify the scene of 
Alexander's battle with Porus, and not to describe the 
fluctuations of the conflict, it will be sufficient to quote 
the concise account of the operation which is given by 
Plutarch from Alexander's own letters: — "lie took 
* Sec Map No. VII. 


advantage of a dark and stormy night, with part of 
his infantry and a select body of cavalry, to gain a 
little island in the river, at some distance from the 
Indians ; when he was there, he and his troops were 
attacked Avith a most violent wind and rain, accom- 
panied with dreadful thunder and lightning." But in 
spite of the storm and rain, they pushed on, and 
wading through the water breast-high reached the op- 
posite bank of the river in safety. " When they were 
landed," says Plutarch,* who is still quoting Alex- 
ander's letters, " he advanced with the horse 20 stadia 
before the foot, concluding, that if the enemy attacked 
him with their cavalry he should be greatly their 
superior, and that if they made a movement with their 
infantry his own would come up in time enough to 
receive them." Erom Arrian"]* we learn that, as soon 
as the army had begun fording the channel, between 
the island and the main land, they were seen by the 
Indian scouts, who at once dashed off to inform Poms. 
When the ford was passed with some difficulty, Alex- 
ander halted to form his little army of 6000 infantry 
and about 10,000 cavalry. He then " marched swiftly 
forward with 5000 horse, leaving the infantry to follow 
him leisurely and in order." While this was going on, 
Porus had detached his son with two or three thousand 
horse and one hundred and twenty chariots to oppose 
Alexander. The two forces met at 20 stadia, or 2J 
miles, from the place of crossing, or about two miles to 

* ' Life of Alexander.' Sir W. Napier has paid a just tribute to the 
skill of both generals. Speaking of Alexander's passage of the Granicus, 
he says that it cannot " be compared for soldierly skill with hia after 
passage of the Hydaspes, and defeat of Porus. Before that great man 
he could not play the same daring game." (' London and Westminster 
Eeview,' 1838, p. 377.) t ' Anabasis,' v. 18. 


the nortli-east of Mong. Here the chariots proved use- 
less on the wet and slippery clay, and were nearly all 
captured. The conflict, however, must have been a 
sharp one, as Alexander's favourite charger, Buke- 
phalus, was mortally wounded by the young prince, 
Avho was himself slain, together with 400 of his men. 
When Porus heard of the death of his son, he marched 
at once against Alexander with the greater part of his 
army ; but when he came to a plain, where the ground 
was not difficult and slippery, but firm and sandy, and 
fitted for the evolutions of his chariots, he halted and 
arrayed his troops ready for battle. His 200 elephants 
were drawn up in front of the infantry about one 
pleihron, or 100 feet apart, and the chariots and ca- 
valry were placed on the flanks. By this arrange- 
ment, the front of the army facing north-east must 
have occupied an extent of about 4 miles, from the 
bank of the river to near Lakhnawali, the centre of 
the line being, as nearly as possible, on the site of the 
present town of Mong. Around this place the soil is 
" firm and sound ; " but towards the north-east, where 
Alexander encountered the young Indian prince, the 
surface is covered with a hard red clay, which be- 
comes both heavy and slippery after rain.* 

When Alexander saw the Indian army drawn up 
in battle array, he halted to wait for his infantry, 
and to reconnoitre the enemy's position. As he was 
much superior to Porus in cavalry, he resolved not 
to attack the centre, where the formidable line of 

* I speak from actual observation of the field of Chilianvrala for some 
days after the battle, ■v.hen the country had been deluged with rain. 
Both battles flsre fought on the same ground, between the town of 
Mong and the southern end of the Pabhi hills. 


elephants were supported by masses of iufantry, but 
to fall upon both flanks and throw the Indians into 
disorder. The right wing, led by Alexander himself, 
drove back the enemy's horse upon the line of 
elephants, which then advanced and kept the Mace- 
donians in check for some time. " Wherever Porus 
saw cavalry advancing, he opposed elephants, but 
these slow and unwieldy animals could not keep 
pace with the rapid evolutions of the horse."* At 
length the elephants, wounded and frightened, rushed 
madly about, trampling down friends as well as foes. 
Then the small body of Indian horse being surrounded, 
was overpowered by the Macedonians, and nearly all 
slain ; and the large mass of Indian infantry, which 
still held out, being vigorously attacked on all sides 
by the victorious horse, broke their ranks and fled. 
Then, says Arrianj-j" " Kraterus, and the captains who 
were with him on the other side of the river, no 
sooner perceived the victory to incline to the Mace- 
donians, than they passed over, and made a dreadful 
slaughter of the Indians in pursuit." 

From the last statement which I have quoted, it 
is clear that the battle-field was within sight of Alex- 
ander's camp. Wow, this is especially true of the 
plain about Mong, which is within easy ken of the 
east of Alexander's camp at Shah-Kabir, the nearest 
point being only 2 miles distant. With this last 
strong evidence in favour of Jalalpur as the site of 
Alexander's camp, I close my discussion of this in- 
teresting question. But as some readers, like Mr. 
Grote,J the historian of Greece, may still think that 

* Curtius, Vita Alex., viii. 14, 27. t ' Anabasis,' y. 18. 

J ' History of Greece,' xii. 308, note. 


General Abbott has shown " highly plausible reasons " 
in support of his opinion that Alexander's camp was 
at Jhelam, I may here point out that the village of 
Pabral, Avhich he has selected as the battle-field, is 
not less than 14 miles from Jhelam, and therefore 
quite beyond the ken of Alexander's camp. I may 
quote also Abbott's own admission that the bed of the 
Sukhetr river, a le^ol plain of sand one mile in width, 
" is a torrent after heavy rain, and is so full of quick- 
sands as to be unsuited to military operations." Now, 
this very Sulchetr river actually lies between Pabral 
and the site of the Indian camp opposite Jhelam, and 
as we know that a heavy storm of rain had fallen 
during the preceding night, the Sukhetr would have 
been an impassable torrent at the time of the battle. 
And so also would have been the Jada river, which 
joins the Jhelam just below the Sukhetr. With these two 
intervening rivers, which, whether wet or dry, would 
have been obstacles equally great to tlie march of the 
Indian army, and more specially to the passage of the 
war-chariots, I am quite satisfied that the battle-field 
could not have been to the north of the Sukhetr river. 
The position of Bukephala still remains to be dis- 
cussed. According to Strabo,* the city of Bukephala 
was built on the west bank of the river, where Alex- 
ander had crossed it ; but Plutarch']' says that it was 
near the Hydaspes, in the place where Bukephalus 
was buried. Arrian,:^ however, states that it was 
built on the site of his camp, and was named Buke- 
p)hala in memory of his horse. Diodorus, Curtius, 
and Justin leave the exact position undecided ; but 
they all agree that it was on the opposite bank of the 

* Geogr., XV. 1, 29. f ' Life of Alexander.' f ' Anabasis,' t. 19. 


river to Nilisea, which was certainly huilt on the field 
of battle. With these conflicting statements alone 
to guide ns, it is difBcult to arrive at any positive 
conclusion. According as we follow Strabo or Arrian, 
we must place BukejjhaJa at Dilawar, or at Jahilpur. 
Both places are equidistant from the battle-field of 
Mong, which I take without much hesitation to be 
the site of Niksea. If the two cities were built on 
the same plan, which is not improbable, then DilaAvar 
would have the preferable claim to represent Buke- 
phala, as its ruined mound is of the same size and 
height as that of Mong. I have already noticed in 
another place the possibility that Bugiad, or Bugial, 
the name of the district in which Dilawar is situated, 
may be only an abbreviation of Bukephalia by the easy 
elision of the jo//. But this is only a guess, and I have 
nothing else to offer on the subject, save the fact that 
the ancient name of Jalalpur was certainly GirjcU-, 
while that of Diljiwar is quite uncertain, as Udinagar 
is applied to at least three different places. The 
claims of Dilawar and Jalalpur are perhaps equally 
balanced, excepting in the one important point of posi- 
tion, in which the latter has a most decided advantage ; 
and as this superiority would not have escaped the keen 
observation of the founder of Alexandria, I think that 
Jalalpur must be the site of the famous city of Buke- 

Nikaa^ or Mo)ig. 

The position of Mong has already been described, 
but I may repeat that it is 6 miles to the east of 
JalS,lpur, and the same distance to the south of Dila- 
war. The name is usually pronounced Mong^ or Mung^ 


but it is written without the nasal, and is said to have 
been founded by Eaja Moga^ or Muga. He is also 
called Eaja SanlcJidr, which I take to mean king of 
the Sakas, or iSaca. His brother Eama founded Eam- 
pur, or Efi,ninagar, the modern Easul, which is 6 miles 
to the north-east of Mong, and exactly opposite Dila- 
war. His sister's son, named Kamkamarath, was Eaja 
of Girjak or Jalalpur. The old ruined mound on 
which Mong is situated, is 600 feet long by 400 feet 
broad and 50 feet high, and is visible for many miles 
on all sides. It contains 975 houses built of large old 
bricks and 5000 inhabitants, who are chiefly Jats. 
The old wells are very numerous, their exact number, 
according to my informant, being 175. 

I have already stated that I take Mong to be the 
site of Niksea, the city which Alexander built on the 
scene of his battle with Porus. The evidence on this 
point is, I think, as complete as could be wished ; but 
I have still to explain how the name of Niksea could 
have been changed to Mong. The tradition that the 
town was founded by Eaja Moga is strongly corrobo- 
rated by the fact that Maharaja Moga is mentioned 
in Mr. Eoberts's Taxila inscription. Now, Moga is 
the same name as Moa^ and the coins of Moa^ or 
Mauas are still found in Mong. But the commonest 
Greek monogram on these coins forms the letters 
NIK, which I take to be the abbreviation of Nik(sa, 
the place of mintage. If this inference be correct, as 
I believe it is, then Nikcea must have been the prin- 
cipal mint-city of the great king Moga, and therefore 
a place of considerable importance. As the town of 
Mong is traditionally attributed to Raja Moga as the 
founder, we may reasonably conclude that he must 



ZUOUJ /I'V^i, 

■J ■■'■'*M 



between the Rivers 


Q. .HoTZun. .iZfket 
W Bneii Walls 
D . IsolaJed low hiU 
E . Ruined. Buildcn^s 

Scale oi' -b'ee. 


?it ?Y■t^//^ ooiuA: 


have rebuilt or increased the place under the new 
name of Moga-grama^ which, in the spoken dialects, 
would be shortened to Mogaon and Movg. Coins of 
all the Indo-Scythian princes are found at Mong in, 
considerable numbers, and I see no reason to doubt 
that the place is as old as the time of Alexander. The 
copper coins of the Nameless Indo-Scythian king 
especially are found in such numbers at Mong that 
they are now commonly known in the neighbourhood 
as Monga-sdhis. 


The city of Gujarat is situated 9 miles to the west 
of the Chen^b river, on the high-road from Jhelam 
to Labor. The city is said to have been first called 
liairdt, and the district Hairdt-des.* Its original 
foundation is ascribed to a Surajbansi Rajput named 
Bachan Fdl, of whom nothing more is known ; and 
its restoration is attributed to Ali Khdn, a Gujar, 
whose name is strangely like that of Alakhdna, the 
Eaja of Gurjjara, who was defeated by Sangkara 
Yarmma between a.d. 883 and 901. FoUowtag up 
these traditions, GujarS,t is said to have been destroyed 
in A.D. 1303, and to have been rebuilt by the Gujars 
in A.H. 996, or a.d. 1588, during the reign of Akbar. 

Sdkala, or Sangala. 

The Sangala of Alexander has long ago been recog- 
nized in the Sdkala of the Brahmans and the Sdgal of 
the Buddhists; but its position would still perhaps 
have remained undetermined, had it not fortunately 
been visited by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang in 

* I take Sairat to be only an aspirated form of Ardtta. 

N 2 


A.D. 630. Both Arrian and Curtius place Sangala to 
the east of the Ilydraotes, or Eavi ; but the itinerary 
of Hwen Thsang shows that it was to the west of the 
Eavi, and as nearly as possible in the position of the 
present Sangla-wala-Tiba, or " Sangala Hill." I first 
became acquainted with this place in 1839, when I 
obtained a copy of Mogal Beg's manuscript map, com- 
piled by Wilford, who has three times described its 
position in the ' Asiatic Eesearches.'* But I was not 
able to obtain any account of the place until 1354, 
when I heard from Colonel G. Hamilton, who had 
visited it, and from Captain Blagrave, who had sur- 
veyed it, that Sangala was a real hill with traces of 
buildings, and with a sheet of water on one side of it. 
During my tour through the Panjab, I was able to 
A'isit the hill myself, and I am now satisfied that it 
must be the Sangala of Alexander, although the posi- 
tion does not agree with that which his historians 
have assigned to it. 

In the time of Hwen Thsang She-kie-lo, or Sdkala, 
was in ruins, and the claief town of the district was 
Tse-kia, or CheJcia, which may also be read as Dhaka 
or Taka. The pilgrim places this new town at 15 li, 
or 2\ miles, to the north-east of Sdkala; but as all 
the country within that range is open and flat, it is 
certain that no (own could ever have existed in the 
position indicated. In the same direction, however, 
but at 19 miles, or 115 //, I found the ruins of a large 
town, called Asariir^ which accord almost exactly with 
the pilgrim's description of the new town of Tse-kia. 
It is necessary to fix the position of this place, because 
Hwen Thsang's measurements, both coming and going, 

* Vols. Y. 282 ; vi. 520 ; ix. 53. 


are referred to it and not to S&kala. From Ivashmir 
the pilgrim proceeded by Punach to Eajapnra, a small 
town in the lower hills, which is now called Eajaori. 
Prom thence he travelled to the south-east over a 
mountain, and across a river called Chen-ta-lo-po-kia, 
which is the Chandrahlidga^ or modern Chen^b, to She- 
ye-pu-lo, or Jayapura (probably Hafizabad), where he 
slept for the night, and on the next day he reached 
Tse-Jcia, the whole distance being 700 li, or 116 miles. 
As a south-east direction would have taken the pil- 
grim to the east of the Eavi, we must look for some 
known point in his subsequent route as the best means 
of checking this erroneous bearing. This fixed point 
we find in She-lan-to-Io, the well-known Jdlandhara, 
which the pilgrim places at 500, plus 50, plus 140 or 
150 li, or altogether between 690 and 700 li to the 
east of Tse-kia. This place was, therefore, as nearly 
as possible, equidistant from Eajaori and Jalandhar. 
Now, Asarur is exactly 112 miles distant from each 
of these places in a direct line di-awn on the map, and 
as it is undoubtedly a very old place of considerable 
size, I am satisfied that it must be the town of Tse-kia 
described by Hwen Thsang. 

In AD. 630 the pilgrim found the walls of Sdkala 
completely ruined, but their foundations still remained, 
showing a circuit of about 20 //, or 3-^ miles. In the 
midst of the ruins there was still a small portion of 
the old city inhabited, which was only 6 or 7 li, or 
just one mile, in circuit. Inside the city there was a 
monastery of one hundred monks who studied the 
Hinayana, or exoteric doctrines of Buddhism, and be- 
side it there was a stupa, 200 feet in height, where 
the four previous Buddhas had left their footprints. 


At 5 or 6 li^ or less than 1 mile, to tlie north-west, 
there was a second stupa, also about 200 feet high, 
which was built by King Asoka on the spot where 
the four previous Buddhas had explained the law. 

Sdnglawdla Tiba is a small rooky hill forming two 
sides of a triangle, with the open side toAvards the 
south-east. The north side of the hill rises to a height 
of 215 feet, but the north-east side is only 160 feet. 
The interior area of the triangle slopes gradually down 
to the south-east till it ends abruptly in a steep bank 
32 feet above the ground. This bank was once crowned 
with a brick wall, which I was able to trace only at 
the east end, where it joined the rock. The whole 
area is covered with brick ruins, amongst which I 
found two square foundations. The bricks are of a 
very large size, 15 by 9 by 3 inches. During the 
last fifteen years these bricks have been removed in 
great numbers. Nearly 4000 were carried to the 
large village of Marh, (1 miles to the north, and about 
the same number must have been taken to the top of 
the hill to form a tower for the siu'vey operations. The 
base of the hill is from 1700 to 1800 feet on each 
side, or just 1 mile in circuit. On the cast and south 
sides the approach to the hill is covered by a large 
swamp, half a mile in Icngtl), and nearly a quarter of 
a mile in breadtli, Avliich dries up annually in the 
summer, but durhig the seasonal rains has a general 
depth of about 3 feet. In the time of Alexander this 
must have been a fine sheet of Avater, which has been 
gradually lessened in depth by the annual washings 
of silt from the hill abnve. On the north-( astern side 
of the hill there arc the remains of two large buildings, 
fr(jm wliich I obtained old bricks of the enormous size 


of 17^ by 11 by 3 inches. Close by there is an old 
well which was lately cleared out by some of the wan- 
dering tribes. On the north-western side, 1000 feet 
distant, there is a low ridge of rock called Mtinda-ka- 
pura, from 26 to 30 feet in height, and about 500 feet 
in length, which has formerly been covered with brick 
buildings. At If mile to the south, there is another 
ridge of three small hills, called Jrna and little Sdvgala. 
All these hills are formed of the same dark grey rock 
as that of Chanyot and of the Karana hills to the west 
of the Chenab, which contains much iron, but is not 
worked on account of the want of fuel. The produc- 
tion of iron is noticed by Hwen Thsang. 

In comparing this account with the description of 
the Chinese pilgrim, I only find two places that can 
be identified. The first is the site of the modern town, 
which was about a mile in circuit, and was situated 
in the midst of the ruins. This I take to be the hill 
itself, which accords exactly with the description, and 
which would certainly have been occupied in pre- 
ference to any part of the open plain below, on ac- 
count of its security. The second is the stupa of 
Asoka, which was situated at rather less than 1 mile 
to the north-west of the monastery inside the town. 
This I would identify with the low ridge of rock on 
the north-west called ihindapapura, of which the 
highest point at the north-western end is 4000 feet, 
or more than three-quarters of a mile distant from the 
central point of the triangular area of the town. The 
plain on the north and west sides of the hill is strewn 
with broken pottery and fragments of brick for a con- 
siderable distance, shoAving that the town must once 
have extended in both of those directions. But the 


wliole circuit of these remains did not appear to be 
more than 1| or 1-^ miles, or about one-half of Hwen 
Thsang's measurement. 

The Brahmanical accounts of Sakala have been 
collected from the Mahabharata by Professor Lassen 
in his ' Pentapotamia Indica.'* According to that 
poem, Sakala, the capital of the Madras, who are also 
called Jartikas and Bfihikas, was situated on the Apagd 
rivulet to the west of the Irdvati, or E^vi river. It 
was approached from the east side by pleasant paths 
through the Pilu forest, 

" Sami-^!7a kariranam vaneshu aukliavartmasu." 

which Professor Lassen translates " per amcenas s^l- 
varum tramites ambiilantes." But the Pilu, or Salva- 
dora Persica^ is the commonest wood in this part of 
the Panjab, and is specially abundant in the Pechna 
Doab. In these "pleasant paths" of the Pilu forest, 
the traveller was unfortunately liable to be despoiled 
of his clothes by robbers. This description by the 
author of the Mahabharata was fully verified by Hwen 
Thsang in a.d. 630, and again by myself in 1863. On 
leaving Sakala, the Chinese pilgrim travelled eastward 
into a forest of Po-lo-she trees, where his party en- 
countered fifty brigands, who robbed them of their 
clothes.t In November, 1863, I approached Sakala 
from the east through a continuous wood of Pilu trees, 
and pitched my tent at the foot of the hill. During 
the night the tent was three times approached by 
parties of robbers who were detected by the vigilance 
of my watch dog. M. Julien has properly rendered 
Hwen Thsang Po-lo-she hj Paldsa, the Butea frondosa, 

'" Pcntapot. Irid., pp. 73, 74. f ' Hioiicn Thsang,' i. 97. 


or Dhdk tree ; but as the forest consisted of Filu trees, 
both before and after the time of Hwen Thsang, I 
would suggest the propriety of correcting Pi-lo-she to 
Pilo ; I conjecture that the Chinese editor of the pil- 
grim's life, who M-as most probably ignorant of the Pilu, 
substituted the well-known Paldsa, which is frequently 
mentioned by Hwen Thsang, under the belief that he 
was making an important and necessary correction. 

The country is still well known as Madr-des, or the 
district of the Madras, which is said by some to ex- 
tend from the Bias to the Jhelam, but by others only 
to the Chenab. Eegarding the Apagd rivulet, I be- 
lieve that it may be recognized in the Ayak Nadi, a 
small stream which has its rise in the Jammu hills to 
the north-east of Syalkot. After passing Syalkot the 
Ayak runs westerly near Sodhra, where in the rainy 
season it throws off its superfluous water in the Chenab. 
It then turns to the south-south-west past Banka and 
Nandanwa to Bhutala, and continues this same course 
till within a few miles of Asarur. There it divides 
into two branches, which, after passing to the east 
and west of Asarur, rejoin at 2-| miles to the south of 
Sdngalaiodlu Tiba. Its course is marked in the re- 
venue survey maps for 15 miles to the south-west of 
Sangala, where it is called the Nananwa canal. An 
intelligent man of Asarur informed me that he had 
seen the bed of the Nananwa 20 kos to the south- 
west, and that he had always heard that it fell into 
the Eavi a long way off. This, then, must be Arrian's 
"small rivulet" near which Alexander pitched his 
camp, at 100 stadia, or 11^ miles, to the east of the 
Akesines, below its junction with the Hydaspes.* At 

* ' Anabasis,' vi. 6. 


that time, therefore, the water of the Ayak must have 
flowed for a long distance below Sangala, and most 
probably fell into the Eavi, as stated by my informant. 
Near Asarur and Sangala, the Ayak is now quite dry 
at all seasons ; but there must have been water in it 
at Dhakawala only 24 miles above Asarur, even so 
late as the reign of Shah Jahan, when his son Dara 
Shekoh drew a canal from that place to his hunting 
seat at Shekohpura, which is also called the Ayak, or 
Jhilri canal. 

The Buddhist notices of Sakala refer chiefly to its 
history in connection with Buddhism. There is the 
legend of the seven kings who went towards Sagal to 
carry ofi^ Prabhavati, the wife of king Kusa.* But the 
king, mounting an elephant, met them outside the 
city, and cried out with so loud a voice, " I am Kusa," 
that the exclamation was heard over the whole world, 
and the seven kings fled away in terror. This legend 
may have some reference to the seven brothers and 
sisters of Amba-Kapa, which is only 40 miles to the 
cast of Sangala. Before the beginning of the Chris- 
tian era Sdgal was the capital of Raja Milinda, whose 
name is still famous in all Buddhist countries as the 
skilful opponent of the holy Nagasena.j" The ter- 
ritory was then called Yona, or Yarana, which might 
refer either to the Gr(>ek conquerors, or to their Indo- 
Scythian successors ; but as Nagasena is said to have 
lived either 400 or 500 years after Buddha, the date 
of Milinda is uncertain. Milinda himself states that 
he A^as born at Alasadda, which was 200 yojans, or 
about 1400 miles, distant from Sagal. He was there- 
fore undoubtedl}' a foreigner ; and, in spite of the 

* Hardy, ' Manual of Buddhism,' 2G3, note. t Ihid., 513. 


exaggerated distance, I would identify Ms birthplace 
with. Alexandria Opiane, at the foot of the Indian 
Caucasus, about 4.0 miles to the north of Kabul. At 
a somewhat later period, Sdlcala was subject to Ma- 
hirkul, or Mihirkul^ who lost his kingdom by an 
unsuccessful campaign against Baladitya, king of Ma- 
gadha. But being afterwards set at liberty by the 
conqueror, he obtained possession of Kashmir by 
treachery. I know of no other mention of Sakala 
until A.D. 633, when it was visited by Hwen Thsang, 
who describes the neighbouring town of Tse-lcia as 
the capital of a large kingdom, which extended from 
the Indus to the Byas, and from the foot of the hills 
to the confluence of the five rivers. 

The classical notices of Sangala are confined to the 
two historical accounts of Arrian and Curtius, and a 
passing mention by Diodorus. Curtius simply calls it 
" a great city defended not only by a wall, but by a 
swamp {palus)P* But the swamp was a deep one, 
as some of the inhabitants afterwards escaped by 
swimming across it (^paludem iransnavere). Arrian 
calls it a lake, xi^vi]^ but adds that it was not deep, 
that it was near the city wall, and that one of the 
gates opened upon it. He describes the city itself as 
strong both by art and nature, being defended by 
brick walls and covered by the lake. Outside the city 
there was a low hill, ryri\o(f>os, which the Kathseans had 
surrounded with a triple line of carts for the protec- 
tion of their camp.f This little hill I would identify 

* Vita A.lex., ix. 1: "Ad magnam deinde urbem pervenit, non 
muro solum, sed etiani palude munitam." 

t ' Anabasis,' v. 22 : KukXo) 6e tov yrj'K6<j)ov ajid^as irepia-Tria'avTes, 
ivTos avrcov €(TrpaT07rcd€V0if, a>s rpiivKovv ^apaKO. npo^cl^Xrurdat tuiv 



with the low ridge to the north-west, called Munda- 
papiira, which would certainly appear to have heen 
outside the city walls, as the broken bricks and pot- 
tery do not extend so far.* I conclude that the camp 
on the hill was formed chiefly by the fugitives from 
other places, for whom there was no room in the 
already crowded city. The hill must have been close 
to the city walls, because the Katheeans, after the 
second line of carts had been broken by the Greeks, 
fled into the city and shut the gates. It is clear, 
therefore, that the triple row of carts could only have 
surrounded the hill on three sides, and that the fourth 
side was open to the city. The hill was thus connected 
with the city as a temporary out-work, from T^-hich the 
defenders, if overpowered, could make their escape 
beliind the walls. As the number of carts captured 
by Alexander was only 300, the hill must have been 
a very small one ; for if we allow 100 carts to each 
line, the innermost line, where they were closely 
packed, at 10 feet per cart, could not have been more 
than 1000 feet in length round the three sides at the 
base. Placing the middle row 50 feet beyond the 
inner one, its length would have been 1200 feet, and 
that of the outer row, at the same distance, Avould 
have been 1400 feet, or little more than a qi^arter of 
a mile. Now this accords so well with the size of the 
Mundapapura hill, that I feci considerable confidence 
in the accuracy of my identification. As these carts 
were afterwards used by Ptolemy to form a single line 
of barrier outside the lake, we obtain a limit to its 
size, as 300 carts would not have extended more than 
0000 feet, or about 17 feet per cart, if placed cud to 

* See Map No. VIII. 


end ; but as there may have been numerous trees on 
the bank of the lake, the length of the barrier may- 
be extended to about 6000 feet. Now it is remark- 
able that this is the exact length of this outer line ac- 
cording to my survey, which shows the utmost extent 
of the lake in the rainy season. I could find no trace 
of the rampart and ditch with which Alexander sur- 
rounded the town, but I was not disappointed, as the 
rains of two thousand years must have obliterated them 
long ago. 

The Kathseans made an unsuccessful attempt to 
escape across the lake during'the night, but they were 
checked by the barrier of carts, and driven back into 
the city. The walls were then breached by under- 
mining, and the place was taken by assault, in which 
the Kathseans, according to Ai-rian, lost 17,000 slain, 
and 70,000 prisoners. Curtius, however, gives the 
loss of the Kathseans at 8000 killed. I am satisfied 
that Arrian's numbers are erroneous, either through 
error or exaggeration, as the city was a small one, 
and could not, at the ordinary rate of 400 or 500 
square feet to each person, have contained more than 
12,000 people. If we double or triple this for the 
influx of fugitives, the whole number would be about 
30,000 persons. I should like, therefore, to read 
Arrian's numbers as 7000 slain and 17,000 prisoners. 
This would bring his number of slain into accord with 
Curtius, and his total number into accord with proba- 

Both Curtius and Arrian agree in stating that Alex- 
ander had crossed the Hydraotes before he advanced 
against Sangala, which should therefore be to the east 
of that river. But the detailed measurements of 


Hwen Thsang are too precise, tlie statement of the Ma- 
liabharata is too clear, and tlie coincidence of name is 
too exact to be set aside lightly. Now, the accounts 
of both Arrian and Curtius show that Alexander was 
in full march for the Ganges when he heard " that 
certain free Indians and Kathseans were resolved to 
give him battle if he attempted to lead his army 
thither." Alexander no sooner heard this than he 
immediately directedhis march against the Kathseans, 
that is, he changed the previous direction of his march, 
and proceeded towards Sangala. This was the uniform 
plan on which he acted during his campaign in Asia, 
to leave no enemy behind him. When he was in full 
march for Persia, he turned aside to besiege Tyre ; 
when he was in hot pursuit of Bessus, the murderer 
of Darius, he turned to the south to subdue Dran- 
giana and Arachosia ; and when he was longing to 
enter India, he deviated from his direct march to 
besiege Aornos. With the Kathseans the provocation 
was the same. Like the Tyrians, the Drangians, and 
the Bazarians of Aornos, they wished to avoid rather 
than to oppose Alexander ; but if attacked they were 
resolved to resist. Alexander was then on the eastern 
bank of the Hydraotcs, or Ravi, and on the day after 
his departure from the river he came to the city of 
Fiiiiprama, where he halted to refresh his soldiers, and 
on the third day reached Sangala. As he was obliged 
to halt after his first two marches, they must have 
been forced ones, of not less than 25 miles each, and 
his last may have been a common march of 12 or 15 
miles. Sangala, therefore, must have been about 60 
or 05 miles from the camp on the bank of the Hydra- 
otcs. Now this is the exact distance of the Sangala 


hill from Lalior whicli was most probably the position 
of Alexander's camp when he heard of the recusancy 
of the Katheei. I believe, therefore, that Alexander 
at once gave up his march to the Ganges, and re- 
crossed the Eavi to punish the people of Sangala for 
daring to withhold their submission. 

Taki, or Asarur. 

I have already mentioned Asarur as the probable 
position of Hwen Thsang's Tse-kia, which was the 
capital of the Panjab in a.d. 633. It is situated about 
2 miles to the south of the high-road between Labor 
and Pindi Bhatiyan, being 45 miles from the former, 
and 24 from the latter place.* It is 19 miles distant 
from Sangala by the road, but not more than 16 miles 
in a direct line across the country. Nothing whatever 
is known of its ancient history, but the people say 
that it was originally called TJdamnagar^ or TJda- 
Nac/ari, and that it was deserted for many centuries, 
until Akbar's time, when TJgar Shah, a Dogar, built 
the Masjid, which still exists, on the top of the 
mound. The antiquity claimed for the place is con- 
firmed by the large size of the bricks, 18 by 10 by 3 
inches, which are found all over the ruins, and by the 
great number of Indo-Scythian coins that are dis- 
covered annually after heavy rain. It therefore 
reaches back to the first century before the Christian 
era, and from its position I believe it to be the Pim- 
prama of Alexander. 

The ruins of Asarur consist of an extensive mound 
15,600 feet, or nearly 3 miles in circuit. The highest 
point is in the north-west quarter, where the mound 

* See Map No. VI. 


rises to 59 feet above the fields. This part, which I 
take to be the ancient palace, is 600 feet long and 400 
feet bmad, and quite regular in shape. It contains an 
old well 21 feet in diameter, which has not been used 
for many years, and is now dry. The palace is com- 
pletely surrounded by a line of large mounds about 
25 feet in height, and 8100 feet, or 1| mile in circuit, 
which was evident!}' the stronghold or citadel of the 
place. The mounds are rounded and prominent, like 
the ruins of large towers or bastions. On the east and 
south sides of the citadel the mass of ruins sinks to 1 
and 15 feet in height, but it is twice the size of the 
citadel, and is, no doubt, the remains of the old city. 
I could find no trace of any ancient buildings, as all 
the surface bricks have been long ago carried off to 
the neighbouring shrine of Ugar Shah at Khdnt/dk 
Masrur ; but amongst the old bricks forming the sur- 
rounding wall of the Masjid I found three moulded in 
different patterns, which could only have belonged to 
buildings of some importance. I found also a wedge- 
shaped brick 15 inches long and 3 inches thick, with 
a breadth of 10 inches at the narrow end, and nearly 
10^ inches at the broad end. This could only have 
been made for a stupa, or a well, but most probably 
for the latter, as the existing well is 21 feet in dia- 
meter. Asarur is now a small village of only 45 

Hweii Thsang places Tse-lna at 14 or 15 /«, or 1\ 
miles, to the north-east of Sdkala ; but as there are no 
traces of any former town in this position, I think it 
very probable that the true numbers should be 114 or 
115 //, or 19 miles, which is just the distance between 
Sangala and Asarur by the road, although in a direct 


line it is not more than IG miles. The circuit of Tue- 
kia was about 20 li^ or upwards of three miles, which 
agrees sufficiently well with my measurement of the 
ruins of Asarur at 15,600 feet, or just three miles. At 
the time of Hwen Thsang's visit there were ten mo- 
nasteries, but very few Buddhists, and the mass of the 
people worshipped the Brahmauical gods. To the 
north-east of the town at 10 //, or nearly 2 miles, 
there was a stupa of Asoka, 200 feet in height, which 
marked the spot where Buddha had halted, and which 
was said to contain a large quantity of his relics. This 
stupa may, I think, be identified with the little mound 
of Sdldr, near Thata Syadon, just two miles to the 
north of Asarur. 

Han-si, or Nara-Sinha. 

On leaving Tse-lda, Hwen Thsang travelled east- 
ward to JSa-lo-Sevg-ho, or Ndra-Sinha, beyond which 
place he entered the forest of Po-lo-she, or Filii trees 
{Sahadora Persica), where he encountered the bri- 
gands, as already related. This town of Nara-Sinha 
is, I believe, represented by the large ruined mound 
of Ran-Si, which is situated 9 miles to the south of 
Shekohpura, and 25 miles to the east- south-east of 
Asarur, and about the same distance to the west of 
Labor.* Si, or Sih, is the usual Indian contraction 
for SinJi, and Ban is a well-known interchange of pro- 
nunciation with Nar, as in Banod for Narod, a large 
town in the Gwalior territory, about 35 miles to the 
south of Narwar, and in Nakldor for Lakhnor, the 
capital of KateJiar, or Bohilkhand. In Bansi, there- 
fore, we have not only an exact correspondence of 

* See Map No. VI. 


position, but also the most precise agreement of name, 
with the long-sought-for Nara-Sinha of the Chinese 
pilgrim. This identificatiou is the more valuable, as it 
furnishes the most conclusive evidence that could be 
desired of the accuracy of Hwcn Thsang's emplacement 
of Sangala to the westward of the Eavi, instead of to 
the eastward, as indicated by the classical authorities. 
The remains of Ban-si consist of a large ruined 
mound, 600 feet in length from north to south, and 
500 feet from east to west, with a general height of 
from 20 to 25 feet. It is thickly covered with broken 
bricks of large size, and coins are occasionally found 
by the saltpetre manufacturers. All the old ruined 
mounds in the Punjab, as Shorkot, Multan, Harapa, 
etc., abound in saltpetre, which has been derived from 
man's occupation, and which, therefore, affords a cer- 
tain proof that the mound of Eansi is not a natural 
elevation, but an artificial accumulation of rubbish, 
the result of many centuries. Eansi also possesses a 
tomb of a Nao-tjaja, or giant of " nine yards," which 
I believe to be only the remains of a recumbent statue 
of Buddha, after his attainment of Nirvana, or death. 
Similar gigantic statues of bricks and mud are still 
made in Barma, which, when in ruins, present exactly 
the same appearance as these Nao-^aja tombs. As 
Buddha was believed to have died with his face to the 
east, all the Nirodna statues would, of course, be 
placed in a direction from north to south ; and as Mu- 
hammadan tombs in India are placed in the same 
direction, I believe that the early Musalmans took 
advantage of these Buddhist statues to form ready- 
made tombs for their leaders who fell in battle. I shall 
have more to saj- on this subject hereafter, and I only 


mention it here as another proof of the antiquity of 

Amhakajjiy or Amahatis. 

Amba and Kdpi are the names of two ruined mounds, 
the remains of ancient cities, which are said to have 
been called after a brother and sister, whose story has 
already been referred to in my account of Manikyala. 
According to the legend, the family consisted of three 
brothers, named Sh'-kap, Sir-suk, and Amba, and of 
four sisters, named Kdpi, Kaljii, Muiide, and Mdndehi, 
each of whom is said to have founded a city to the 
south of Shekohpura, and in the immediate vicinity of 
Han-si. The ruins of these cities are pointed out at 
the following places : 

1st. Sir-leap is a mound of ruins near the village of 
Balarh, 6 miles to the south of Shekohpura. It is re- 
markable that the name of Balarh is also connected with 
Sirkap in the legends of the Sindh Sagar Doab, which 
assign the Balarh Tope as the seat of this Eaja. 

2nd. Sir-suk is a ruined mound, near the village of 
Murad, 3^ miles to the south of Shekohpura, and 2\ 
miles to the north of this Sir-kap mound. 

3rd. Amha is a large ruined mound and village, up- 
wards of 9 miles to the south of Shekohpara, and one 
mile to the east of Ban-si. 

4th. KdjA, or Kanpi, as it is also written and pro- 
nounced, is a small mound 1\ miles to the east of 
Amba, on the old high-road to Labor. 

5th. Kalpi is another small ruined mound near the 
village of Bhuipur, about midway between the mounds 
of Sir-kap and Amba. 

6th. Munde is a ruined mound and village on the 



west bank of the Bd^h-bachha river, 8 miles to the 
south of Eansi and Amba. 

7th. Mdndeld is a mined mound and village to the 
south-east of Amba and Kapi, from which it is equi- 
distant 3^ miles. 

All of these mounds are on the western bank of the 
Hdgli-hacliha river, and at a mean distance of about 25 
miles to the westward of Labor. The whole of the 
villages just mentioned will be found in the district 
map of Labor, but the mounds themselves are shown 
only in the large map of the Sarakpur Parganah. I 
have already remarked that the name of the Bdgh- 
haclilia river is most probably connected with the 
legend of the "Seven hungry Tiger Cubs" {Bdffh- 
lachhas), whose names are preserved in those of the 
seven mounds above noted. The same story is told 
here that is so common in the Sindh Sagar Doab. 
Easalu, the Eaja of Syalkot, plays at Chopar with Sir- 
kajj for a human head, and having won it accepts his 
daughter Koldld instead of the stake. The people 
have the most undoubtiug faith in the truth of this 
legend, and they quoted, with evident satisfaction, the 
following couplet in support of their belief: — 

" Amha-Kapa }iai larai, 
Kaljpi hahin chhurdwan ai." 

When strife arose 'tween Arab and Zap 
Tlieir sister Kalpi made it up. 

As they could give no explanation of the nature of 
this quarrel, the couplet adds but little to our informa- 
tion regarding the seven brothers and sisters. I may 
observe, however, that the junction of the two names 
of Amia and Xapi is most probably as old as the time 
of Ptolemy, who places a to-\vn named Amakuiis^ or 


Amakapis^ to the west of Eavi, and iii the immediate 
neighbourhood of Labokla, or Lahor.* 

The mound of Amba is 900 feet square, and from 
25 to 30 feet in height ; but as the whole of the sur- 
rounding fields, for a breadth of about 600 feet, are 
covered with broken pottery, the full extent of the 
ancient town may be taken at not less than 8000 feet, 
or upwards of 3 miles in circuit. The mound itself is 
covered with broken bricks of large size, amongst 
which I discovered several pieces of carved brick. I 
found also one piece of grey sandstone, and a piece of 
speckled iron ore, similar to that of Sangala, and of 
the Earana hills. According to the statements of the 
people, the place was founded by Eaja Amba 1800 or 
1900 years ago, or just about the beginning of the 
Christian era. This date would make the three brothers 
contemporary with Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka, 
the three great kings of the YucJd, or Kushdn race of 
Indo-Scythians, with whom I am, on other grounds, 
inclined to identify them. At present, however, I am 
not prepared to enter upon the long discussion which 
would be necessary to establish their identity. 

LoJidwar, or Ldhor. 

The great city of Lahor, which has been the capital 
of the Panjab for nearly nine hundred years, is said to 
have been founded by Lava, or Zo, the son of Kama, 
after whom it was named Lohdivar. Under this form 
it is mentioned by Abu Eihan ; but the present form 

* The identification of Ptolemy's Labohla with Lahor was first made 
in Kiepert's Map of India, according to Ptolemy, which accompanied 
Lassen's ' Indische Alterthumskunde.' It has since been confirmed by 
the researches of Mr. T. H. Thornton, the author of the ' History and 
Antiquities of Labor.' 


of tie name, Ldhor, wliicli was soon adopted by the 
Muhammadans, has now become universal. Its history 
has been described by Mr. Thornton in a very full and 
able account, replete with interesting information. 
He has identified Labor with the LaboUa of Ptolemy, 
which I believe to be correct, taking the first two 
syllables Labo to represent the name of Lava. But I 
would alter the termination of Ma to Ika^ or laha^ thus 
making the whole name Laholuka for Lavdlaka, or the 
" abode of Lava.'''' 

Hwen Thsang makes no mention of Labor, although 
it is almost certain that he must have passed through 
it on his way from Taki to Jalandhar. He notes* 
that he halted for a whole month at a large city on 
the eastern frontier of Taki ; but as this kingdom ex- 
tended to the Eyas river on the east, the great city on 
its eastern frontier should be looked for on the line of 
the Bias, and not on the Bavi. It was most probably 
Kasur. The first distinct mention of Labor occurs iii 
the campaigns of Malimud of Ghazni, when the Brah- 
man kings of the Kabul valley, being driven from 
Peshawar and Ohind, established their new capital 
first at Bh'ira on the Jhclam, and afterwards at Labor. 
Thus both Jaij Fdl, and his son Anand Pdl, the suc- 
cessive antagonists of Mahmud, are called Eajas of 
Labor by Ferishta. This Hindu dynasty was sub- 
verted in A.D. 1031, when Labor became the residence 
of a Muhammadan governor under the king of Ghazni.f 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 99. 

t This date is derived from Ferishta; but there are coins of Mahmud 
with Arabic and Sanskrit inscriptions, struck at Mahmudpur in a.h. 
1019. Mr. Thomas has identified this city with Labor. It is found 
in Abu Eihan, and other Muhammadan historians, under the corrupt 
form of Maiidhukur, the capital of Labor. 


Upwards of a century later, in a.d. 1152, when Bah- 
ram was driven from Ghazni by the Afghans of Ghor, 
his son Kushru established himself at Labor. But 
this new kingdom lasted for only two generations, un- 
til A.D. 1186, when the sovereignty of the Ghaznavis 
was finally extinguished by the capture and imprison- 
ment of Khusru Malik, the last of his race. 

Kusdivar, or KasCir. 

According to the traditions of the people Kastlr was 
founded by Kusa, the son of Eama, after whom it was 
named Kusdwar, which, like the contemporary city of 
Lohawar, has been slightly altered in pronunciation 
by the transposition of the vowels. The town stands 
on the high bank of the old bed of the Bias river, 32 
miles to the south- south-east of Labor,* and is popu- 
larly said to have once possessed bdra kilah, or " twelve 
forts," of which seven only are now standing. Its 
antiquity is undoubted. There are, however, no build- 
ings or remains of any consequence ; but the extent of 
the ruins is very great ;f and the situation on the 
high-road between Labor and the old point of junc- 
tion of the Bias and Satlej, opposite Fii-uzpur, is so 
favourable that it must have been occupied at a very 
early date. The position also is a strong one, as it is 
covered by the Bias river on the south, and by ravines 
on the other sides. It is quite impossible to define 
the limits of the ancient city, as the suburbs of the 
present town are entirely covered with the ruins of 

* See Map No. VI. 

t I speak from personal survey and examination ; but I can also 
refer to Lieutenant Barr's ' Kabul and the Panjab,' p. 409, — " Easnr, 
a large and ancient town, that in former days must have covered an 
extensive area, as its ruins are interminable." 



tombs and masjids, and other massive buildings ; but 
it could not, I tbink, have occupied less than one 
square mile, wbich Avould give a circuit of about four 
miles for tbe walled town. Several of tbe tombs are 
fully a mile distant from tbe present town ; and at 
least one-balf of tbe intervening space, wbicb is 
tbickly covered witb ruins, would appear to bave be- 
longed to tbe ancient city. It seems probable, tbere- 
fore, tbat tbis must be tbe "great town" on tbe 
eastern frontier of Tdki^ tbat is, on tbe Bias river, at 
wbicb Hwen Tbsang baited for a montb on bis Avay 
from tbe capital of Tdki to CJdnapati. Unfortunately, 
be bas omitted tbe usual details, and Ave bave only 
the one bare fact, tbat it was situated somewbere on 
tbe rigbt bank of tbe Bias opposite Labor, to guide us 
in determining its position. 

Chinapati^ or Pati. 
Havcu Tbsang places tbe town of Cbinapati at 500 
li, or 83 miles, to tbe cast of Tdki, a position which 
corresponds almost exactly witb Fatti, a large and 
very old town, situated 27 miles to tbe north-east of 
Kasur, and 10 miles to the Avest of the Bias river.* 
Unfortunately there is a discrepancy in the recorded 
distance of tbe next place A'isitcd by the pilgrim, 
otherAvise the site of Chinapati might have been fixed 
absolutely with reference to its bearing and distance 
from the well-known city of Jalandhar. In the Lifef 
of Hwen Tbsang, Chinapati is said to be 50 li, or 8 
miles, to the north-west of the Tdmasa-vana monastery, 
which Avas 150 li, or 26 miles, to the south-west of 
Jalandhar. But in the Travels J of Hwen Tbsang the 

* Sec Map No. VI. t Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 102. 

X Ihid., ii. 198. 


distance of the monastery is stated at 500 A", or 83 
miles, from Chinapati. This last distance is quite im- 
possible, as it would place Chinapati about 30 miles 
to the north of Tdki, instead of 83 miles to the east of 
it, as specified by the pilgrim in his journal. On the 
other hand, the shorter distance of eight miles would 
place it in the midst of the sandy bed of the Bias 
river, where no town has ever existed. I would, 
therefore, propose to read 150 li, or 25 miles, which 
would fix Chinapati at the town of Patti, in the very 
position that has already been determined by the 
bearing and distance from Tdki. 

Patti is a large brick town of considerable anti- 
quity. According to Burnes,* it was built in the 
reign of Akbar; but he is undoubtedly wrong, as 
the town was already the head of a Parganah in the 
time of Hum^yun, who assigned it to his servant 
Jaohar.-j" It is called Patti-Haibatpur by Abul Fazl,:{: 
and it is still known as Haibatpur-Patti. According 
to the people, the town received its Muhammadan 
name from Haibat Kh4n, whose date is not known, 
but I think it probable that he may be identified with 
Haibat Ehan Shirw^ni, who was a leading noble in 
the time of Sikandar Ludi, and who commanded the 
army of the Afghan king against Humayun on his 
return from Persia. The antiquity of Patti is proved 
by the numbers of burnt bricks and old wells which 
are found about the town. The old dry wells were 
noted more than three hundred years ago by Jaohar,|| 
the attendant of the Emperor Humayun ; and the pro- 

* ' Travels in Panjab and Bokhara,' ii. 9. 

t 'Memoirs of Humayun,' 112. % ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 260. 

II ' Memoirs of Humayun,' p. 113. 


fusion of bricks struck Burnes,* who remarks that 
" the houses are constructed of bricks, and the streets 
are even laid with them. Some workmen digging a 
well in this neighbourhood lately hit upon a former 
well on which was a Hindu inscription. It set forth 
that it had been built by one Jr/urtuta, of whom tra- 
dition gives no account." I visited the place in 1838, 
only a few years after Burnes, but I failed to recover 
the inscription. 

Another proof of antiquity is the presence of one of 
the long graves or tombs, Avhicli the people call No- 
ffcija^ or " Nine-yards," that is the Giant. The Patti 
No-ffaja is said by Barrf to have lived in the time of 
Akbar ; but these tombs, which are common in the 
north-west of India, are more usually referred to the 
Ghdzis, who fell in fight against the infidels in the 
early ages of Muhammadanism. I would therefore 
assign the^raye to the time of Mahmud of Ghazni, 
and the brick tomb which has been erected over it to 
the time of Akbar. 

According to Ilwen Thsang, the district of China- 
joata was about 2000 li, or 333 miles, in circuit. "With 
these dimensions, it must have comprised the whole of 
the upper Bari Doab, between the Bias and the Ravi, 
from the foot of the hills to the old junction of the 
Bias and Satlcj, near Firuzpur. The name of Chi-na- 
po-ti, or Chinapati, is referred to the time of the great 
Indo-Scythian king Kanishka, who fixed this place as 
the residence of his Chinese hostages. The pilgrim 
adds, that previous to their residence, India had pos- 
sessed neither pears nor peaches, both of which were 
introduced by the Chinese hostages. The pears were 

* ' Panjab and Bokhara,' ii. 9. f ' Cabul and the Panjab,' p. 62. 


called Chi-na-ni, or Cldndni^ that is, " brouglit from 
China," and the peaches Chi-na-Io-she-fo-ta-lo, or China- 
rclja-putra^ that is, the " China King's sons." This is 
not quite correct, as both pears and peaches are found 
growing wild in the neighbouring hills. But there 
are now two kinds of cultivated peaches, the one round 
and juicy, the other flat and sweet. The first, which 
is called dm in Hindi, and Shaftdlu in Persian, is 
certainly indigenous ; but the other, which is called 
Chini-shaffdht, is most probably that which Hwen 
Thsang refers to as having been introduced from 


Hwen Thsang calls the central district of the Panjab 
Po-fa-to, or Po-la-fa-to, for which M. Stanislas Julien 
proposes to read Parvata. But to this it may be ob- 
jected that parvata^ which means a " hill," could not 
be, and in fact never is, applied as a name to any 
place in the plains. The capital was situated at 
700 li, or 117 miles, to the north-east of Multan, a 
position which agrees almost exactly with the site of 
Jhan//, on the Chenab. But as this place lies at some 
distance above the junction of the Jhelam and Chenab, 
it is most probable that it belonged to the northern 
division of TdM. In this case the distance recorded 
by Hwen Thsang would be too great, which might be 
due to his overlooking the shortness of the kos in this 
part of the country, as I have already explained in 
my account of Singhapura. This kos is only 1 mile 
and 2^ furlongs, or just ^ of the common kos. At this 
valuation Hwen Thsang's distance would be only 76 
miles, which is within a few miles of the position of 



Shorkot, or SJdr, as it is called in the 'Ayin Akbari.' 
Now the initial syllable po of the Chinese name is fre- 
quently interchanged with the syllable so, of which we 
have a notable instance in Po-h-iu-Io for So-Io-tii-lo, or 
Saldtura, the well-known birthplace of the famous gram- 
marian Panini. It is quite possible, therefore, that 
the same interchange may have occurred in the name 
of Po-lo-fa-to, for So-lo-fa-to, or Soravati, which would 
be a synonym for Shorkot. This is a mere suggestion 
to account for the Chinese name of the capital, which 
does not affect the identification of the province, as it 
is quite certain, from its position to the north-east of 
Multan, that it must correspond with the parffanaJi, 
or district of Shorkot. The people I take to be the 
SudraktB, or Oxudrakce of the classical writers, a 
point which will be fully examined in my account of 

The province is described by Hwen Thsang as being 
5000 //, or 833 miles, in circuit, which must be greatly 
exaggerated. On the cast the boundary was limited 
by the Satlej, which for 100 miles formed the frontier 
line of the kingdom of Gurjjara ; on the north it was 
bounded by the province of Tdki for a distance of 200 
miles from the Indus to the old junction of the Byas 
and Satlej, near Firuzpur ; on the south it was 
bounded by Multan for a distance of 150 miles from 
the Indus, near Dera Din-pandk, to the Satlej, below 
Fukpaian ; on the west it Avas bounded by the Indus 
itself for about 50 miles. The total length of frontier 
is therefore not more than 520 miles, which is con- 
siderably less than the circuit recorded by Hwen 
Thsang. The discrepancy may perhaps be explained, 
as before, by the use of the short kos, which would 


reduce the circuit of 833 miles to 531, -wliich agrees 
very closely witli the actual measurements. 

Within these limits there are several important 
towns, and many ruined mounds, the remains of 
ancient cities, which once played an important part 
in the history of the Panjab. These are : — 

-p. , J) ''I, fl- Shorkot. 

(2. Kot Kamalia. 
f3. Harapa. 

BariDoab , . 4. Akhar. 

15. Satgarha. 

Doab [6. Depalpur. 

Jalandhar Pithl7. Ajudhan. 

Shor/cot is a huge mound of ruins, which gives its 
name to the parganah, or division of Shot, or the 
lower half of the Eichna Doab.* It was visited by 
BurneSjf who describes the place as "a mound of earth, 
surrounded by a brick wall, and so high as to be seen 
for a circuit of six or eight miles." He adds that it 
is much larger than Sehwan, which, following the 
measurement of De la Hoste, is 1200 feet long, by 
750 feet broad.]: According to my information, Sbor- 
kot is much smaller than Harapa, and about the size 
of Akbar, that is, 2000 feet by 1000 feet, but loftier 
than either of them. The mound is surrounded by a 
wall of large-sized bricks, which is an undoubted sign 
of antiquity. Burnes was informed by the people that 
their town had been destroyed by some king from the 
westward, about 1300 years ago. The locality leads 

* See Map No. VI. t ' Bokhara and Panjab,' i. 113. 

X ' Journ. Asiat. See., Bengal, 1840, p. 913. 



him to fix on it as the place where Alexander was 
wounded, and to assign its doAvnfall to Alexander 
himself. I received the same tradition about its de- 
struction, which I would attribute to the White Huns, 
who must have entered the Panjab from the westward 
during the sixth century, or about the very time 
specified in the tradition. 

The foundation of the city is attributed to a fabu- 
lous Eaja Slwr, of whom nothing is known but the 
name. I think it probable that Shorkot may be the 
Alexandria Soriano, Xwpmvrj, of Stephanus Byzan- 
tinus, who gives no clue to its position save the bare 
fact that it was in India. The names agree so exactly 
that I feci tempted to suggest that Shorkot may have 
been enlarged and strengthened by Philip, whom 
Alexander left behind as governor of the Oxudrakce 
and Main. This suggestion seems the more probable 
when we remember that Shorkot was in the direct 
line of Alexander's route, from the junction of the 
Hydaspes and Akesines to the capital of the Malli. 
I would, therefore, identify it with the city of the 
Malli, which, according to Diodorus and Curtius, sur- 
rendered after a short blockade.* Curtiusf places it 
at 250 stadia, or 28f miles, from the junction of the 
rivers, a position which corresj^onds exactly with that 
of Shorkot. The account of Arrian differs from that 
of the other two historians in several very important 
particulars. He states that the first city taken by 
Alexander after leaving the confluence of the rivers 
was inland 400 stadia, or 46 miles,;}: distant from the 
Akesines, and that it was captured by assault. I 

* ' Diodorus,' xvii. 52 ; Curtius, " corona cepit." 

t Vita Alex., ix. 4, 10. % ' Anabasis,' \\. 7. 


infer that this city was Kot Kamdlia, and I would ex- 
plain the discrepancy in the two narratives by a re- 
ference to the details of this campaign which are given 
by Arrian. Alexander divided his army into three 
great bodies, of which the advanced division, com- 
manded by Hephsestion, marched five days ahead ; 
the centre was commanded by himself, and the rear 
division, which was commanded by Ptolemy, followed 
three days behind. As the campaign was directed 
against the Malli, I conclude that the army marched 
by the direct route, via Shorkot towards Multan, which 
was certainly the capital of the Malli. . Shorkot would 
thus have fallen to Hephsestion, who commanded the 
advanced division of the army. Alexander's own 
route will be described presently, when I come to 
speak of Kot Kamalia. 

The antiquity of Shorkot may be ascertained ap- 
proximately by the coins which are found in its ruins. 
These consist chiefly of Indo-Scythian copper pieces 
of all ages, with a few Hindu specimens, and a large 
number of Muhammadan coins. A single copper piece 
of Apollodotus was obtained by Bumes. From these 
data I would infer that the town was certainly oc- 
cupied as early as the time of the Greek kings of 
Ariana and the Panjab, and that it was in a flourish- 
ing state during the sway of the Indo-Scytliians, or 
from B.C. 126 down to a.d. 250, or perhaps later. But 
as the Hindu coins which I obtained from Shorkot 
were entirely confined to the Brahman kings of the 
Kabul valley and the Panjab, I conclude that the 
place was either deserted, or, at least, in a very de- 
cayed state, during the middle ages ; and that it was 
either re-occupied or restored in the tenth century by 
one of these Brahman kings. 


Kot Kamdlia. 

Kot Kamalia is a small but ancient town situated 
on an isolated mound on the right or northern bank 
of the Eavi, which marks the extreme limit of the 
river's fluctuations on that side.* It is 44 miles to 
the south-east of the junction of the Hydaspes and Ake- 
sines, and 35 miles to the cast-south-east of Shorkot. 
It possesses an ancient mound of burnt-brick ruins, 
and is said to have been overthrown by a king from 
the West at the same time as Shorkot and Ilarapa. 
Its present name, according to some people, was de- 
rived from a Muhammadan governor, named Kamal- 
ud-din. But this is not certain ; and I think it is 
quite possible that it may owe its origin to the Malli 
tribe, which still exists in this part of the country ; 
but whether the name be old or not, it is quite certain 
that the site is very ancient ; and I am, therefore, led 
to believe that it may be identified with the first city 
captured by Alexander in his campaign against the 

Arrian's account of the capture is so clear and con- 
cise that I will quote it in his own words.f On leav- 
ing the junction of the riA^ors Alexander " marched 
through a desert country against the Malii, and the 
first day pitched his tents on the banks of a small 
rivulet, about one hundred stadia distant from the 
river Akesines. Having there allowed his troops a 
little time for refreshment and rest, he ordered every 
one to fill all his vessels with water, which done, he 
continued his march the remaining part of that day 
and all night, and early the next morning arrived at 

* See Maps Nos. V. aud VI. f ' Anabasis,' vi. 7. 


a city, whither many of the Malii had fled for refuge, 
and this was about 400 stadia distant from the Ake- 
sincs." The small rivulet here mentioned I believe 
to be the lower course of the Ayek river, which rises 
in the outer range of hills, and flows past Syalkot 
towards Sangala, beloAv which the bed is still traceable 
for some distance. It appears again 18 miles to the 
east of Jhavff, and is finally lost about 12 miles to the 
east of Shorkot.* Now somewhere between these two 
points Alexander must have crossed the Jj/ck, as the 
desert country, which he afterwards traversed, lies 
ixmediately beyond it. If he had marched to the 
south he would have arrived at Shorkot, but he would 
not have encountered any desert, as his route would 
have been over the Khcldar, or low-lying lands in the 
valley of the Chenab. A march of 46 miles in a 
southerly direction would have carried him also right 
up to the bank of the Hydraotes, or Eavi, a point 
which Alexander only reached, according to Arrian's 
narrative, after another night's march. f As this march 
lasted from the first watch of the night until daylight, 
it cannot have been less than 18 or 20 miles, which 
agrees exactly with the distance of the Eavi opposite 
Tulamba from Kot Kamalia. The direction of Alex- 
ander's march must, therefore, have been to the south- 
east ; first to the Jyek river, where he halted to re- 
fresh his soldiers, and to fill their water vessels, and 
thence across the hard clayey and waterless tract called 
Sandar-Mr, that is, the 5ar, a desert of the Sandar, or 
Chandra river. Thus the position of the rivulet, the 
description of the desolate country, and the distance of 
the city from the confluence of the rivers, all agree in 

* See Maps Nos. V. and VI. t 'Anabasis,' vi. 7. 




fixing the site of the fortress assaulted by Alexander 
Ayith Kot Kamdlia. 

Arrian describes the place as a A^-alled city with a 
castle seated on an eminence of difficult access, which 
the Indians held for a long time. At last it Avas 
carried by storm, and the whole of the garrison, to 
the number of 2000, were put to the sword. 


Whilst Alexander was engaged in the assault of 
the city just described, Arrian relates that he had dis- 
patched Perdikkas with the cavalry against "an- 
other city of the Malii, into which a great body of 
Indians had fled for safety."* His instructions Avere to 
blockade the city until Alexander arrived ; but the in- 
habitants deserted the place on his approach, and took 
refuge in the neighbouring marshes. This city I be- 
lieve to be Ilarapa. The mention of marshes shows 
that it must have been near the Eavi, and as Per- 
dikkas was sent in advance of Alexander, it must also 
have been beyond Kot Kamalia, that is, to the east or 
south-east of it. Now this is exactly the position of 
Ilarapa, which is situated 16 miles to the east-south- 
east of Kot Karaalia, and on the opposite high bank 
of the Eavi.f There are also several marshes in the 
low ground in its immediate vicinity. 

Ilarapa has been described by two well-known tra- 
vellers, Burnes and Masson, and to their descriptions 
I am not able to add much, although I have been 
encamped at the place on three different occasions. 
BurnesI estimated the extent of the ruins as " about 

* 'Anabasis,' ri. 6. f See Maps Nos. \ ■ and VI. 

X 'Bokhara,' i. 117. 


three miles in circumference, which is one-half too 
much, as the actual ruined mound forms an irregular 
square of only half a mile on each side, or two miles in 
circuit. But this comprises only the remains of the 
walled town, to which we may fairly add the suburbs, 
or fields now covered with broken bricks and other 
remains, which would bring the size of the old town 
quite up to Burnes's estimate. Masson* notices a tra- 
dition that Harapa once extended on the west as far 
as Chichawatni, a distance of 12 miles, which serves, 
at least, to show the belief of the people as to the 
former size and importance of their town. 

The great mass of ruins is on the western side, 
where the mound rises to 60 feet in height in the 
centre. At this point there are several massive walls 
built of large bricks, which are, no doubt, the remains 
of some extensive building. The other portions of 
the mound vary from 30 to 50 feet in height, the 
mass being formed almost entirely of broken bricks. 
Tradition assigns its foundation to Eaja Harapa, of 
unknown date, and its destruction to the same western 
king, of the sixth century, who overthrew Shorkot, 
and whom I believe to have been the leader of the 
White Huns. The crimes of its ruler, who claimed 
the husband's privilege on every marriage, are said to 
have drawn down the vengeance of Heaven, and Ha- 
rapa remained uninhabited for several centuries. As 
the coins that are found in its ruins are similar to 
those discovered at Shorkot, I think that the two 
places must have experienced the same fortunes ; I 
would, therefore, assign its doAvnfall to the Arabs, 
who overran the whole of the lower Panjab imme- 

* ' Travels,' i. 453, and Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vi. 57. 




diately after the capture aud occupation of Multan in 
A.D. 713. 


The village of Akbar is situated on the high-road 
leading from Lahor to Multan, at G miles to the south- 
west of Gugera, and 80 miles from Lahor. The ruins 
of the old toAvn, which stand close to the village, con- 
sist of a large mound 1000 feet square, with a small 
castle 200 feet square, and 7-5 feet high at its northern 
end ; and a second low mound 800 feet long, and 400 
feet broad at the southern end. It must be a place of 
great antiquity, as I found many bricks of very large 
size, 20 by 10 by 3^ inches, such as have not been 
manufactured for many centuries past. The place was 
deserted until about a.d. 1823, when Gulab Singh 
Povindia established the present village of Akbar. 
The old name is now utterly lost, which is much to 
be regretted, as the number of moulded bricks found 
amongst the ruins show that the place must have con- 
tained buildings of some architectural consequence. 


Saigarha is situated 13 miles to the east of Gugera, 
on one of the projecting points of the high bank which 
marks the limit of the windings of the Eavi on the 
east. The name means the " seven castles," but these 
no longer exist. There is an old brick fort on a 
mound, and several isolated mounds, covered with 
broken bricks and other remains, which mark the site 
of an ancient city. Old coins are found in considerable 
numbers, from the time of the Indo-Scythians down- 
wards. It has, therefore, most probably been con- 


tinuously occupied from the beginning of the Christian 
era down to the present time. 


During the rule of the Pathan emperors of Delhi, 
Depalpur was the capital of the northern Panjab. It 
was a favourite residence of Firuz Shah, who erected 
a large masjid outside the city, and drew a canal from 
the Satlej for the irrigation of its lands. At the time 
of Timur's invasion it was second only to Multan in 
size and importance, and was popularly said to pos- 
sess 84 towers, 84 masjids, and 84 wells. At present 
it is very nearly deserted, there being only one in- 
habited street running between the two gates. In 
shape it is a square of nearly 1600 feet, Avith a pro- 
jection 500 feet square at the south-east quarter. To 
the south-west there is a high ruined mound, which 
is said to bo the remains of a citadel. It was con- 
nected with the town by a bridge of three arches, 
which is still standing ; and from its high and com- 
manding position I conclude that it must have been 
the citadel. To the south and cast there are also 
long mounds of ruins, which are, no doubt, the re- 
mains of the suburbs. The actual ruins of Depalpur, 
including the citadel and suburbs, occupy a space 
three-quarters of a mile in length by half a mile in 
breadth or 2-|- miles in circuit. But in its flourishing 
days it must have been much larger, as the fields to 
the east are strewn with bricks right up to the banks 
of the canal, near which Firuz Shah's masjid was 
situated. This extension of the city beyond the walls 
may also be inferred from the fact that the people of 
Depalpur, on Timur's invasion, sought refuge in 



Bhatner, which they would not have done if their 
own city had been defensible. 

The foundation of the place is assigned to EajaDeva 
Pala, Avhose date is unknown. Its antiquity, how- 
ever, is undoubted, as the interior surface on which 
the houses are now built is on a level with the terre- 
plein of the ramparts. The old coins, also, which are 
found there in great numbers, show that Depalpur was 
in existence as early as the time of the Indo-Scythians. 
I am inclined, therefore, to identify it with the Dai- 
dala of Ptolemy, which was on the Satlej to the south 
of Laholda and AmaJcatis, or Labor and Ambakapi. 

Ajudlian^ or Pdhpatan. 

The ancient town of Ajudhan is situated on the high 
bank of the old Satlej, 28 miles to the south- Avest of 
Depalpur, and 10 miles from the present course of the 
river. Its foundation is assigned to a Hindu saint, or 
raja, of the same name, of whom nothing else is re- 
corded. This part of the Doab is still known as Surdt- 
des, a name Avhich recalls the SurakouscB of Diodorus, 
and the Sudrakce and Oxudraka of other Greek writers. 
Now, the Sudralios are always coupled with the Malli 
by classical authors, just as Ajudhan and Multan are 
joined together by the Muhammadan historians. I 
think, therefore, that we may look upon Ajudhan and 
its neighbour Depalpur as two of the chief cities of 
the Sadrcd-as, or Sura/an-, who, in the time of Alex- 
ander, were one of the free nations of India. Dionysius 
and Nonnus use the form of Iliidarkcs, Pliny has 8j/- 
dracce, which agrees with Strabo's Sudraka ; and 
Diodorus has Surakoiisce. Arrian and Curtius alone 
give Oxudiaka. Strabo adds that they were said 


to be descendants of Bacchus;* and as Chares of 
Mytilene states that the name of the Indian god 
SopodBetos meant oIvottoios, or the "Wine-bibber," 
I infer that the people who boasted a descent 
from Bacchus may have called themselves Surd/cas, 
or Bacchidae. The d in Sudrakm I look upon as a re- 
dimdant addition of the Greeks, which is also found 
in the Adraisice of Arrian and the Andrestm of Dio- 
dorus. The Sanskrit name of this people was Ardsh- 
traka, or "the Kingless," which is well preserved in 
Justin's Arestce. Surakai, or the descendants of Sura, 
must therefore be the true Greek form. This is con- 
firmed by the longer form of the name given by Dio- 
dorus as SvpaKovaai, which is most probably derived 
from the Sanskrit surd, "wine," and kusa, "mad, 
or inebriated." It would thus mean simply the 
" drunkards," a nickname which was no doubt given 
by their Arian neighbours, who were very liberal in 
their abuse of the Turanian population of the Panjab. 
Thus the Kathasi of Sangala are stigmatized in the 
Mahabharata as "thieving Bdldkas,^'' as well as "wine- 
bibbers " and " beef eaters, "f They are also called by 
a variety of names, as Madra, Bdhika, Aratla, and 
Jdrttikka, and not even once by their own proper 
name, which, as we know from Alexander's historians, 
was Kathcei, which is still preserved in the KatJd of 
the present day. I confess, therefore, that I look upon 
many of the ethnic appellations which the Greeks have 
handed down to us as nere nicknames, or abusive 
epithets applied by the Brahmanical Aiians to their 
Turanian neighbours. For instance, the name of 

* Geogr., xiv. 1, 8, and 33. 

t StenA-BahilcA dli&nagaudasavain-pttwa gomansam. 



Kamhisfholi, which. Arrian* gives to a people on the 
Hydraotes, or Eavi, is most probably derived from 
the Sanskrit Kapisasthala, that is, "Wine-land, or the 
Tavern," which would be a natural epithet for the 
country of the SurdkusaSj or " wine-bibbers." Simi- 
larly I would explain Oxudraka as Asuralca^ or the 
" Demons." 

The doubt now arises whether Surdlca^ or " the 
drinkers," can have been the true name of this people. 
Arrianf places the Oxudraka; at the junction of the 
Hydaspcs and Akesines, where Curtius locates the 
Sobii, Diodorus the Ibce, and Strabo the Siba. The 
only explanation of this discrepancy that I can suggest 
is, the probable confusion between the name of SoUi, 
or Chobiya^ of rerishta,:j: and that of Sorii, or SuraJca. 
The former was the name of the subjects of Sopeithes, 
or Sophytes, whose rule extended over the Salt Eange 
of mountains above the junction of the Hydaspes and 
Akesines. The latter name I would refer to ShorJcot, 
which I have already identified with Alexandria 
Sdriane. It is still the capital of the district of Shor, 
which lies just below the junction of the Hydaspes 
and Akesines. The Sobii, therefore, were the imme- 
diate neighbours of the Sorii, the former people occu- 
pying the country above the confluence of the rivers, 
and the latter the country just below it. 

This location of the Sorii, or Siirdkas, explains the 
statement of ^\j.Tian§ that the Kathai were allies of 
the OxudrakcB and Malii They were neighbouring 
nations, who were generally at war with each other, but 
were always ready to join against a common enemy. 

* ' Indiea,' iv. t ' Indica,' iv. 

X Briggs's ' Ferishta,' Introduction, i. ]xxii. § 'Anabasis,' v. 22. 


PIIbj places the limit of Alexander's career in the 
territory of the Sudrakas, " in Sudracis expeditio Alex- 
andri termino,"* and the altars on the opposite hank of 
the Hyphasis, or Bias river. From this point to the 
river Sj/drus, that is the Hesidrus, or Satlej, he makes 
the distance 168 Eoman, or 154 British miles ; and 
from the S^drus to the Jomanes, or Jumna, exactly the 
same. But as the whole distance from the Bi^s to the 
Jumna varies from 150 to 160 miles, from the foot of 
the hills down to Kasur on the former riA'^er, and down 
to Xarn^l on the latter river, I presume that only 
one distance, namely, that from the Bias to the Jumna, 
was stated in Pliny's original authority. The famous 
spot on the eastern hank- of the Hyphasis, where 
" Alexander halted and wept,"j" must have been 
somewhere in the low ground between the Satlej and 
the Bias, at a short distance above the old junction 
opposite Kasur and Bazidpur. Por 20 miles above 
this point the courses of the two rivers ran almost 
parallel, and within a few miles of each other, from 
the earliest times down to a.d. 1796, when the Satlej 
suddenly changed its course, and joined the Bias 
above Hari-Zci-patan. "Within this range of 20 miles 
the space between the two rivers was so small that it 
might easily have been overlooked in stating the dis- 
tance from Alexander's camp to the Jumna. I believe, 
however, that it was actually noted by Alexander's 
contemporaries, for Pliny, after stating the distance to 
the Jumna, says, " some copies add five miles more.'':}: 

* Hist. Nat., xii. 12. 

t Gibbon, 'Decline and Fall of the Eoman Empire:' "On the 
eastern bank of the Hyphasis, on the verge of the desert, the Mace- 
donian hero halted and wept." 

J Hist. Nat., vi. 21. : " Exemplaria aliqua adjiciuut quinque millia 


Xow these five Roman miles are the exact distance of 
the old bed of the Satlej from the eastern bank of 
the Bias, a measurement which some of the ancient 
writers may have omitted to note as a matter of little 
importance. On a general review of all the data, I 
think that the site of Alexander's altars must be 
looked for along the line of the present course of the 
Satlej, at a few miles below Hari-M-pafan, and not far 
from the well-known field of Sobraon, which is barely 
five miles distant from several bends of the old bed of 
the Satlej. To this point, therefore, the territory of 
the SudraJece, or Surdkas, must have extended in the 
time of Alexander. 

For many centuries Aju.dhan was the principal ferry 
on the Satlej. Here met the two great western roads 
from Dera Ghazi Khan and Dera Ismail Khan ; the 
first via Mankera, Shorkot, and Harapa ; the second 
via INIultan. At this point the great conquerors Mah- 
mud and Timur, and the great traveller Ibn Batuta, 
crossed the Satlej. The fort is said to have been cap- 
tured by Sabuktugin in a.h. 367, or a.d. 977-78, during 
his plundering expedition in the Panjub ; and again by 
Ibrahim Ghaznavi, in a.h. 472, or a.d. 1079-80. On the 
invasion of Timur, the mass of the population fled to 
Bhatner, and the few people that remained were spared 
by that ruthless barbarian out of respect for the famous 
saint Parid-ud-din Shakar-ganj, whose shrine is in 
Ajudhan. From this saint the place derives its modern 
name of Pdk-patfan, or the " Ferry of the Pure One," 
that is, of Farid, whose latter days were spent at 
Ajudhan. By continued fasting his body is said to 
have become so pure that whatever he put into his 
mouth to allay the cravings of hunger, even earth 


and stones, was immediately turned into sugar, whence 
his name of 81iahar-ganj^ or " Sugar-store." This mi- 
raeulous power is recorded in a well-known Persian 
couplet : — 

" Sang dar dast o guhar gardad, 
Zahar dar kdm o shahar gardad : '' 

which may be freely rendered : — 

" Stones in his hand are changed to money (jewels), 
And poison in his mouth to honey (sugar)." 

From another memorial couplet we learn that he died 
in A.H. 664, or a.d. 1265-66, when he was 95 lunar 
years of age. But as the old name of Ajudhan is the 
only one noted by Ibn Batuta in a.d. 1334, and by 
Timur's historian in a.d. 1397, it seems probable that 
the present name of Pdk-paltan is of comparatively 
recent date. It is, perhaps, not older than the reign 
of Akbar, when the saint's descendant, Nur-ud-din, 
revived the former reputation of the family by the 
success of his prayers for an heir to the throne. 


The southern province of the Panjab is Multan.~ 
According to Hwen Thsang it was 4000 li, or 667 
miles, in circuit, which is so much greater than the 
tract actually included between the rivers, that it is 
almost certain the frontier must have extended beyond 
them. In the time of Akbar no less than seventeen 
districts, or separate jjarganahs^ were attached to the 
province of Multan, of which all those that I can 
identify, namely, Vch^ Birdwal, MoJ, and Marot, are 
to the east of the Satlej. These names are sufficient 
to show that the eastern frontier of Multan formerly 
extended beyond the old bed of the Ghagar river, to 


the verge of the Bikaner desert. This tract, which 
now forms the territory of Bahawalpur, is most effectu- 
ally separated from the richer provinces on the east 
by the natural barrier of the Great Desert. Under a 
strong governaient it has always formed a portion of 
Multan ; and it was only on the decay of the Muham- 
madan empire of Delhi that it was made into a separate 
petty state by Bahawal Khan. I infer, therefore, that 
in the seventh century the province of Multan must 
have included the northern half of the present territory 
of Bahawalpur, in addition to the tract lying between 
the rivers. The northern frontier has already been 
defined as extending from Dera Din-pandh, on the 
Indus, to Pdk-pattan on the Satlej, a distance of 150 
miles. On the west the frontier line of the Indus, 
down to Khanpur, is 160 miles. On the east, the 
line from Pak-pattan to the old bed of the Ghagar 
river, is 80 miles ; and on the south, from Khanpiu' 
to the Ghagar, the distance is 220 miles. Altogether, 
this frontier line is 610 miles. If Hwen Thsaiig's 
estimate was based on the short Jcos of the Panjab, 
the circuit will be only 5^ of 067 miles, or 437 miles, 
in which case the province could not have extended 
beyond Mithanliot on the south. 

In describing the geography of Multan it is neces- 
sary to bear in mind the great changes that have 
taken place in the courses of all the large rivers that 
flow through the province. In the time of Timur and 
Akbar the junction of the Chcnab and Indus took 
place opposite Uchh, GO miles above the present con- 
fluence at Mithankot. It was unchanged Avhen Eennell 
wrote his 'Geography of India,' in a.d. 1788, and still 
latei-, in 1796, A\licn visited by Wilford's surveyor, 


Mirza Mogal Beg. But early in the present century- 
tile Indus gradually changed its course, and leaving 
the old channel at 20 miles above Uch/i, continued its 
course to the south-south-west, until it rejoined the 
old channel at Mithankot. 

The present junction of the Eavi and Chenab takes 
place near Ditcdna Sanandj more than 30 miles above 
Multan ; but in the time of Alexander the confluence 
of the Hydraotes and Akesines was at a short distance 
below the capital of the Malli, which I have identified 
with Multan. The old channel still exists, and is 
duly entered in the large maps of the Multan division. 
It leaves the present bed at Sarai Siddhu, and follows 
a winding course for 30 miles to the south-south-west, 
when it suddenly turns to the west for 18 miles, 
as far as Multan, and, after completely encircling the 
fortress, continues its westerly course for 5 miles below 
Multan. It then suddenly turns to the south-south- 
west for 10 miles, and is finally lost in the low-lying 
lands of the bed of the Chenab. Even to this day the 
ES,vi clings to its ancient channel, and at all high 
floods the waters of the river still find their way to 
Multan by the old bed, as I myself have witnessed on 
two difi'erent occasions. The date of the change is 
unknown; but it was certainly subsequent to the 
capture of Multan by Muhammed bin Kasim in a.d. 
713; and from the very numerous existing remains 
of canals drawn from the old channel, I infer that the 
main river must have continued to flow down it within 
a comparatively recent period, perhaps even as late as 
the time of Timur. The change, however, must have 
taken place before the reign of Akbar, as Abul Fazl* 

* ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 3. 


describes the distance from the confluence of the 
Chenab and Jhelam to that of the Chenab and Eavi 
as 27 kos, and the distance of the latter from the con- 
fluence of the Chenab and Indus as 60 kos, both of 
which measurements agree with the later state of 
these rivers. 

The present confluence of the Bias and Satlej dates 
only from about a.d. 1790, when the Satlej finally 
deserted its old course by Dharmkot, and joined the 
Bias at Hariki-pattan. For many centuries previously 
the point of junction had remained constant just above 
the ferry of Bhao-ki-pattan, between Kasur and Firuz- 
pur. This junction is mentioned by Jauhar in a.d. 
1555,* and by Abul Fazl in 1596.t But though 
the confluence of the two rivers near Firuzpur had 
been long established, yet even at the latter date the 
waters of the Bias still continued to flow down their 
old channel, as described by Abul Fazl : — " For the 
distance of 12 kos near Firuzpur the rivers Biah and 
Satlej unite, and these again, as they pass on, divide 
into four streams, the Hilr^ Hare, Band, and Niirni, all 
of Avhich rejoin near the city of Multan." These 
former beds of the Bias and Satlej still exist, and 
form a most complicated network of dry channels, 
covering the whole of the Doab between the Satlej 
and the high bank of the old Bias. jSTone of the names 
given in Gladwyn's translation of the ' Ayin Akbari' 
arc noAV to be found ; but I am inclined to attribute 
this solely to the imperfection of the Persian alphabet, 
wliieli is a constant source of error in the reading of 
proper names. The Har I would identify with the 
Far a, the JTari with the Rajjlii, and the Nurni with 

* ' Memoirs of Humayun,' p. 113. t ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 108. 


the StU-JVai, all dry beds of the Bias river to the 
south of Harapa. The Dand is probably the D/iamak, 
or Dank, an old channel of the Satlej, which in 
its lower course takes the name of Bhatiyari, and 
passing by Mailsi, Kahror, and Lodhran, joins the 
present channel just above its confluence with the 
Chenab. In most of our maps the Old Bias is con- 
ducted into the lower course of the Bhatiyari, whereas 
its still existing and well-defined channel joins the 
Chenab 20 miles below Shujahabad, and its most 
southerly point is 10 miles distant from the nearest 
bend of the Bhatiyari. 

The changes just described are only the most pro- 
minent fluctuations of the Panjab rivers, which are 
constantly shifting their channels. The change in the 
Bias is the most striking, as that river has altogether 
lost its independent course, and is now a mere tribu- 
tary of the Satlej. But the fluctuations of the other 
rivers have been very remarkable. Thus, the valley 
of the Chenab below Kalowal is nearly 30 miles broad, 
and that of the Eavi, near Gugera, is 20 miles, the 
extreme limits of both rivers being marked by well- 
defined high banks, on which are situated many of 
the most ancient cities of the Panjab. In the Multan 
division these old sites are very numerous, but they 
are now mostly deserted and nameless, and were pro- 
bably abandoned by their inhabitants as the rivers 
receded from them. This was certainly the case with 
the old town of Tulamba, which is said to have been 
deserted so late as 150 years ago, in consequence of 
a change in the course of the Kavi, by which the 
water supply of the town was entirely cut off. The 
same cause, but at a much earlier date, led to the 



desertion of Atari, a ruined town 20 miles to tte west- 
south-west of Tulamba, which was supplied by a canal 
from the old bed of the Ravi. The only places which I 
think it necessary to notice in the present account are 
the following : — 

[1. Tulamba. 
Bari Doab . . . .2. Atari. 

[3. Multan. 
Jalandhar Pith . .4. Kahror. 
At junction ... 6. Uchh. 

Four of these places are celebrated in the history of 
India, and the second, named Atari, I have added on 
account of its size and position, which would certainly 
have attracted the notice of Alexander and other con- 
querors of the Panjab. 


The town of Tulamba is situated on the left bank 
of the Eavi, at 52 miles to the north-east of IMultan. 
It is surrounded with a brick wall, and the houses are 
built chiefly of burnt bricks, brought from the old 
fort of Tulamba, which is situated one mile to the 
south of the present town. According to Masson,* 
this "must have been in the ancient time a remark- 
ably strong fortress," which it undoubtedly was, as 
Timur left it untouched, because its siege would have 
delayed his progress.f It is curious that it escaped 
the notice of Burues, as its lofty walls, which can be 
•sc'cn from a great distance, generally attract the atten- 
tion of travellers. I have visited the place twice. It 
consisted of an open city, jDrotected on the south by 

* ' Travels,' i. 456. f Briggs's ' Ferislita,' i. 487. 


;i lofty fortress 1000 feet square. The outer rampart 
is of earth, 200 feet thick, and 20 feet high on the 
outer face, or fa/tssedi-aic, with a second rampart of 
the same height on the top of it. Both of these were 
originally faced with large bricks, 12 by 8 by 2^- 
inches. Inside the rampart there is a clear space, or 
ditch, 100 feet in breadth, surrounding an inner fort 
400 feet square, with walls 40 feet in height, and in 
the middle of this there is a square tower or castle, 
70 feet in height, which commands the whole place. 
The numerous fragments of bricks lying about, and 
the still existing marks of the courses of bricks in 
many places on the outer faces of the ramparts, con- 
firm the statements of the people that the walls were 
formerly faced with brick. I have already mentioned 
tliat this old fort is said to have been abandoned by 
the inhabitants about 300 years ago, in consequence 
of the change in the course of the Eavi, which entirely 
cut off their supply of water. The removal is attri- 
buted to Shujawal Khan, who was the son-in-law and 
minister of Mahmud Langa of Multan, and the brother- 
in-law of his successor, from about a.d. 1510 to ad. 

The antiquity of Tulamba is Touched for by tradi- 
tion, and by the large size of the bricks, which are 
similar to the oldest in the walls and ruins of Multan. 
The old fo7v?? was plundered and burnt by Timur, and 
its inhabitants massacred ; but the fortress escaped his 
fury, partly owing to its own strength and partly to the 
invader's impatience to continue his march towards 
Delhi. There is a tradition that Tulamba was taken 
by Mahmud of Ghazni, which is vury probably true, 
as it would have been only a few miles out of his 


direct route to Multan. For the same reason I am 
led to believe that it must have been one of the cities 
captured by Alexander. Masson* has already sug- 
gested that it represents "the capital of the Malli," 
or perhaps "the fort held by Brahmans, whose de- 
fence was so obstinate and so fatal to themselves, and 
which was evidently contiguous to the capital of the 
Malli." But as I do not agree with either of these 
suggestions, I will now examine and compare the dif- 
ferent accounts of this part of Alexander's route. 

In my account of Kot Kamalia I adduced some strong 
reasons for identifying that place with the first city 
captured by Alexander on his march from the junction 
of the Hydaspes and Akesines against the Malli. 
Arrian then relates that " Alexander, having allowed 
his soldiers some time for refreshment and rest, about 
the first watch of the night set forward, and marching 
hard all that night came to the river Hydraotes about 
daylight, and understanding that some parties of the 
Malii were just passing the river, he immediately 
attacked them and slew many, and having passed the 
river himself with his forces in pursuit of those who 
had gained the further side, he killed vast numbers of 
them and took many prisoners. However, some of 
them escaped, and bct(iok themselves to a certain town 
well fortified both by art and nature." A whole 
night's march of eight or nine hours could not have 
been less than twenty-five miles, which is the exact 
distance of the Eavi opposite Tulamba from Kot 
ICaniAlia. Here then I infer that Alexander must 
have crossed the Ravi ; and I would identify Tulamba 
itself with the " town well fortified both by art and 

* ' TrayeLs,' j. '&]. \ ' Anabasis,' vi. 3. 


nature," the art being the brick walls, and the nature, 
the enormous mounds of earthen ramparts. The ac- 
count of Curtius* agrees with that of Arrian, " on 
the bank of a river another nation mustering forty 
thousand infantry opposed him. Crossing the river he 
put them to flight, and stormed the fort in which they 
took refuge." Diodorus relates the same story of a 
people named Agalassse, who opposed Alexander with 
forty thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry. 
All these accounts evidently refer to the same place, 
which was a strong fort near the left bank of the ECivi. 
This description would apply also to Harapa ; but I 
have already shown that Harapa was most probably 
the city against which Perdikkas was detached ; be- 
sides which it is not more than 16 miles distant from 
Kot Kamfilia. Tulamba, on the contrary, fulfils all the 
conditions ; and is also on the high-road to Multan, 
the capital of the Malli, against which Alexander was 
then proceeding. 

The name of Agalassce or Agalessensce is puzzling. 
According to Arrian the people of the town were the 
Malii, but it may be remarked that neither the 
Oxudrakse nor the Malli are mentioned by Diodorus 
and Curtius until later. Justin couples a people called 
Gesteani with the Arestse or Ivathtei, who should 
therefore be the same as the Malli or Oxudrakfe, but 
they are not mentioned by any other author. A(jala 
or Agalassa might be the name of the town itself, but 
unfortunately it has no similarity with Tulamba, or 
with any other place in the neighbourhood. 

* Vita Alex., ix. 4, 10. The text lias in ripa Jiuminum, whioli is an 
obvious mistake ioT fluminis, as is proved by the use of amne imme- 
diately folloning. 

Q 2 




The third city capttired by Alexander in his campaign 
against the Malli is described in similar terms by all the 
historians. According to Arrian* " Alexander then 
led his army against a certain city of the Brachmani, 
where he heard another body of the Malii had fled." 
The garrison " abandoned the city and fled to the 
castle," which being stormed they set fire to their 
houses, and perished in the flames. "About 5000 of 
them fell during the siege, and so great was their 
valour that few came alive into the enemy's hands." 
Both Curtius+ and Diodorus^ mention the fire, and 
the stout defence made by the garrison, which the 
latter author numbers at 20,000 men, of whom 3000 
only escaped by taking refuge in the citadel, where 
they capitulated. Curtius also states that the citadel 
was uninjured, and that Alexander left a garrison 
in it.§ 

All these accounts agree very well with the position 
and size of the old ruined town and fort of Atari, 
which is situated 20 miles to the west-south-west of 
Tulamba, and on the high-road to Multan. The re- 
mains consist of a strong citadel 750 feet square and 
?)5 feet high, with a ditch all round it, and a tower in 
the centre 50 feet high. On two sides are the remains of 
the ti>wn forming a moimd20 feethigli, and 1200 feet 
square, the whole being a mass of ruin 1800 feet m 
length, and 1200 feet in breadth. Of its history there 
is not even a tradition, but the large size of the bricks 

* ' Anabasis,' vi. 7. f Vita AJex., ix. 4, 10. 

X Hisl., wii. 52. 

§ A'ita Alex , ix. 4. " Arx erat oppidi intacta, ia qua prsesidmm 



is sufficient to show that it must be a place of consi- 
derable antiquity. The name of the old city is quite 
unknown. Atari is simply that of the adjacent village, 
which is of recent origin, having been established by 
a member of the Atilriwfila family of Sikhs. But 
judging from its size and strength, and its very 
favourable position between Tulamba and Multan, I 
think that the ruined mound of Atari has a very 
good claim to be identified with the strong city of 
the Brahmans which made so stout a defence against 

Curtius adds some particulars about this city, which 
are not even alluded to by either Ai-rian or Diodorus ; 
but they are still deserving of consideration, as they 
may perhaps be founded on the statements of one of the 
companions. He states that Alexander " went com- 
pletely round the citadel in a boat," which is probable 
enough, as its ditch was no doubt capable of being filled 
at pleasure' with water from the Eavi, as was actually 
the case with the ditch of Multan. Now the old citadel 
of Atari is still surrounded by a ditch which could 
easily have been filled from some one of the old canals 
that pass close by the place. The number of these canal 
beds is most remarkable ; I counted no less than twelve 
of them in close parallel lines immediately to the west 
of Atari, all of them drawn from the old bed of the 
Eavi to the south of Sarai Siddhu. I am therefore 
quite prepared to admit the probability that the city 
of the Brahmans was surrounded by a wet ditch on 
which Alexander embarked to inspect the fortifications. 
But when Curtius adds that the three greatest rivers 
in India, except the Ganges, namely the Indus, the 
Hydaspes, and the Akesines, joined their waters to 



form a ditch round the castle,* I can only suppose 
either that the passage has been accidentally transferred 
from the account of some later siege of a city situated 
below the confluence of the Five Eivcrs, or that the 
author has mixed up into one account two and per- 
fectly distinct statements concerning the ditches of the 
fort and the confluence of the rivers. Diodorus also 
describes tlie junction of the rivers, but as he makes 
no allusion to their waters forming a ditch about the 
fort, it is quite possible that this account of three 
rivers may be due to the inflated imagination of 

The famuus uictrupolis of Multan was originally 
situated on two islands in the Ravi, but the river has 
long ago deserted its old channel, and its nearest point 
is now more than 30 miles distant. But during high 
floods the waters of the Ravi still flow down their old 
Ijed, and I have twice seen the ditches of Multan filled 
by the natural overflow of the river.-]- Multan consists 
of a A\'alied city and a strong fortress, situated on op- 
posite banks of an old bed of the Ravi, which once 
flowed between them as well as around them. The 
original site consisted of two low mounds not more 

* Vila Alex., ix. 4. " Ipso navigio circumveclua estarcom; quippe 
tria flumina, totfi India prjeier Gangen maxima, munimento arcis appli- 
cant undas. A septentrionc Indus alluit ; a meridie Aeesines Hydaspi 

|- Burnes, 'Travels in the Punjab, Boliliara,' etc. i. 07, erroneously 
attrilnites the inundation of the country around Alultan to the " Chenab 
nnd its canals." If he had travelled by land instead of by the river, he 
would have seen that the inundation is due to the flood waters of the 
I^avi resuming tlnir ancient course from Sarai Siddhu direct upon 
Mul(;ui. I travelled over this line in the end of August, 1856, and 
saw the old bed of the Eavi in full flood. 


than 8 or 10 feet high above the general level of the 
country. The present height varies from 45 to 50 
feet, the difference of 35 to 40 feet being simply the 
accumulation of rubbish during the lapse of many cen- 
tiu:ies. This fact I ascertained personally by sinking 
several wells down to the level of the natural soil, 
that is, of soil unmixed with bricks, ashes, and other 
evidences of man's occupation. 

The citadel may be described as an irregular semi- 
circle, with a diameter, or straight side of 2500 feet 
facing the north-west, and a curved front of 4100 feet 
towards the city, making a circuit of 6600 feet, or 
just one mile and a quarter. It had 46 towers or 
bastions, including the two flanking towers at each of 
the four gates. The walled city, which envelopes the 
citadel for more than two-thirds of the curve, is 4200 
feet in length, and 2400 feet in breadth, with the long 
straight side facing the south-west. Altogether the 
walled circuit of Multan, including both city and 
citadel, is 15,000 feet, or very nearly 3 miles, and the 
whole circuit of the place, including its suburbs, is 4-|- 
miles. This last measurement agrees very nearly with 
the estimate of Hwen Thsang, who makes the circuit 
of Multan 30 li, or just 5 miles.* It agrees even more 
exactly with the estimate of Elphinstone, who, with 
his usual accuracy, describes Multan as "above four- 
miles and a half in circumference, "f The fortress had 
no ditch when seen by Elphinstone and Burnes, as it 
was originally surrounded by the waters of the E^vi. 
But shortly after Burnes's visit, a ditch was added by 
Sawan Mall, the energetic governor of Raujit Singh. 
The walls are said to have been built by Murad Baksh, 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 173. f ' Kabul," i. 27. 


the yoimgest son of Shah Jahan ; but when I dis- 
mantled the defences of Multan in 1854, I found that 
the walls were generally double, the outer wall being 
about 4 feet thick, and the inner wall 3^ feet to 4 feet.* 
I conclude, therefore, that only the outer wall, or facing, 
was the work of Murad Baksh. The whole was built 
nf burnt bricks and mud, excepting the outer courses, 
which were laid in lime-mortar to a depth of 9 inches. 
Multan is known by several diiferent names, but 
all of them refer either to Vishnu or to the Sun, the 
latter being the great object of worship in the famous 
temple that once crowned the citadel. Abu Eihrm 
mentions the names of Kasyiipd-puru^ llansapura^ 
Bhdf/a/jiira, and Saiiibajjura^ to which I may add, 

Prahlcidapwra and Adyasiluhm. According to the tra- 
ditions of the people, Kasyapa-pura was founded by 
Kasyapa, who was the lUtlicr of the twelve Adltyas, 
or Sun-gods, by Jditi, and of the Dailyas, or Titans, 
by Did. He was succeeded by his eldest son, 
the Daih/a^ named Hiranya-Kasipu, who is famous 
throughout India for his denial of the omnipresence of 
Vishnu, wliich led to the manifestation of the Nara- 
■sijiha^ or "Man-lion" aval dr. He was followed by 
his still more famous son FraJddda., the ardent wor- 
shipper of Vishnu, after whom the city was named 
PraJdddapiirn. His great-grandson, Bduia, commonly 
called Bd72a the Jxiir, was the unsuccessful antagonist 
of Krishna, who took possession of the kingdom of 

* It may be interesting to note that on dismantling the wall near 
the Sikhi Darwaza, or " S]iilied Gate," I found the onty two shot 
that were fired from the great one Imndred-pouiider gun, which the 
Bhingl 3Iixr,/ of Sikhs brouglit against Multan in the beginning of 
this cerjtury. The two shot had completely penetrated through the 
brick wall of 7 feet, and were within three feet of each other. 


Multan. Here Sdmba, the son of Krishna, established 
himself in the grove of Mitra-vana, and by assiduous 
devotion to MUra^ or the " Sun," was cured of his 
leprosy. He then erected a golden statue of Mitra, 

in a temj)le named Adi/astlulna^ or the " First Shi'ine," 
and the worshi}) of the Sun thus began by Sdmba^ has 
continued at Multan down to the present day. 

The story of Sdinhu^ the son of Krishna, is told in 
the BhdviAshya Furdnu* but as it places the Mitra-vana^ 
or "Sun-grove," on the bank of the Chandi-abhaga, 
or Chenab river, its composition must be assigned to 
a comparatively late period, when all remembrance of 
the old course of the Eavi flowing past Multan had 
died away. We know, however, from other sources, 
that the Sun-worship at Multan must be very ancient. 
In the seventh century Hwen Thsang found a mag- 
nificent temple with a golden statue of the god most 
richly adorned, to which the kings of all parts of 
India sent offerings. Hence the place became com- 
monly known amongst the early Arab conquerors as 
" The Golden Temple ;" and Masudi even affirms that 
el Midtdn means " meadows of gold.""]' Hwen Thsang 
calls it Meu-lo-san-pu-lo, which, according to M. Vivien 
de St. Martin, is a transcription of Mulasthdnipura. 
The people themselves refer the name to Mula-sthdna ^ 
which agrees with the form of Mula-fdna, quoted by 
Abu Eihan from a Kashmirian writer. Mtila means 

* Wilford, ' Asiatic Eesearohes,' xi. 69 ; and H. H. "Wilson, in 
Eeinaud, ' Memoire sur I'lnde,' p. 392. 

\ Masudi, ' Gildemeister,' p. 134: " domnm auream : " so also Sir 
H. M. Elliot, ' Muhammadan Historians," p. 56 ; but at p. 57 he trans- 
lates "golden temple." Prof. Dowsod, i. 33, has "boundary of the 
house of gold," translating Masudi ; and at i. 81, " the house of gold," 
translating Idrisi. 


"root, or origin," and st/idna, or than, in the spoken 
dialects, means " place, or shrine." Hence, Mula- 
sthdna is the "Temple of 3Iula,'" which I take to be an 
appellation of the Sun. In the AmaraJcosha one of the 
names of the Sun is Vradhna, which is also given as a 
synonym of 3[nl(i ; hence vradkna must be connected 
with the Latin radix and rddim, and also with the 
Greek pdj3Sos. But as radix signifies not only origin, 
or root, in general, but also a particular root, the 
radish, so also does mtila signify origin, or root, and 
mulaka^ or miUi^ a radish. The connection between a 
sunbeam and a radish obviously lies in their similarity 
of shape, and hence the terms radius and mula are both 
applied to the spoke of a wheel. Mitla-sthdna is said 
by Wilson to mean "heaven, ether, space, atmosphere, 
God," any one of which names would be applicable to 
the Sun as the lord of the ethereal space. Por these 
reasons I infer that mtUa is only an epithet of the Sun, 
as the God of rays, and that Mula-sthdna-pura means 
simply the "city of the Temple of the Sun. Bhdga 
and Hansa are well-known names of the Sun; and 
therefore Bhdtjapura and llaiimpura are only syno- 
nyms of the name of Multan. The earliest name is 
said t(i have been Kasyapapura, or as it is usually 
pronounced, Kasappur, which I take to be the Kaspa- 
puros of IIekata3us, and the Kaspaturos of Herodotus, 
as well as the Kaspeira of Ptolemy. The last town is 
placed at a beud on the lower course of the Rhuadis, 
or Eavi, just above its junction with the Sandohdg, or 
Chaiidrahlidga. The position of Kaspeira therefore 
agrees most exactly with that of Kasyapapura or 
Multan, which is situated on the old bank of the Eavi, 
just at the point where the channel changes its course 


from south-east to east. This identification is most 
important, as it establishes the fact that Multan or 
Kaspeira, in the territory of the Kaspeirei, whose 
dominion extended from Kashmir to Mathura, must 
have been the principal city in the Panjab towards 
the middle of the second century of the Christian 
era. But iu the seventh century it had already ac- 
quired the name of Mulu^itluincqjura^ or Multan, which 
was the only name known to the Arab authors down 
to the time of Abu Kihan, whose acquirement of Sans- 
krit gave him access to the native literature, from 
which he drew some of the other names already 

quoted. The name of Adyasthdna, or " First Shrine," 
is applied in the Bhdvishya Purdna to the original 
temple of the Sun, which is said to have been built by 
Samba, the son of Krishna; but adya is perhaps only 
a corruption of Aditya^ or the Sun, which is usually 
shortened to adit, and even ait, as in aditwdr and 

aitwdr for Aditi/atodra, or Sunday. Eihiduri calls the 
idol a representation of the prophet Job, or Ayub, 
which is an easy misreading of i^J for Ci^d\j adit. 
PraJdaddpura, or PaJdddpur, refers to the temple of 
the Narsingh Avatdr, which is still called PaJdddpuri. 
When Burnes was at Multan, this temple was the 
principal shrine in the place, but the roof was thrown 
down by the explosion of the powder magazine during 
the siege in January, 1849, and it has not since been 
repaired. It stands at the north-eastern angle of the 
citadel, close to the tomb of Bahawal Hak. The great 
temple of the Sun stood in the very middle of the 
citadel, but it was destroyed during the reign of 
Aurangzib, and the Jamai Masjid was erected on its 
site. This masjid was the powder magazine of the 
Sikhs, which was blown up in 1849. 



By the identification of Kasyapapura with, the 
Kaspcira of Ptolemy I have shoAvn that Multan was 
situated on the bank of the Eavi in the first half of 
the second century of the Clu-istiiiu era. Hsyen 
Thsang unfortunately makes no mention of the river ; 
but a few years alter his visit the Brahman Eajah of 
Sindh, named Chach, invaded and cajjtured Multan, 
and the details of his camjxiign show that the Eavi 
still continued tu flow under its walls in the middle 
of the seventh centm-y. They show also that the 
Bias then flowed in an indei^endcnt channel to the 
east and south of Multan. According to the native 
chi-oniclis of Sindh, Chach advanced to Pdbiija, or 
Bnhii/a* on the south bank of the Bias, from whence 
he advanced to Sukah or Sikkah on the bank of the 
Eavi, at a short distance to the eastward of Multan. 
This place was suun deserted by its defenders, who 
retired to\\'ards Multan, and joined Eaja Bajhra in 
opposing Chach on the banks of the Eavi. After a 
stout fight the ^Iidtanis were defeated by Chach, and 
retir(,'d into their fortress, which after a long siege 
surrendered im terms. f 

This brief notice of the campaign of Chach will 
now enable us tu understand mure clearly the campaign 
of Alexander against the capital of the Malli. My 
last nolici' left him at the strong Brahman city, which 
I have identified with Jlilri, 34 miles to the north- 
east of Multan, and on the high-road from Tulamba. 
Here I will resume the narrative of Arrian.J " Having 

* Sir Henr3' Elliot reads Tfxhiya. (Prof. Dowson's edition, i. 141.) 
Lieut. Postans reads Bahii/a. (Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1841, p. 195.) 

t Lieut. Postans in Journ. Asiat. Soc. Benfjal, 1838, p. 94. Sir H. 
W. Elliot, ' History of India,' edited by Prof. Dowson, i. 143. 

+ ' Anabasis,' vi. S. 


tarried there one day to refresh his army, he then di- 
rected his march against others of the same nation, 
who, he was informed, had abandoned their cities and 
retired into the deserts ; and taking another day's rest, 
on the next he commanded Python, and Demetrius 
the captain of a troop of horse, with the forces they 
then had, and a party of light armed foot, to return 
immediately to the river, etc. In the meanwhile he 
led his forces to the capital city of the Malii, whither, 
he was informed, many of the inhabitants of other 
cities had fled for their better security." Here we 
see that Alexander made just two marches from the 
Brahman city to the capital, which agrees very well 
with the distance of 34 miles between Atari and 
Multan. In searching for the chief city of the Malli 
or Malii, we must remember that Multan has always 
been the capital of the Lower Panjab, that it is four 
times the size of any other place, and is undeniably 
the strongest fort in this part of the country. All 
these properties belonged also to the chief city of the 
Malli. It was the capital of the country ; it had the 
greatest number of defenders, 50,000 according to 
Arrian, and was therefore the largest place ; and lastly, 
it must have been the strongest place, as Arrian relates 
that the inhabitants of other cities had fled tu it "fur 
better security." For these reasons I am quite satisfied 
that the capital city of the Malli was the modern 
Multan; but the identification will be still further 
confirmed as we proceed with Arrian 's narrative. 

On Alexander's approach the Indians came out of 
their city, and " crossing the river Hydraotes, drew up 
their forces upon the bank thereof, which was steep 
and difficult of ascent, as though they would have 



obstructed his passage . . . when he arrived there, and 
saw the enemy's army posted on the opposite bank, he 
made no delay, but instantly entered the river with 
the troops of horse he had brought with him." The 
Indians at first retired ; " but when they perceived 
that their pursuers were only a party of horse, they 
faced about and resolved to give him battle, being 
about 50,000 in number." From this account I infer 
that Alexander must have advanced upon Multan from 
the east, his march, like that of Chach, being deter- 
mined by the natural features of the country. Now 
the course of the old bed of the Eavi for 18 miles 
above Multan is almost due west, and consequently 
Alexander's march must have brought him to the fort 
of Sul-ah or 8ikka/i, which was on the bank of the 
Eavi at a short distance to the east of Multan. Prom 
this point the same narrative will describe the pro- 
gress of both conquerors. The town on the east bank 
of the Eavi was deserted by its garrison, who retired 
across the river, where they halted and fought, and 
being beaten took refuge in the citadel. The fort of 
Sukali must have been somewhat near the present 
MAri S/fr/7, Avhich is on the bank of the old bed of the 
Eavi, 2^ miles to the east of Miiltan. 

At the assault of the capital Alexander was dan- 
o'croTisly wounded, and his enraged troops spared 
neither th(> aged, nor the Avomen, nor the children, 
:ind every soul was put to the sword. Diodorus and 
('urtius assign this city to the Oxudraka3 ; but Arrian 
distinctly refutes this opinion,* "for the city," he 
says " l)elnnged to the Malii, and from that people he 
leeei^'cd the wound. Tlie Malii indeed designed to 

* ■ Anabasis,' vi. 11. 


have joined their forces with the Oxuclrakas, and so to 
have given him battle ; but Alexander's hasty and un- 
expected march through the dry and barren waste 
prevented their union, so that they could not give any 
assistance to each other." Strabo also says that Alex- 
ander received his wound at the capture of a city of 
the Malli.* 

When Alexander opened his campaign against the 
Malli, he dispatched Hephgestion with the main body 
of the army five days in advance, with orders to await 
his arrival at the confluence of the Akesines and 
Hydraotes.f Accordingly after the capture of the 
Mallian capital, " as soon as his health would admit, 
he ordered himself to be conveyed to the banks of the 
river Hydraotes, and from thence down the stream to 
the camp, which was near the confluence of the 
Hydraotes and Akesines, where Hepheestion had the 
command of the army and Nearchus of the navy." 
Ilere he received the ambassadors from the Oxudrakae 
and Malii tendering their allegiance. He then sailed 
down the Akesines to its confluence with the Indus, 
where he " tarried with his fleet till Perdikkas arrived 
with the army under his command, having subdued 
the Ahasfani, one of the free nations of India, on his 

At the capture of Multan by Chach, in the middle 
of the seventh century, the waters of the Eavi were 
still flowing under the walls of the fortress, but in 
A.D. 713, when the citadel was besieged by Muhammad 
bin Kasim, it is stated by Biladuri j that " the city 
was supplied with water by a stream flowing from the 

* Geogr., XV. 1, 33. t ' Anabasis,' vi. 5. 

% Eeinaud, ' Fragments Arabes,' p. 199. 


river (name left blank by M. Eeinaud) ; Muhammad cut 
off the water, and the inhabitants, pressed by thirst, 
surrendered at discretion. All the men capable of 
bearing arms were put to death, and the women and 
children, with 6000 priests of the temple, were made 
slaves." The canal is said to have been shown to 
Muhammad by a traitor. I am willing to accept this 
account as a proof that the main stream of the Eavi 
had already deserted its old channel ; but it is quite 
impossible that Multan could have been forced to 
surrender from want of water. I have already ex- 
plained that one branch of the Eavi formerl}- flowed 
between the city and fortress of Multan, and that the 
old bod still exists as a deep hollow, in which water 
can be reached at most times by merely scratching 
the surface, and at all times by a few minutes' easy 
digging. Even in the time of Edrisi* the environs of 
the town are said to have been watered by a small 
river, and I conclude that some branch of the Eavi 
must still have flowed down to Multan. But though 
the narrative of Biladuri is undoubtedly erroneous as 
to the immediate cause of surrender, I am yet inclined 
to believe that all the oilier circumstances may be 
quite true. Thus, when the main stream of the Etivi 
deserted ^lultan, the city, which is still unwalled on 
llie side towards the citadel, must have been protected 
by continuing its defences right across the old bed of 
the river to connect them with tliose of the fortress. 
In thes(> n(^w walls, eponings must have been left for the 
passage of the waters of the canal or branch of the 
Eavi, whichev(n- it may have been, similar to those 
Avhieli existed in modern times. Edrisi specially notes 

* (ieOLTi'., .T.nibcvrs ti'auslation, i. 1(')S. 


that Multan was commanded by a citadel, which had 
four gates, and was surrounded by a ditch. I infer, 
therefore, that Muhammad Kasim may have captured 
Multan in the same way that Cyrus captured Babylon, 
by the diversion of the waters which flowed through 
the city into another channel. In this way he could 
have entered the city by the dry bed of the river, 
after which it is quite possible that the garrison of the 
citadel may have been forced to surrender from want 
of water. At the present day there are several wells 
in the fortress, but only one of them is said to be 
ancient ; and one well would be quite insufficient for 
the supply even of a small garrison of 5000 men. 


The ancient town of Kahror is situated on the 
southern bank of the old Bias river, 50 miles to the 
south-east of Multan, and 20 miles to the north-east 
of Bahawalpur. It is mentioned as one of the towns 
which submitted to Chach* after the capture of Multan 
in the middle of the seventh century. But the interest 
attached to Kahror rests on its fame as the scene of the 
great battle between Vikram^ditya and the Sakas, in 
A.D. 79. Abu Kihan describes its position as situated 
between Multan and the castle of Loni. The latter 
place is most probably intended for Zud//an, an ancient 
town situated near the old bed of the Satlej river, 44 
miles to the east-north-east of Kahror, and 70 miles 
to the east-south-east of Multan. Its position is 
therefore very nearly halfway between Multfi,n and 
Ludhan, as described by Abu Kihan. 

* Lieut. Postans, .Journ. Asiat. Soc, Bengal, 1838, p. 95, where the 
translator reads Karud, ^,X, instead of ,(, Karor. 





The old town of TJchh is situated on the eastern 
bank of the Pniijnad, 70 miles to the soutli-south-west 
of Multan, and 45 miles to the north-east of the 
present confluence with the Indus at Mithunkot. 
The change in the course of the Indus has taken place 
since the time of "Wilford's surveyor, Mirza Mogal 
Beg, who surveyed the Panjab and Kabul between 
the years 1786 and 1796, and this part in 1787-88. 
The former channel still exists under the name of Nala 
Purdn, or the " Old Stream." Uchcha means " high, 
lofty," both in Sanskrit and in Hindi ; and UchcJuma- 
gar is therefore a common name for any place situ- 
ated on a height. Thus we have TJchchagaon or Bit- 
lanilshaJir, as the Muhammadans call it, on the high 
bank of the Kali Nadi, 40 miles to the south-east of 
Delhi. "We have another TJchh on a mound to the 
west of the confluence of the Chenab and Jhelam ; and 
a third Uchh^ which is also situated on a mound, is 
the subject of the present description. According to 
Burnes,* TJchh is formed of three distinct towns, a 
few hundred yards apart from each other, and each 
encompassed by a briclv wall, now in ruins. Massonf 
mentions only two separat(^ towns ; but the people 
themselves say that there were once seven different 
toAvns named Uchchnnagar. In Mogal Beg's map 
TJchh is entered with the remark, " consisting of seven 
distinct villages." According to Masson, TJchh is 
chiefly "distinguished by the ruins of the former 
towns, which are very extensive, and attest the pris- 
liiK" ]irosperity of the locality." According to Burnes, 

* ' Bokhara,' i. 79. t ' Travels,' i. 22, 


the town of Uchli stands on a mound, which he judged, 
from a section exposed by an inundation of the Chenfib, 
to be formed of the ruins of houses. This opinion is 
doubtless correct, as the place has been repeatedly 
destroyed and rebuilt. After the last great siege, in 
A.H. 931, or A.D. 1524-25, by Husen Shah Arghun, 
the walls of Uchh were levelled to the ground, and 
the gates and other materials were carried off to 
Bakar in boats.* Its favourable position at the old 
confluence of the Panjab rivers must have made it a 
place of importance from the earliest times. Accord- 
ingly, we learn from Anian that Alexander " ordered 
a city to be built at the confluence of the two rivers, 
imagining that by the advantage of such a situation it 
would become rich and populous.''^ It is probably 
this city which is mentioned by Rashid ud dinj as the 
capital of one of the four principalities of Sindh under 
Ayand, the son of Kafand^ who reigned after Alexan- 
der. He calls the place Askaland-usaJi, which would 
be an easy corruption of Alexandria Uchcha, or Ussa, 
as the Greeks must have written it. I think, also, 
that Uchh must be the Iskandar, or Alexandria^ of the 
Chach-namah, which was captured by Chach on his 
expedition against Multan.J After the Muhammadan 
conquest the place is mentioned only by its native 
name of Uchh. It was captui-ed bj'^ Mahmud of 
Ghazni, and Muhammad Ghori, and it was the chief 
city of Upper Sindh under NS-ser ud din Kubachah. 
At a later period it formed part of the independent 
kingdom of Multan, which was established shortly 

* Postans, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1841, p. 275. 

t ' Anabasis,' vi. 15. 

% Postans, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1838, p. 94. 

R 2 



after the troubles that followed the invasion of Timur.* 
In A.D. 1524 it was taken by storm by Shah Husen 
or Hasan Arghun of Sindh, when its walls Aveio 
dismantled, as I have abeady noticed. But after 
the capture of Multan, Husen ordered the fort of 
Uchh to be rebuilt, in which he left a large garrison 
to secure the possession of his recent conquests. In 
the reign of Akbar, Uchh was permanently annexed 
to the Mogal empire, and is included by Abul Fazl 
amongst the separate districts of the Subah of 

The country at the confluence of the Panjab rivers 
is assigned by Curtius to the Saiahraca or Sabraca^ and 
by Diodorus to the Sambastce. They are not mentioned 
by Arrian, at least under this name ; but I think that 
the Ossadii, who tendered their allegiance to Alex- 
ander at the confluence of the rivers, were the same 
people. It is probable also that the Abastani, who 
were subdued by Perdikkas, belonged to the same 
class. Perdikkas had been dispatched by Alexander 
to the east of the Eavi, where he captured a town 
which I have identified with Harapa. I infer that his 
campaign must have been an extended one, as Alex- 
ander, whose o-\vn movements had been delayed by his 
Avound, Avas still obliged to halt for him at the con- 
fluence of the rivers. It seems highly probable there- 
fore that he may have carried the CTr(^ek arms to 
Ajii(Uian on the banks of the Satlcj, from which his 
march would have been along the course of that river 
by Ludhan, Mailsi, Kahror, and Lodhran, to Alex- 
ander's camp at TJchh. In this route he must bare 
eiiconntcrod the Johhja Rajputs, who haA-e occupied 

» Brifjgs's ' Ferishta,' iv, 380. 


both banks of the Satlcj from Ajudhan to Uchh from 
time immemorial. T think therefore that the Abastani, 
whom Perdikkas subdued have a strong claim to be 
identified with the Johiya Eajputs. The country about 
Multan is still called Joliiya-bdr or Yaudheya-wdra. 

The Johiyas are divided into three tribes, named 
Laiujavlra or Lakvira, Ma'dhovira or Mddhera, and 
Adainvlra or Adviera. The Sambracm would appear to 
have been divided into three clans, as being a free 
people without kings they chose three generals to lead 
them against the Greeks. Now Johiya is an abbrevia- 
tion of Jodhiya, which is the Sanskrit Yaudheya, and 
there are coins of this clan of as early a date as the 
first centui-y of the Christian era, which show that the 
Yaudheyas were even then divided into three tribes. 
These coins are of three classes, of which the first 
bears the simple inscription Jaya-Yaudheya-ganasya, 
that is (money) " of the victorious Yaudheya tribe. 
The second class has dwi at the end of the legend, and 
the third has tri, which I take to be contractions for 
dwitiyasya and tritiyasya, or second and third, as the 
money of the second and third tribes of the Yaudheya.-^. 
As the coins are found to the west of the Satlej, in 
Depalpur, Satgarha, Ajudhan, Kahror, and Multan, 
and to the eastward in Bhatner, Abhor, Sirsa, Hansi, 
Panipat, andSonpat, it is almost certain that they belong 
to the Johiyas, who now occupy the line of the Satlej, 
and who were still to be found in Sirsa as late as the 
time of Akbar. The Yaudheyas are mentioned in the 
Allahabad inscription of Samudra Gupta, and at a 
still earlier date by Panini in the Junagarh inscription 
of Eudra Dama.* Now the great grammarian was 

* Dr. Bhau D^ji in ' Bombay Journal,' vii. 120. 



certainly anterior to Chandra Gupta Maurya, and his 
mention of the Yaudheyas proves that they must have 
been a recognised clan before the time of Alexander. 
The inscription of Rudra Dama, in which he boasts of 
having "rooted out the Yaudheyas^ shows that this 
powerful clan must have extended their arms very far 
to the south, otherwise they would not have come into 
collision with the princes of Surashtra. From these 
facts I am led to infer that the possessions of the 
Johiyas in the time of Alexander most probably ex- 
tended from Bhatner and Pakpatan to Sabzalkot, about 
halfway between Uchh and Bhakar. 

I will now examine the different names of the 
people who made their submission to Alexander during 
his halt at the confluence of the Panjab rivers. Ac- 
cording to Curtius they were called Sambracce or 8a- 
hracm ;* according to Orosius Sabagrm ; and according 
to Diodorus, who placed them to the east of the river, 
Sambast(B.'\ They were a powerful nation, second to 
none in India for courage and numbers. Their forces 
consisted of 60,000 foot, 6000 horse, and 500 chariots. 
The military reputation of the clan suggests the pro- 
bability that the Greek name may be descriptive of 
their warlike character, just as Yaudheya means " war- 
rior or soldier." I think, therefore, that the true 
Greek name may have been Sambagra, for the Sanskrit 
Samvciyn, that is, the "united warriors," or ^vi^iiaxoh 
which, as they were formed of three allied tribes, 
would have been an appropriate appellation. In con- 
firmation of this suggestion, I may note the fact that 

* Vita Alex., ix. 8. "Inde Sabracas adiit, Talidam Indiae gentem, 
qua' populi, non regum, imperio regebatur." 
t Hist., xvii. 10. 


the country of which Bikaner is now the capital was ori- 
ginally called Bdffar-des, or the land of the Bdffri, or 
" Warriors," whose leader was Bagri Eao.* Bhati also 
means " warrior or soldier." We thus find three tribes 
at the present day, all calling themselves " warriors," 
who form a large propi irtion of the population in the 
countries to the east of the Satlej ; namely, Johiyas or 
Yaudheyas along the river, Bdyris in Bikaner, and 
Bliatm in Jesalmer. All three are of acknowledged 
Lunar descent ; and if my suggested interpretation 
of Sambdgri be correct, it is possible that the name 
might have been applied to these three clans, and not 
to the three tribes of the Yaudheyas. I think, how- 
ever, that the Yaudheyas have a superior claim, both 
on accoimt of their position along the banks of the 
Satlej, and of their undoubted antiquity. To them I 
would attribute the foundation of the town of Ajudhan, 
or Jyodhanam, the " battle-field," which is evidently 
connected with their own name of Yaudheya, or Jjud- 
hiya^ the " warriors." The latter form of the name 
is most probably preserved in the Ossadii of Arrian, a 
free people, who tendered their allegiance to Alexander 
at the confluence of the Panjab rivers. The Ossadii 
of Arrian would therefore con-espond with the Sam- 
bastse of Diodorus and the Sambracse of Curtius, who 
made their submission to Alexander at the same place. 
Now Ossadioi or Assodioi is as close a rendering of 
Jjudhiya as could be made in Greek characters. We 
have thus a double correspondence both of name and 

* This information I obtained at the famous fortress of Bhatner in 
the Bikaner territory. The name is certainly aa old as the time of 
Jahanglr, as Chaplain Terry describes ' Bikaneer ' as the c-Mef city of 
' Bakar.' See 'A Voyage to East India,' p. 86. 



position in favour of my identification of the Sabagrte 
or Sambraese with the Johiyas of the present day. 


Western India, according to Hwen Thsang, was 
divided into three great states, named Sindh^ Gurjjara^ 
and Balabhi. The first comprised the whole valley 
of the Indus from the Punjab to the sea, including the 
Delta and the island of Kachh ; the second comprised 
Western Eajputana and the Indian Desert, and the 
third comprised the peninsula of Gujarat, with a small 
portion of the adjacent coast. 

I. SiNDH. 

In the seventh century Sindh was divided into four 
principalities, which, for the sake of greater distinct- 
ness, I will describe by their geographical positions, 
as Upper Sindh, Middle Sindh, Lower Sindh, and 
Kachh.* The whole formed one kingdom under the 
Eaja of Upper Sindh, who, at the time of Hwen 
Thsang's visit in a.d. 641, was a Siu-to-lo or Sudra. 
So also in the time of Chach, only a few years later, 
the minister Budhiman informs the king that the 
country had been formerly divided into four districts, 
each under its own ruler, who acltnowledged the supre- 
macy of Chach's predecessors.f At a still earlier date 
Sindh is said to have been divided into four princi- 
palities by Ayand^ the son of Kafand^X """h*^ reigned 
some time after Alexander the Great. These four 
principalities are named Zor, Askalandusa, Sdniid, and 

* See Map No. IX. 

t Postans in Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1838, p. 93. 

X Eashid ud din, in Eeinaud's 'Fragments Arabes,' p. 47. 

A Cuiming^ain dftl'- 


Lohdna, all of which will be discussed presently, as 
they would appear to correspond with the divisions 
noted by Hwen Thsang. 

Upper Sindh. 

The single principality of Upper Sindh, which is 
now generally known as 8lro, that is the "Head or 
Upper" division, is described as being 7000 li, or 
1167 miles, in circuit, which is too great, unless, as is 
very probable, it comprised the whole of Kachh Gran- 
dava on the west. This was, no doubt, always the 
case under a strong government, which that of Chach's 
predecessor is known to have been. Under this view 
Upper Sindh would have comprised the present dis- 
tricts of Kachh-Gandava, Kahan, Shikarpur, and 
Larkana to the west of the Indus, and to the east 
those of Sabzalkot and Khairpur. The lengths of the 
frontier lines would, therefore, have been as follows : — 
on the north 340 miles ; on the west 250 miles ; on 
the east 280 miles, and on the south 260 miles; or 
altogether 1030 miles, which is a very near approxi- 
mation to the estimate of Hwen Thsang. 

In the seventh century the capital of the province 
Avas named Pi-chen-po-pu-lo, which M. Julien tran- 
scribes as . VicJiava-pura. M. Vivien de St. Martin, 
however, suggests that it may be the Sanskrit Vichdla- 
pura, or city of " Middle Sindh," which is called 
Vicholo by the people. But the Sindhi and Panjabi 
Vick and the Hindi Bich, or " middle," are not derived 
from the Sanskrit, which has a radical word of its own, 
Madhya, to express the same thing. If Hwen Thsang 
had used the vernacular terms, his name might have 
been rendered exactly by the Hindi JBichwd-pur, or 



"Middle City," but as he invariably uses the 
Sanskrit forms, I think that we must rather look to 
some pure Sanskrit word for the original of his Pi- 
chen-po-pu-lo. Now we know from tradition, as well as 
from the native historians, that Alor was the capital of 
Sindh both before and after the period of Ewen 
Thsang's visit; this new name, therefore, must be 
only some variant appellation of the old city, and not 
that of a second capital. During the Hindu jteriod it 
was the custom to give several names to all the larger 
cities, — as we have already seen in the case of Multan. 
Some of these were only poetical epithets ; as Kumma- 
pura, or " Flower City " applied to Pataliputra, and 
Fadmavati, or, "Lotus Town" applied to Narwar ; 
others were descriptive epithets as Varaudsi, or Ba- 
naras, applied to the city of Kasi, to show that it was 
situated between the Varaiiu and Aai rivulets ; and 
Kdiii/akii6jn, the " hump-backed maiden," applied to 
Kauoj, as the scene of a well-known legend. The 
difference of name does not, therefore, imply a new 
capital, as it may be only a new appellation of the old 
city, or perhaps even the restoration of an old name 
which had been temporarily supplanted. It is true 
that no seci )nd name of Alor is mentioned by the his- 
torians of Sindh ; but as Alor was actually the capital 
in the time of Hwon Thsang, it would seem to be 
quite certain that his name of Pi-clien-po-pu-lo is only 
another name for that city. 

It is of importance that this identification should be 
clearly established, as the pilgrim places the capital to 
the west uf the Indus, whereas the present ruins of 
Alor (ir Aror arc to the east of the river. But this 
very difference confirms the accuracy of the identifi- 


cation, for the Indus formerly flowed to the east of 
Alor, down the old channel, now called Ndra^ and the 
change in its course did not take place until the reign 
of Eaja Daliir,* or about fifty years after Hwen 
Thsang's visit. The native histories attribute the de- 
sertion of Alor by the Indus to the wickedness of 
Raja Dahir ; but the gradual westing of all the Panjab 
rivers which flow from north to south, is only the 
natural result of the earth's continued revolution from 
west to east, which gives their waters a permanent bias 
towards the western banks, f The original course of 
the Indus was to the east of the Alor range of hills ; 
but as the waters gradually worked their way to the 
westward, they at last turned the northern end of the 
range at Rori, and cut a passage for themselves through 
the gap in the limestone rocks between Eori and Bha- 
kar. As the change is assigned to the beginning of 
Dahir' s reign, it must have taken place shortly after 
his accession in a.d. '680 ; — and as Muhammad Kasim, 
just thirty years later, was obliged to cross the Indus 
to reach Alor, it is certain that the river was perma- 
nently fixed in its present channel before a.d. 711. 

The old bed of the Indus still exists under the name 
of Nara, and its course has been surveyed from the 
ruins of Alor to the Ran of Kachh. From Alor to 
Jakrao, a distance of 100 miles, its direction is nearly 
due south. It there divides into several channels, 
each bearing a separate name. The most easterly 

* Postans, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1838, p. 103. 

t All streams that flow from the poles towards the equator work 
gradually to the westward, while those that flow from the equator 
towards the poles work gradually to the eastward. These opposite 
effects are caused by the same difierence of the earth's polar and 
equatorial velocities which gives rise to the trade winds. 


channel, which retains the name of Ndra^ runs to 
the south-east by Kipra and Umrkot, near which it 
turns to the south-west by Wanga Bazar and Eomaka 
Bazar, and is there lost in the great Ean of Kachh. 
The most westerly channel, which is named Purdna, 
or the " Old Eiver," flows to the south-south-west, 
past the ruins of Brahmanabad and Nasirpur to Hai- 
darabad, below which it divides into two branches. 
Of these, one turns to the south-west and falls into the 
present river 15 miles below Haidarabad and 12 miles 
above Jarak. The other, called the Guni, turns to the 
south-east and joins the Xara above Eomaka Bazar. 
There are at least two other channels between the 
Purana and the jS^ara, which branch off just below 
Jakrud, but their courses arc only partially known. 
The upper half of the old Nara, from Alor to Jakrao, 
is a dry sandy bed, which is occasionally filled by the 
flood waters of the Indus. From its head down to 
JAmiji it is bounded on the west by a continuation of 
the Alor hills, and is generally from 200 feet to 300 
feet wide and 20 feet deep. From Jamiji to Jakrao, 
Avherc tlic ehannel widens to fiOO feet Avith the depth 
uf 12 fet'l, the Xara is bounded on both sides by broad 
ranges of low sand-hills. Below Jakrao the sand-hills 
on the wcst(;rn bank suddenly terminate, and the 
Nara, spreading over the alluvial plains, is divided 
into two main branches, which grow wider and shal- 
lower as they advance, until the western channels are 
lost in the hard plain, and the eastern channels in a 
sucoossiou of marshes. But they reappear once more 
below the parallel of Hala and Kipra, and continue 
their com-ses as already described above.'* 
* See Map No. IX. 


In Upper Sindh tlic only places of ancient note are 
yl/or, Rori-B/ia/,ytr, and Ma/iorla, near Lurlnhia. 
Several other places are mentioned in the campaigns 
of Alexander, Chach, Muhammad bin Kasim, and 
Husen Shah Arghun ; but as the distances are rarely 
given, it is difficult to identify the positions where 
names are so constantly changed. In the campaign 
of Alexander we have the names of the Massance^ the 
Sogdi^ the Musikani, and the Prasti, all of which must 
certainly be looked for in Upper Sindh, and which I 
will now attempt to identify. 

MassancB and Sodrce, or Sogdi. 

On leaving the confluence of the PanjS,b rivers, 
Alexander sailed down the Indus to the realm of the 
Sogdi, SojBoi, where, according to Arrian,* " he built 
another city." Diodorusf describes the same people, 
but under a different name : — "Continuing his descent 
(if the river, he received the submission of the SodrcB 
and the Mussana, nations on opposite banks of the 
stream, and founded another Alexandria, in which he 
placed 10,000 inhabitants." The same people are 
described by Curtius,J although he does not mention 
their names : — " On the fourth day he came to other 
nations, where he built a town called Alexandria." 
From these accounts it is evident that the Sogdi of 
Arrian and the Sodra of Diodorus are the same people, 
although the former haA'^e been identified with the 
Sodha Eajputs by Tod and M'Murdo, the latter with 
the servile Sudras by Mr. Vaux. The Sod/ias, who 
are a branch of the Pramaras, now occupy the south- 

* ' Anabasis,' vi. 15. f Hist. Univers. xvii. 56. 

X Vita Alex., ix. 8. 


eastern district of Sindh, about Umarkot, but according 
to M'Murdo,* who is generally a most trustworthy 
guide, there is good reason to believe that they once 
held large possessions on the banks of the Indus, to 
the northward of Alor. In adopting this extension of 
the territory formerly held by the Sodha Eajputs, I 
am partly influenced by the statement of Abul Fazl, 
that the country from Bhakar to Umarkot was peopled 
by the Sodas and Jharejas in the time of Akbar,f and 
partly by the belief that the Massana of Diodorus are 
the Musarnei of Ptolemy, whose name still exists in 
the district of Muzarka, to the west of the Indus 
below Mithankot. Ptolemy also gives a town called 
Musarna^ which he places on a small affluent of the 
Indus, tit the north of the Askana rivulet. The 
MmantK affluent may therefore be the rivulet of 
Kahan, which flows past Pulaji and Shahpur, towards 
Khangarha or Jaeobabad, and Musarna may be the 
town of Shahpur, which was a place of some conse- 
quence before the rise of Shikarpur. " The neigh- 
bouring country, now nearly desolate, has traces of 
cultivation to a considerable extent. "J The So(/di^ or 
Sodrcs, I would identify with the people of Seorai, 
which was captured by Husen Shah Arghun on his 
way from Bhakar to Multan.§ In his time, a.d. 
1525, it is described as "the strongest fort in that 
country." It was, however, deserted by the garrison, 
and the conqueror ordered its walls to be razed to the 
ground. Its actual position is unknown, but it was 

* Journ. Koyal Asiat. Soc, i. 33. i ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 117. 

X Thornlon, ' Gazetteer,' in voce. 

§ Erskine's Hist, of India, i. 388. Postans, Journ. Asiat. Soc. 
Bensal, 1811, 275. 


probably close to Fazilpur, halfway between Sabzal- 
kot and Chota Ahmedpur, where Masson* heard that 
there was formerly a considerable town, and that "the 
wells belonging to it, 360 in number, were still to be 
seen in the jangals." Now in this very position, that 
is about 8 miles to the north-east of Sabzalkot, the old 
maps insert a village named Sirwahi, which may pos- 
sibly represent the Seorai of Sindhian history. It is 
96 miles in a direct line below Uchh, and 85 milee 
above Alor, or very nearly midway between them. 
By water the distance from Uchh would be at least 
one-third greater, or not less than 120 miles, which 
would agree with the statement of Curtius that Alex- 
ander reached the place on the fourth day. It is ad- 
mitted that these identifications are not altogether 
satisfactory ; but they are perhaps as precise as can 
now be made, when we consider the numerous fluctua- 
tions of the Indus, and the repeated changes of the 
names of places on its banks. One fact, preserved by 
Arrian, is strongly in favour of the identification of 
the old site near Fazilpur with the town of the Sot/di^ 
namely, that from this point Alexander dispatched 
Kraterusf with the main body of the army, and all 
the elephants, through the confines of the Arachoti 
and Drangi. Now the most frequented Ghat for the 
crossing of the Indus towards the west, via the Gan- 
dava and Bolan Pass, lies between Fazilpur on the 
left bank, and Kasmor on the right bank. And as 
the ghi.ts, or points of passage of the rivers, always 
determine the roads, I infer that Ivraterus must have 
begun his long march towards Arachosia and Dran- 
giana from this place, which is the most northern 

* ' Travels,' i. 382. f 'Anabasis,' vi. 15. 


liosition on the Indus for the departure of a large 
army to the westward. It seems probahlo, however, 
that Kraterus Avas detained for some time by the 
revolt of Musikanus, as his departure is again men- 
tioned by Arrian,* after Alexander's capture of the 
Brahman city near Sindomana. 

Between Multan and Alor the native historians, as 
well as the early Arab geographers, place a strong 
fort named Bhdtia, which, from its position, has a 
good claim to be identified with the city which Alex- 
ander built amongst the Sogdi, as it is not likely that 
there were many advantageous sites in this level tract 
of coimtry. Unfortunately, the name is variously 
written by the different authorities. Thus, Postans 
gives Pdya, Bcihiya, and Pdhiya ; Sir Henry Elliot 
gives Pdbir/a, Bdtia, and Bhdiiya^ while Price gives 
Baltdfia.-\ It seems probable that it is the same place 
as TaJlidti,X where Jam Janar crossed the Indus ; and 
perhaps also the same as Mdtila^ or Malidtila,^ which 
was one of the six great forts of Sindh in the seventh 

Bhdiia is described by Ferishta as a very strong 
place, defended by a lofty wall and a deep broad 
ditch. II It was taken by assault in a.h. 393, or a.d. 
1003, by Mahmud of Ghazni, after an obstinate de- 
fence, in which the Raja, named Bajja)\ or Bije JRai, 
Avas killed. Amongst the plunder Mahmud obtained 
no less than 280 elephants, a most substantial proof 
of tlie wealth and power of the Hindu prince. 

* ' Anabasis,' vi. 17. t Doivaon's edition of Sir H. Elliot, i. 138. 
+ Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1845, p. 171. § Ihid., 184,5, p. 79. 

II Brifjss's ' Ferisbta,' i. 39 ; and Tabatat.i.Akbari, in Sir Henry 
Elliot, p. ISO. 


]\lusikani — Alor. 

From the territory of the Sot/di or Sodrce, Alexander 
continued his voyage down the Indus to the capital 
of a king named Musikanus, according to Strabo, Dio- 
dorus, and Arrian,* or of a people named Musicani, 
according to Curtius.^]" From Arrian we learn that 
this kingdom had been described to Alexander as 
" the richest and most populous throughout all 
India ; " and from Strabo we get the account of 
Onesikritus that " the country produced everything 
in abundance ; " which shows that the Greeks them- 
selves must have been struck with its fertility. Now 
these statements can apply only to the rich and 
powerful kingdom of Upper Sindh, of which Alor is 
known to have been the capital for many ages. 
Where distances are not given, and names disagree, 
it is difficult to determine the position of any place 
from a general description, unless there are some pe- 
culiarities of site or construction, or other properties 
which may serve to fix its identity. In the present 
instance we have nothing to guide us but the general 
description that the kingdom of Musikanus was " the 
richest and most populous throughout all India." But 
as the native histories and traditions of Sindh agree 
in stating that Alor was the ancient metropolis of the 
country, it seems almost certain that it must be the 
capital of Musikanus, otherwise this famous city would 
be altogether unnoticed by Alexander's historians, 
which is highly improbable, if not quite impos- 

* Strabo, Geogr., xv. i. 22-34 and 54. Diodorus, xvii. 10. Arrian, 
' Anabasis,' vi. 15. 
t Vita Alex., ix. 8. 



sible. That the territory of Alor was rich and fertile 
we know from the early Arab geographers, who are 
unanimous in its praise. 

ITie ruins of Alor are situated to the south of a gap 
in the low range of limestone-hills, which stretches 
from Bhakar towards the south for about 20 miles, 
until it is lost in the broad belt of sand-hills which 
bound the Nara, or old bed of the Indus, on the west. 
Through this gap a branch of the Indus once flowed, 
which protected the city on the north-west. To the 
north-east it was covered by a second branch of the 
river, which flowed nearly at right angles to the other, 
at a distance of 3 miles. At the accession of Eaja Dahir, 
in A.D. 680, the latter was probably the main stream 
of the Indus, which had been gradually working to 
the westward from its original bed in the old N&ra.* 
According to the native histories, the final change 
was hastened by the excavation of a channel thi-ough 
the northern end of the range of hills between Bhakar 
and Eori. 

The true name of Alor is not quite certain. The 
common pronunciation at present is Jror, but it seems 
probable that the original name was Bora, and that 
the initial vowel was derived from the Arabic prefix 
Jl, as it is written A Iror in Biladuri, Edrisi, and other 
Arab authors. This derivation is countenanced by 
the name of the neighbouring town of Rori, as it is a 
common practice in India thus to duplicate names. 
So Bora and Bori Avould mean Great and Little Bora. 
This word has no meaning in Sanskrit, but in Hindi 
it signifies "noise, clamour, roar" and also "fame." 
It is just possible, therefore, that the full name of the 

* See Map No. IX. 


city may have been Rora-jiura^ or Bora-nagara^ the 
" Famous City." This signification suggested itself 
to me on seeing the name of Abhijanu applied to a 
neighbouring village at the foot of the hill, 2 miles to 
the south-west of the ruins of Alor. Ahhijan is a 
Sanskrit term for " fame," and is not improbably 
connected with Hwen Thsang's Pi-chen-po-pu-lo, 
which, by adding an initial syllable o, might be read as 
AhMjanwapura. I think it probable that Alor may be 
the Binagara of Ptolemy, as it is placed on the Indus 
to the eastward of OsJcana^ which appears to be the 
Oxyhanus of Arrian and Curtius. Ptolemy's name of 
Binagara is perhaps only a variant reading of the 
Chinese form, as pulo^ or pura, is the same as nagara, 
and Pichenpo may be the full form of the initial syl- 
lable Bi. 

The city of Musikanus was evidently a position of 
some consequence, as Arrian relates that Alexander 
" ordered Kraterus to build a castle in the city, and 
himself tarried there to see it finished. This done, 
he left a strong garrison therein, because this fort 
semed extremely commodious for bridling the neigh- 
bouring nations and keeping them in subjection." It 
was no doubt for this very reason that Alor was ori- 
ginally founded, and that it continued to be occupied 
until deserted by the river, when it was supplanted 
by the strong fort of Bhakar. 

PrcBsti — Poriikanus, or Oxylcanus. 

From the capital of Musikanus Alexander allowed 
his fleet of boats to continue their course down the 
Indus, while he himself, according to Arrian,* 

* ' Anabasis,' vi. 16. 

s 2 



marcliecl against a neighbouring prince named Oxy- 
kanus, and took two of his chief cities at the first 
assault. Curtius makes Oxycmius the king of a people 
named Prasti* and states that Alexander captured 
his chief city after a siege of three days. Diodorus 
and Strabo call the king Portikanus. Now, these 
various readings at once suggest the probability that 
the name was that of the city, which, either as 
TJchcha-gam ^ or Porta-gdm^ means simply the "Lofty 
town," in allusion to its height. The description of 
Curtius of the " tremendous crash" made by the fall 
of two towers of its citadel shows that the place must 
have been more than usually lofty. I would there- 
fore identify it with the great mound of MaUoria on 
the bank of the Ghar river, 10 miles from Larkana. 
Masson describes it as "the remains of an ancient 
fortress, on a huge mound, named ]\Iaih:jta.'''''\ Ma- 
horta, which is the spelling adopted by the surveyors, 
is probably Mahorddha, for maJid-\- urddha-\-grdina, or 
"the great lofty city," which, as pure Sanskrit, is not 
likely to be a modern name. This identification ap- 
pears to me to be very probable, not only on account 
of the exact correspondence of name, but also on ac- 
count of the relative positions of Alor and iMahorta 
with reference to the old course of the Indus. At 
present Mahorta is within a few miles of the river ; 
but in the time of Alexander, when the Indus flowed 
down the bed of the JSTara, the nearest point of the 
stream was at Alor, from which Mahorta was distant 
45 miles to the south of west. Hence Alexander was 
obliged to leave his fleet, and to tnarcJi against Oxy- 


* Vita Alex., ix. 8, 26. t 'Travels,' i. 461. 


The site of Mahorta must always have been a posi- 
tion of great importance, both commercially and po- 
litically, as it commanded the high-road from Sindh, 
via, Kachh-Gand^va, to Kandahar. Since its desertion, 
the same advantages have made Lark^na, which is 
situated on the same small stream, 10 miles to the 
west of Mahorta, one of the most flourishing places in 
Sindh. The rivulet called the Ghar rises near Kelat, 
and traverses the whole length of the Mda^ or Ganddva 
Pass, below which it is now lost in the desert. But 
the channel is still traceable, and the stream reappears 
on the frontier of Sindh, and flows past Larkana and 
Mahorta into the Indus. Under a strong and judicious 
ruler, who could enforce an economical distribution of 
the available waters, the banks of the GhSr rivulet 
must formerly have been one of the most fertile dis- 
tricts of Sindh. 

The name of PrcesH given by Curtius* might, ac- 
cording to Wilson, be applied to a people occupying 
the thals^ or " oases," of the desert. He refers to 
Prasiha, or Prasthala, as derived from siliala, the 
Sanskrit form of the vernacular ihal^ which is the 
term generally used to designate any oasis in Western 
India. But as the name is simply Vrasti^ I think 
that it may rather be referred to prastha, which 
means any clear piece of level ground, and might 
therefore be applied to the plain country about Lar- 
kana, in contradistinction to the neighbouring hilly 
districts of Sehwan and Gandava. It seems possible, 
however, that it may be connected with the Pisica of 
Ptolemy, which he places on the lower course of the 
small stream that flows past Oslcana into the Indus. 

* Vita Alex., ix. 8. 


Now Oskana is almost certainly the Oxyhanus of 
Arrian and Curtius, for not only are the two names 
absolutely identical, but the inland position of Oskana, 
on a small stream to the west of the Indus, agrees 
exactly with that of Mahorta, which I have identified 
with Oxyhanus. I think also that Ptolemy's Badana, 
which lies immediately to the north of the rivulet, 
must be the present Gandava, as the letters B and G 
are constantly interchanged. In the books of the 
early Arab writers it is always called Kanddbil. 


The principality of Middle Sindh, which is generally 
known as Vichnlo^ or the " Midland," is described by 
Hwen Tlisang as only 2500 li, or 417 miles, in circuit. 
With these small dimensions the province must have 
been limited to the modern district of Sehwan, with 
the northern parts of Haidarabad and Umarkot. 
Within these limits the north and south frontiers 
arc each about 160 miles in length, and the east and 
Avest frontiers about 45 miles each, or altogether not 
more than 410 miles in circuit. The chief city, named 
Of an. da, was situated at 700 //, or 117 miles, from the 
capital of Upper Sindh, and 50 miles from Pifasila, 
the capital of Lower Sindh. As the former was Jlor, 
and the latter was almost certainly the Fattala of the 
Greeks, or Haidnrabad, the recorded distances fix the 
position of O-fan-cJia in the immediate vicinity of the 
ruins of an ancient city called Bambhra-ka-Tid, or the 
" Ruined Tower," or simply BanbJiar, which, accord- 
ing to tradition, was the site of the once famous city 
of Brahmanwas, or Brahmanabad. Hwen Thsang's 
kingdom of Ofancha, or Ava7ida, therefore, corresponds 


as nearly as possible with the province of middle 
Sindh, which is now called Vichalo. 

At the present day the principal places in this 
division of Sindh are Sehwau, Hala, Haidar^bad, and 
Umarkot. In the middle ages, under Hindu rule, the 
great cities were Sadusdn, Brdhmana, or Bahmanwd, 
and Nirunhoi. But as I shall presently attempt to 
show that Nirunkot was most probably the modern 
Haidarabad and the ancient Paitala, it will more pro- 
perly be included in the province of Lower Sindh, or 
Ldr. Close to Bahmanwd the early Muhammadans 
founded Mansura^ which, as the residence of their 
governors, was the actual capital of the province, and 
soon became the largest city in all Sindh. In the 
time of Alexander, the only places mentioned are 
Sindomdna, and a city of Brahmans, named Harma- 
telia by Diodorus. I will now describe these places 
in detail, beginning with the most northerly. 

Sindomdna, or Sehwdn. 

From the city of Oxykanus, Alexander " led his 
forces against Sambus, whom he had before declared 
governor of the Indian mountaineers." The E.aja aban- 
doned his capital, named Sindomana, which, according 
to Arrian,* was delivered up to Alexander by the 
friends and domestics of Sambus, who came forth to 
meet him with presents of money and elephants. 
Curtiusf calls the raja Sabus, but does not name his 
capital. He simply states that Alexander, having 
received the " submission of several towns, captured 
the strongest by mining." The narrative of Diodorus:|: 

* 'Anabasis,' vi. 16. t Vita Alex., is. 8. 

X Hist. TJnivers., xvii. 50. 



also omits the name of the capital, but states that 
Sambus retired to a great distance with thirty ele- 
phants. Strabo* merely mentions Eaja Sabus, and 
Sindomana his capital, without adding any particu- 
lars. Curtiusf alone notes that Alexander returned to 
his fleet after the capture of the raja's strongest city, 
which must therefore have been at some distance from 
the Indus. 

I agree with all previous writers on the ancient 
geography of this part of India in identifying Sindo- 
mana with Sehwdn ; partly from its similarity of name, 
and partly from its vicinity to the Lakki mountains. 
Of its antiquity there can be no doubt, as the great 
mound, which was once the citadel, is formed chiefly 
of ruined buildings, the accumulation of ages, on a 
scarped rock, at the end of the Lakki range of hills. 
De La Ilosteij: describes it as an oval, 1200 feet long, 
750 feet broad, and 80 feet high ; but when I saw it in 
1855, it appeared to me to be almost square in shape, 
and I judged it to be somewhat larger and and rather 
more lofty above the river bed than Burnes's esti- 
mate. § It Mas then on the main stream of the Indus; 
but the river is constantly changing its channel, and 
in all the old maps it is placed on a western branch of 
the Indus. In ancient times, however, when the river 
flowed down the eastern channel of the Ndra^ Sehwan 
was not less than 65 miles distant from its nearest 

* Geogr., xr. 1, 32. 

t Vita Alex., ix. 8 : " Eursus aranem, iu quo classem expectare se 
jusscrat, repetit." 

+ Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1840, p. 913. 

§ ANV'stmacolt, in Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal for 1840, p. 1209, says 
about 100 feet above the Arrul river, or Aral, which, in his time was a 
branch of the Indus. 


point at Jakrao, where it leaves tlie sand-hills. At 
present its water supply is entirely derived from the 
Indus, which not only flows under the eastern front 
of the town, but also along its northern front, by a 
channel called the Aral river, from the great Manchur 
lake, which is supplied by the other Nara, or great 
western branch of the Indus. But as the site could 
not have been occupied unless well supplied with 
water, it is certain that the Manchur lake must have 
existed long previous to the change in the course of 
the Indus. Judging by its great depth in the middle,* 
it must be a natural depression ; and as it is still fed 
by two small streams, which take their rise in the 
Hala Lakki mountains, to the south, it seems probable 
that the lake may have extended even up to the walls 
of Sehwan, before the floods of the western Nara cut a 
channel into the Indus, and thus permanently lowered 
the level of its waters. The lake abounds in fish, 
from which it would appear to derive its name, as 
Manchur is but a slight alteration of the Sanskrit 
Mafsya, and the Hindi machh, or machhi, " fish." I 
think, therefore, that Manchar may be only a familiar 
contraction of machhi-wdla Tdl, or Fish Lake. 

The favourable position of Sehwan, on a lofty 
isolated rock, near a large lake, with food and water 
in abundance, would certainly have attracted the 
notice of the first inhabitants of Sindh. We find, ac- 
cordingly, that its early occupation is admitted by all 
inquirers. Thus, M'Murdoj- says, " Sehwan is un- 
doubtedly a place of vast antiquity ; perhaps more so 
than either Alor or Bahmana." The present name is 

* Westmacott, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1810, p. 1207. 
f Jouru. lioyal Asiat. Soc, i. 30. 



said to be a contraction of Sewu/d/i, which was so 
called after its inhabitants, the Seiois, or Sabis. But 
m all the early Arab geographers the name is some- 
what differently written, as Sadusfdn, or Sadusdn, or 
S/tdrifsr/n, of which the first two syllables agree with 
the Greek Sindomana. I therefore reject the reading 
of Sewistdn as a modern innovation of the Hindus, to 
connect the place with the name of their god Siva. 
The Suido of the Greek, and the Sadu of the early 
Muhammadans, point to the Sanskrit name of the 
country, Sindhu, or to that of its inhabitants, Sain- 
dJiava, or SaindJm, as it is usually pronounced. Their 
stronghold, or capital, would therefore have been 
called Saindhava-sthdna ^ or Saindliu-sthdn., which, by 
the elision of the nasal, becomes the Sadmtdn of the 
Arab geographers. In a similar manner Wilson de- 
rives the Greek Sindomana from " a very allowable 
Sanskrit compound, Sindu-mdn^''^ the "possessor of 
Sindh." I am inclined, however to refer the Greek 
name to Scdndliava-vanam , or Saiiidhiiwdn^ as the 
" abode of the Saindhavas." 

It seems strange that a notable place like Sehwan 
should not be mentioned by Ptolemy under any re- 
cognizable name. If we take Haidarabad as the most 
probable head of the Delta in ancient times, then 
Ptolemy's Sydros, which is on the eastern bank of the 
Indus, may perhaps be identified with the old site of 
Mattali, 12 miles above Haidarabad, and his Pasipeda 
with Sehwan. The identification of Ptolemy's Oskana 
with the Oxijlianufi, or Fortikanus, of Alexander, and 
Avith the great mound of IVLahorta of the present day, 
is, I think, almost certain. If so, either Piska or 
Pasij^cda must be Sehwan. 


Hwen Thsang takes no notice of SehM-^n, but it is 
mentioned in the native histories of Sindh as one of 
the towns captured by Muhammad bin Kasim in a.d. 
711. It was again captured by Mahmud of Ghazni 
in the beginning of the eleventh century ; and under 
the Muhammadan rule it would appear to have become 
one of the most flourishing places in Sindh. It is now 
very much decayed, but its position is so favourable 
that it is not likely ever to be deserted. 

Brdhmana, or Brdhnandbdd. 

From Sindomana Alexander " marched back to the 
river, where he had ordered his fleet to wait for him. 
Thence, descending the stream, he came on the fourth 
day to a town through which was a road to the king- 
dom of Sabus."* When Alexander quitted his fleet 
at Alor (the capital of Musikanus) to march against 
Oxykanus, he had no intention of going to Sindo- 
mana, as Eaja Sambus, having tendered his submis- 
sion, had been appointed satrap of the hilly districts 
on the Indus.f He must therefore have ordered his 
fleet to wait for him at some point on the river not 
far from the capital of Oxykanus. This point I would 
fix somewhere about Marija Dand, on the old Ndra, 
below Kator and Tajal, as Mahorta, which I have 
identified with the chief city of Oxykanus, is about 
equidistant from Alor and Kator. Thence, descending 
the stream, he came on the fourth day to a town, 
through which there was a road to the kingdom of 

* Curtius, Vita Alex., ix. 8. " Alexander. . . . rursus amnem, in 
quo classem exspectare se jusserat, repetit. Quarto deinde die, secundo 
amne, pervenit ad oppidum, quS. iter in regnum erat Sabi." 

t Arriau, ' Anabasis,' vi. 16: to>v ipluiv 'Ivbiov craTpdwriv. 


Sambus. Fi-om Marija Dancl, the point where I sup- 
pose that Alexander rejoined his fleet, the distance to 
the ruined city of Brahmana, or Brahmanahad, is 60 
miles in a direct line by land, or 90 miles by water. 
As this distance could have been accomplished with 
ease in four days, I conclude that Brahmana was the 
actual city of Brahmans which is described by Alexan- 
der's historians. The king of this city had previously 
submitted, but the citizens withheld their allegiance, 
and shut their gates. By a stratagem they were in- 
duced to come out, and a conflict ensued, in which 
Ptolemy was seriously wounded in the shoulder by a 
poisoned sword.* The mention of Ptolemy's wound 
enables us to identify this city with that of Ilarmatelia^ 
which Diodorus describes as the " last town of the 
Brahmans on the river."t Now, Harmatelia' is only a 
softer pronunciation of Brdhma-thala, or Brahnana- 
sfhala, just as Hermes, the phallic god of the Greeks, 
is the same as Brahma, the original phallic god of the 
Indians. But Brahmana was the old Hindu name of 
the city which the Muhammadans called Brahmana- 
bad ; hence I conclude that the town of Brahmans 
captured by Alexander corresponds both in name and 
position with the great city of Brahmanabad. 

The narrative of Arrian after the capitulation of 
Sindomana is unfortunately very brief. His words 
are, "he attacked and won a city which had revolted 
from him, and put to death as many of the Brahmans 
as fell into his hands, having charged them with being 
the authors of the rebellion."! This agrees with the 

* Curtius, Vita Alex., ix. 8. t Hist. Unirers., xjii. 56. 

X ' Anabasis,' vi. 16. 'O hi koI aWrjv noKiv iv rovra dwoiTTaa-av elXe, 
Trnv Bpaxi^dvoiv . . oaoi alrwi rfjs anoa-TdiTcas iyivovTO, aTrtKTiiVfV. 



statement of Diodorus, who mentions that j\.lexanclor 
"was satisfied with punishing those who advised the 
resistance, and pardoned all the others." From a 
comparison of the three narratives, I infer that Har- 
matelia, or Brdhmana, was in the dominions of Musi- 
kanus ; for Curtius states that the king of this city 
had previously submitted to Alexander, while Arrian 
says that he had revolted, and Diodorus adds* that 
Alexander punished the advisers of the rebellion. 
Now, all these facts apply to Musikanus, who had at 
first submitted, and then revolted, and was at last 
crucified, " and with him as many of the Brahmans as 
had instigated him to revolt." This identification is 
of some importance, as it shows that the dominions of 
Musikanus must have embraced the whole of the 
valley of the Indus down to the head of the Delta, 
with the exception of the two outlying districts of 
Oxykanus and Sambus, under the western mountains. 
This extension of his dominions explains the report 
which Alexander had previously received from the 
people, that the kingdom of Musikanus " was the 
richest and most populous throughout all India." It 
also explains how Sambus was at enmity with Musi- 
kanus, as the southern territories of the latter were 
bounded on the west by those of the former. The 
king of this city, where Ptolemy was wounded by a 
poisoned arrow, is called Ambiger by Justin, -j" which was 
probably the true name of Musikanus, the chief of the 
Musikani, in whose territory Brahmana was situated. 
It is much to be regretted that none of the names 
preserved by Ptolemy can be certainly identified with 
this city of the Brahmans. Parabali corresponds with 

* Hist. TJnirers., xvii. 56. f Justin, Hist., xii. 10. 



it in position, and partly also in name, as the first two 
syllables, Parab, are not very different from Baram, 
and the termination, ali, may represent ihala of BraJi- 
viathala, or Harmatelia. After Ptolemy's time we 
know nothing of Brahmana until the Muhammadan 
conquest, a period of nearly six centuries. From the 
native histories, however, we learn that Brahmana 
was the chief city of one of the four governments* 
into which Sindh was divided during the rule of the 
Rais dynasty, or from a.d. 507 to 642, and that it 
continued to be so until the accession of Dahir in a.d. 
680, who made it the capital of the kingdom, after the 
destruction of Alor by the Indus. In a.d. 641 Sindh 
■was visited by Hwen Thsang, whose account has 
already been noticed. He found the kingdom divided 
into the four districts, which for greater distinctness 
I have named Upper Sindh, Middle Sindh, Lower 
Sindh, and Kachh. The first has already been de- 
scribed in my account of Alor. The second, 0-fan- 
cha, I have just identified with Brdliynandbdd. M. 
Stanislas Julien transcribes the Chinese syllables as 
Ai-anda^ for which it is difficult to find an exact equi- 
valent. But I have a strong suspicion that it is only 
a variation of the name of Brdhmana, which was pro- 
nounced in many different ways, as Bahmana, Bah- 
mana, Babhana, Babhana, Bambhana.f Speaking of 
Mansura, which we know was quite close to Brah- 
manabad, Ibn Haukal adds that the Sindhians call it 
Bdmhvdii^X which Ediisi alters to Mkindii.^ But in 

* Postans, Journ. Asiat. Soo. Bengal, 1838, pp. 93-96. 
t See Dhauli inscription of Asoka for Babhano, Babhana, andBam- 
bliana : ediots iii. iv. viii. ix., in Journ. Eoyal Asiat. Soc, vol. xu. 
+ Sir Henry Elliot, ' Muhammadan Historians of India,' p. 63. 
§ Jaubert's ' Edrisi,' i. 162. 


his list of places in Sindh, Edrisi adds after Mansura 
the name of Wdriddn^ or Kdnddn,* which I take to 
be only a various reading of Bamanwa, or, as the 
Sindhians would have pronounced it, Vdmanwd, and 
Vdnwd. The Chinese syllable fan^ which is the well- 
known transcript of Brahma, is a notable example of 
this very contraction, and tends to confirm the opinion 
that Avanda is but a slight variation of Bdhmanwd, or 

Shortly after the Muhammadan conquest Brdhmana 
was supplanted by Mansm-a, which, according to 
Biladuri, was founded by Amru, the son of Muham- 
mad bin Kasim, the conqueror of Sindh, f and named 
after the second Abasside Khalif Al Mansur, who_ 
reigned from a.d. 753 to 774. But according to 
Masudi,:]: it was founded by Jamhur, the governor of 
Sindh, under the last Omnicad Khalif, a.d. 744 to 
749, who named it after his own father Mansur. The 
new city was built so close to Brahmanabad that Ibn 
Haukal, Abu Eihan, and Edrisi, all describe it as the 
same place. Ibn Haukal' s words are, " Mansura, 
which in the Sind language is called Bamiwan."§ 
Abu Eih4n states that it was originally called Ba- 
manhwd, and afterwards Hamandbdd, for which we 
may read Balimanabad^ by simply adding an initial B, 
which must have been accidentally dropped. It was 

* Jaubert's 'Edrisi,' i. 160. 

t Keinaud, ' Fragments Arabes ; ' and Jaubert's ' Edrisi,' i. 162. 

X Sir Henry Elliot's 'Muhammadan Historians of India,' p. 57. 

§ Sir Henry Elliot's ' Muhammadan Historians of India,' Dowson's 
edition, p. 34; and Jaubert's 'Edrisi,' i. 162. " Le nom de la ville 
(Mansura) est en Indien Mirimdn." In Gildemeister's 'Ibn Haukal,' 
this name is Tdmirman, which is an obvious mistake for Bdmiwdn, or 


situated on the eastern brancli of the Mihran, or 
Indus, and was 1 mile in length, and the same in 
breadth, or just 4 miles in circuit. Its position is 
approximately fixed in the neighbourhood of Hala, by 
the number of days' journey in the routes to different 
places. It was 12 days from Multan, 8 from Kan- 
dabil, via Sehwan, and 6 days from Debal, via Man- 
habari, which was itself 4 days from Mansura. It 
was therefore at two-thirds of the distance from Mul- 
tan to the mouth of the Indus, or very nearly in the 
same parallel as Hala. 

Now in this very position the ruins of a large city 
have been discovered by Mr. Bellasis, to whose zeal 
and energy we are indebted for our knowledge of this 
interesting place. The ruins are situated near an old 
bed of the Indus, at 47 miles to the north-east of 
Haidarabad, 28 miles to the east or east-north-east of 
Hala, and 20 miles to the west of the eastern Nara.* 
The place is known as Bambltra-ka-tJml, or " the 
Ruined Tower," from a broken brick tower which is 
the only building now standing. The present appear- 
ance of the site, as described by its discoverer, is "one 
vast mass of ruins, varying in size according to the size 
of the original houses." Its circumference, measured 
by a perambulator, is within a few yards of 4 miles. 
But besides the groat mound of Bamhhra-ka-tkll^ there 
is, at a distance of about \\ mile, "the distinct and 
ruined city of Dolora, the residence of its last king, 
and 5 miles in another direction is the ruined city of 
Depur, the residence of his Prime Minister, and be- 
tu-een these cities are the ruins of suburbs extending 

t Journ. Asiat. Soc, Bombay, v. 413; and Thomas's Prinsep, ii. 
119. Eastwick's ' Handbook for Bombay,' p. 490. 


for miles far and wide into the open country." The 
great mound of Bambhraka-tldl is " entirely sur- 
rounded with a rampart, mounted with numerous 
turrets and bastions." In the time of Akbar there 
were "considerable vestiges of this fortification," 
which Abul Fazl* says "had 140 bastions, one tandb 
distant from each other." The tandb was a measuring 
rope, which the emperor Akbar ordered to be changed 
for bambus joined by iron links. Its length was 60 
Ildhi gaz^ which, at 30 inches each, give 150 feet for 
the tandb; and this multiplied by 140, makes the 
circuit of the city 21,000 feet, or very nearly 4 
miles. Now it will be remembered that Ibn Haukal 
describes Mansura as being 1 mile square, or 4 miles 
in circuit, and that Mr. Bellasis's measure of the cir- 
cumference of the ruined mound of Bambhraka tlntl 
was within a few yards of 4 miles. From this abso- 
lute correspondence of size, coupled with the close 
agreement of position, which has already been pointed 
out, I conclude that the great mound of Bambhra ha 
tJml represents the ruined city of Mansura^ the capital 
of the Arab governors of Sindh. The Hindu city of 
Brahmana, or Brahmanabad, must therefore be looked 
for in the neighbouring mound of ruins now called 
Dilura, which is only 1\ mile distant from the larger 

Mr. Bellasis, the discoverer of these ruins, has 
identified the great mound with Brahmanabad itself ; 

* ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 115. Gladwyn's translation has 1400 bastions, 
wliich. would give to the city a circuit of 40 miles ; the MSS. have 149. 
The Ilahi gaz contained 41^ Sikandari tanghas, and as the average 
breadth of 62 Sikandaris in my collection is ■7334 inches, the length 
of the Ilahi gaz will be 300311 inches. Mr. Thomas, ii. 133, found 
exactly 30 inches. 



but to this it has been justly objected by ]\Ir. Thomas* 
that amongst the multitudes of mediasval coins found 
during the excavations, " the number of Hindu pieces 
was very limited, and that even these seem to be 
casual contributions from other provinces, of no very 
marked uniformity or striking age." The local coins 
consist exclusively of specimens of the Arab governors 
of Sindh, with the name of ^lansura in the margin ; 
and so far as I am aware, there is not a single piece 
that can be attributed to any of the Hindu rajas of 
Sindh. It is therefore to be regretted that Mr. Bel- 
lasis did not make more extensive excavations in the 
smaller movmd of Dilura, which would probably have 
yielded some satisfactory evidence of its superior 

According to the native histories and traditions of 
the people, Brahmanabad was destroyed by an earth - 
C[uake, in consequence of the wickedness of its ruler, 
named Dilu Rai. The date of this prince is doubtful. 
M'lTurdo has assigned a.h. 140, or a.d. 757,t ais the 
year in which C/tota, the brother of Dilu, returned 
from his pilgrimage to Mekka ; but as Mausura was 
still a flourishing city in the beginning of the tenth 
century, when visited by Masudi and Ibn Haukal, it 
is clear that the earthquake cannot have happened 
earlier than a.d. 950. Dilu and C'liota are said to 
have been the snus of Amir, the Rai or ruler of Brah- 
manribad. But it is diificult to believe that there 
were any Hindu cliici's in Brahmana during the rule 
of the Arab.-; in Mansura. The fact is that the same 

* Prin^^op's • Essays,' vol. ii. p. 121, where all tke local coins are 
most carcfutlj^ described and attributed, 
t Journ. Koyal Asiat. Soo.. i. 28. 


stereotyped legend is told of all the old cities in the 
Panjab, as well as of those in Sindh. Shorkot, Harapa, 
and At^i, are all said to have been destroyed on account 
of the sins of their rulers, as well as Alor, Brahmana, 
and Bambhura. But the same story is also- told of 
Tulamba, which we know to be false, as I have been 
able to trace its downfall to its desertion by the Eavi, 
at a very recent date. The excavations of Mr. Bel- 
lasis have shown conclusively that Brahmana was 
overwhelmed by an earthquake. The human bones 
" were chiefly found in doorways, as if the people 
were attempting to escape ; others in the corners of 
the rooms ; some upright, some recumbent, with their 
faces down, and some crouched in a sitting posture."* 
The city was certainly not destroyed by fire, as Mr. 
Richardson notes that he found no remains of charcoal 
or burnt wood, and that the old walls bore no traces 
of fire. On the contrary, he also found the human 
remains crushed in the corners of the rooms, as if the 
terror-stricken inhabitants, finding their houses fall- 
ing about them, hud crouched in the corners and been 
buried by the falling material.! Mr. Eichardson also 
picked up a brick which had " entered cornerways into 
a skull, and which, when taken out, had a portion of 
the bone adhering to it." His conclusion is the same 
as that of Mr. Bellasis, " that the city was destroyed 
by some terrible convulsion of nature." 

The local coins found in the ruins of Bambhra ka- 
tul belong to the Arab governors of Mansura, from 
the time of Jamhur, son of Mansur, the reputed founder 
of the city, down to Umar, the contemporary of Ma- 

* Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bombay, v. 417. 
t Ihid., V. 423. 

T 2 



sudi* It was therefore in existence during the whole 
of that time, or from a.d. 750 to 940, or even later. 
This agrees exactly with what I have already noted, 
that the city was still flourishing when visited by 
Masudi and Ibn Haukal in the first half of the tenth 
century ; and I would therefore assign its destruction 
to the latter half of that century, and not earlier than 
a.d. 970. It is true that Mansura is mentioned by 
Abu Eihan in the beginning of the next century, and 
at a still later period by Edrisi, Kazvini, and Eashid- 
ud-din ; but the last thi-ee were mere compilers, and 
their statements accordingly belong to an earlier age. 
Abu Rihan, however, is entirely original, and as his 
knowledge of the Indian language gave him special 
facilities for obtaining accurate information, his evi- 
dence is sufficient to prove that Mansura was still 
existing in his time. In speaking of the itinerary of 
Sindh, he says,f " From Aror to Bahmanwa, also 
named el Mansura, is reckoned 20 parasangs; from 
thence to Loharani, at the mouth of the river, 30 
parasangs." Mansura therefore still existed when 
Abu Eihan wrote his work, about a.d. 1031 ; but as 
it is mentioned by only one author in the campaigns 
of Mahmud of Ghazni, it is almost certain that it no 
longer existed as a great fortress, the capital of the 
country, otherwise its wealth would have attracted the 
cupidity of that rapacious conqueror. I conclude, 
therefore, that Mansura was already very much de- 
cayed before the accession of Mahmud, and that the 
earthquake -which levelled its walls and overthrew 
its houses, must have happened some time before 

* Thomas in Trhisep's ' Essays,' ii. 113. 
t Et'inaiid, ' Fragments Arabes,' etc. p. 113. 


the beginning of the eleventh century. It is pro- 
bable that most of the inhabitants who escaped the 
great catastrophe would have returned to the ruined 
city to look after their buried property, and that many 
of them again reared their houses on the old sites. 
But the walls of the city were fallen, and there was 
no security ; the river was gradually failing, and 
there was a scarcity of water ; and the place was alto- 
gether so much decayed, that even in a.h. 416, or 
A.D. 1025, when the conqueror of Somnath returned 
through Sindh, the plunder of Mansura was not suffi- 
cient to tempt him out of his direct march ; so he 
passed on by Sehwan to Ghazni, leaving the old 
capital unvisited, and even unnoticed, unless we 
accept the solitary statement of Ibn Athir, that Mah- 
mud on this occasion appointed a Muhammadan go- 
vernor to Mansura. 

The district of Pitasila, or Lower Sindh, is described 
by Hwen Thsang as being 3000 //, or 500 miles, in 
circuit, which agrees almost exactly with the dimen- 
sions of the Delta of the Indus from Haidarabad to 
the sea, including a small tract of country on both 
sides, extending towards the desert of Umarkot on the 
east, and to the mountains of Cape Monz on the west. 
Within these limits the dimensions of Lower Sindh 
are as follows. From the western mountains to the 
neighbourhood of Umarkot, 160 miles; from the same 
point to Cape Monz, 85 miles ; from Cape Monz to 
the Kori mouth of the Indus, 135 miles; and from 
the Kori mouth to Umarkot, 140 miles ; or altogether 
520 miles. The soil, which is described as sandy and 


salt, produced plenty of corn and vegetables, but very- 
few fruits and flowers, which is true of the Delta to 
the present day. 

In the time of Alexander, the only place of note in 
the Delta was Patala ; but he is said to have founded 
several towns himself* during his long stay in Lower 
Sindh, waiting for the Etesian winds to start his fleet. 
Unfortunately the historians have omitted to give the 
names of these places. Justin alone notes that on his 
return up the Indus he built the city of Bai-ce,'\ to 
which I shall hereafter refer. Ptolemy has preserved 
the names of several places, as Barbara^ Sousikana, 
Bonis, and Kolaka, of which the first is most probably 
the same as the Barbarike emporium of the 'Periplus,' 
and perhaps also the same as the Barce of Justin. In 
the time of the author of the 'Periplus,' the capital 
of Lower Sindh was ]\linnagara, which the foreign 
merchants reached by ascending the river from Bar- 
barike. In the middle of the seventh century, Hwen 
Thsang mentions only Pitasila, or Patala. But in the 
beginning of the eighth century, the historians of Mu- 
hammad bin Kasim's expedition add the names of 
Bebal and Nirankot to our scanty list, which is still 
further increased by the Arab geographers of the 
tenth century, who place Manhdtara, or Manlidbari, 
or Manjubari,X to the west of the Indus, and two days' 
journey from Debal, at the point where the road from 
Debal crosses the river. The position of these places 
I will now investigate in their order from north to 

* Ciirtius, Vita Alex., ix. 10: " Interim et urbes plcrasque condidit." 
t Hist., xii. 10. 

% Sir Henry Elliot, ' Muhammadan Historians of India,' Dowson's 
edition, i. 35, quoting Ibn Haukal. 


south, beginning with Patala, at the head of the 

Patala^ or Nirankot. 

The position of Nirankot is fixed at Haidar^bad 
by the concurrent testimony of M'Murdo, Masson, 
Burton, and Eastwiek.* Sir Henry Elliot alone places 
it at Jarak, as he thinks that that locality agrees better 
with the descriptions of the native historians. But 
as Haidarabad is the modem name of the city, which 
the people still know as Nirankot, there would seem to 
be no doubt of its identity with the Nirim, or Nirunkot, 
of the Arab historians and geographers. Its position 
is described by Abulfeda as 25 parasangs from Debal, 
and 15 parasangs from Mansura, which accords with 
the less definite statements of Istakhri and Ibn Haukal, 
who simply say that it was between Debal and Man- 
sura, but nearer to the latter. It was situated on the 
western bank of the river, and is described as a well- 
fortified but small town, with few trees. Now, Hai- 
darabad is 47 miles from the ruined city of Bri,h- 
manabad, or Mansura, and 85 miles from Lari-bandar, 
which I will presently show to have been the most 
probable position of the ancient Debal ; while Jarak 
is 74 miles from Br^hmanabad, and only 60 miles 
from Lari-bandar. The position of Haidarabad, there- 
fore, corresponds much better with the recorded dis- 
tances than that of Jarak. At present the main 
channel of the Indus runs to the west of Haidarabad, 
but we know that the Phuleli, or eastern branch, 

* M'Murdo in Journ. Koyal Asiat. Soe., i. 30; Masson, 'Travels,' 
i. 463 ; Burton, ' Sindh,' pp. 131, 376 ; and Eastwiek, ' Handbook for 
Bombay,' p. 483. See Map No. IX. 


was formerly the principal stream. According to 
M'Murdo,* tlic change of the main stream to the 
westward of Haidarabad took place prior to a.h. 
1000, or A.D. 1592, and was coincident with the 
decay of Nasirpnr, which was only founded in a.h. 
751, or A.D. 1350. As Nasirpur is mentioned by 
Abul Fazlf as the head of one of the subdivisions 
of the province of Thatha, the main channel of the 
Indus must have flowed to the eastward of Nirun- 
kot or Haidarabad at as late a date as the beginning 
of the reign of Akbar. 

Nirunkot was situated on a hill, and there was a 
lake in its neighbourhood of sufficient size to receive 
the fleet of Muhammad Kasim. Sir Heiiry Elliot 
identifies the former with the hill of Jarak, to the 
west of the Indus, and the latter Avith the Kinjur 
lake, near Helai, to the south of Jarak. But the 
Kinjur lake has no communication with the Indus, 
and therefore could not have been used for the recep- 
tion of the fleet, which at once disposes of the only 
special advantage that Jarak was supposed to possess 
over Haidarabad as the representative of Ntrunkot. 
Sir Henry J admits "that the establishment of its 
locality depends chiefly upon the sites which are as- 
signed to other disputed cities, more especially to 
Debal and Mansura." The former he identifies with 
Karachi, and the latter with Haidarabad; and con- 
sistently with these emplacements he is obliged to 
fix Nirunkot at Jarak. But since he wrote his ' Ap- 
pendix to tlie Arabs in Sindh,' the ancient city of 

» Journ. Eoyal Asinl. Soc, i. 236. t ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 272. 

+ Sir H. Elliot's ' Muliammadan Historians of India,' Dowsou's edi- 
tion, i. 400. 


Bamhhra-ka-Thul lias been found by Mr. Bcllasis in 
tbe very position that was long ago pointed out by 
M'lMurdo as the site of Brahmanabad. Its identifica- 
tion as the site of the famous cities of Mansura and 
Brahmanabad leaves Haidarabad, or the ancient Ni- 
rankot, available as the true representative of the 
Nirunkot of Biladuri and the Chach-nama. Its dis- 
tance of 47 miles from Bambhra-ka-tul, and of 85 
miles from Lari-bandar, agree almost exactly with the 
15 and 25 parasangs of Abulfeda. It is also situated 
on a hill, so that it corresponds in position, as well as 
in name, with Nirunkot. The hill, called Ganja, is 
1^ mile long, and 700 yards broad, with a height of 
80 feet.* The present fort was built by Mir Ghulam 
Shah in a.h. 1182, or a.d. 1768.+ About one-third 
of the hill, at the southern end, is occupied by the 
fort, the middle portion by the main street and strag- 
gling houses of the city, and the northern end by 

In A.D. 641, when the Chinese pilgrim Hwen 
Thsang visited Sindh, he travelled from Koteswara, 
the capital of Kachh, a distance of 700 lij or 117 
miles, due north to Pi-io-shi-lo,\ from whence he pro- 
ceeded 300 /«', or 50 miles, to the north-east, to 
cha, which I have already identified with Brahmana- 
bad. M. Julien renders the Chinese syllables by 
Pitasild, but I should prefer Pdtasila, or the "flat 
rock," which is an accurate description of the long 
flat-topped hill on which Haidarabfi,d is situated. 
This name recalls that of Fdtalptir, which, according 

* Wood, 'Journey to the Source of the Oxus,' p. 30. 
t M'Murdo, Journ. Eoyal Asiat. Soc, i. 234. 
X ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 180. 


to Burton,* was an old appellation of Ilaidarabad, or 
Nirankot ; and as this city is exactly 120 miles to the 
north of Kofesar^ in Kachh, and 47 miles to the south- 
west of Brahmanab^d, I have no hesitation in identify- 
ing it with the Pitasila of the Chinese pilgrim. The 
size of the hill also, which is 1^ mile in length, by 
700 yards in breadth, or upwards of 3 miles in circum- 
ference, corresponds very closely with the dimensions 
of Pitasila, which, according to Hwen Thsang, was 20 
li, or 3-| miles, in circuit. 

The names of Fdtalpur and Pdtasila further suggest 
the probability that Ilaidarabad may be the Pattala of 
Alexander's historians, which they are unanimous in 
placing near the head of the Delta. Now, the present 
head of the Delta is at the old town of Mattari, 12 
miles above Haidarabad, where the Fhuleli separates 
from the main channel of the Indus. But in ancient 
times, when the main stream, which is now called 
Purdna, or the "Old Eiver," flowed past Alor and 
Brahmanabad to Nirunkot, the first point of separa- 
tion of its waters was either at Haidarabad itself, past 
which a branch is said to have flowed by Miani to 
Trikal, or 15 miles to the south-east of it where the 
PliuJeli now throws off the Guni branch to the south, 
and then proceeds westerly to join the present stream 
of the Indus at Trikal. The true head of the old 
Delta was therefore either at Haidarabad itself, or 15 
miles to the south-east of it, where the Guni, or 
eastern branch of the Indus, separated from the Phu- 
Icli, or western branch. 

NoAV, the position of Patala can be determined by 
several independent data: — 

* ' Sindh,' chap, i- note 7. 


1st. According to Ptolemy, the head of the Delta 
was exactly midway between Os/cana and the eastern 
mouth of the Indus, called Lonihare ostium. This fixes 
Patala at Haidartlbad, which is equidistant from the 
capital of Oxykanus., that is, from Mahorta near Lar- 
kana, and the Kori., or eastern mouth of the Indus, 
which is also the mouth of the Loni river^i or Lonibare 

2nd. The base of the Delta was reckoned by Aris- 
tobulus at 1000 stadia, or 115 miles; by Nearchus at 
1800 stadia, and by Onesikritus at 2000 stadia* But 
as the actual coast line, from the Ghara mouth on the 
west, to the Kori mouth on the east, is not more than 
125 miles, we may adopt the estimate of Aristobulus 
in preference to the larger numbers of the other au- 
thorities. And as Onesikritus states that all three 
sides of the Delta were of the same length, the dis- 
tance of Patala from the sea may be taken at from 
1000 stadia, or 115 miles, up to 125 miles. Now, 
the distance of Haidarabad from the Ghara, or western 
mouth of the Indus, is 110 miles, and from the Kori, or 
eastern mouth, 135 miles, both of which agree suffi- 
ciently near to the base measurement to warrant the 
descriptions of Onesikritus that the Delta formed an 
equilateral triangle. Consequently, the city of Patala, 
which was either at or near the head of the Delta, 
may be almost certainly identified with the present 

3rd. From a comparison of the narratives of Arrian 
and Curtius, it appears that the Eaja of Patala, having 
made his submission to Alexander at Brdhmana, or 
the city of Brahmans, the conqueror sailed leisurely 

* Strabo, Geogr., xy. i. 33. 


down tile river for three days, when he heard that the 
Indian prince had suddenly abandoned his country 
and fled to the desert.* Alexander at once pushed 
on to Patala. Now, the distance from Brahmanabad 
to Haidarabad is only 47 miles by the direct land 
route ; but as the old bed of the Indus makes a wide 
sweep round by Nasirpur, the route along the river 
bank, which was doubtless followed by the army, is 
not less than 55 miles, while the distance by water 
must be fully 80 miles. His progress during the first 
three days, estimated at the usual rate of 10 or 12 
miles by land, and 18 or 20 miles by water, would 
have brought him within 19 miles of Haidarabad by 
land, and 26 miles by water, which distance he would 
have easily accomplished on the fourth day by a forced 
march. From Patala he proceeded down the western 
branch of the river for a distance of 400 stadia^ or 46 
miles, when his naval commanders first perceived the 
sea breeze. This point I believe to have been Jarak, 
which is 30 miles below Haidarabad by land, and 45 
miles, or nearly 400 stadia, by water. There Alex- 
ander procured guides, and, pressing on with still 
greater eagerness, on the third day he became aware 
of his vicinity to the sea by meeting the tide.f As 
the tides in the Indus are not felt more than 60 miles 
from the sea, I conclude that Alexander must then 
have reached as far as Bambhra, on the Ghara, or 
western branch of the river, which is only 35 miles 
from the sea by land, and about 50 miles by water. 
Its distance fi'om Jarak by land is 50 miles, and by 

* Arrian, ' Anabasis,' vi. 17 ; Curtius, Vita Alex., ix. 8, 28, says that 
lie fled to the mountaius. 

t Curtius, Vita Alex., ix. 9, 29. 


water 75 miles, wMch the fleet might have easily ac- 
complished by the third day. From these details it 
is clear that Patala must have been at a considerable 
distance from the sea, that is, not less than the length 
of the tidal reach, plus three days' sail on the river, 
plus 400 stadia. These distances by land are respec- 
tively 33 miles, 50 miles, and 30 miles, or altogether 
113 miles, which corresponds almost exactly with the 
measurement of Aristobulus of 1000 stadia, or 115 

As these three independent investigations all point 
to the same place as the most probable representative 
of Patala, and as that place is called Patasila by Hwen 
Thsang in the seventh century, and is still known as 
Pdtalpur, I think that we have very strong grounds 
for identifying Haidarabad with the ancient Patala. 

In his account of the Indus, Arrian* says, "this 
river also forms a delta by its two mouths, no way 
inferior to that of Egypt, which, in the Indian lan- 
guage, is called Pattala.''^ As this statement is given 
on the authority of Nearchus, who had ample oppor- 
tunities during his long detention in Sindh of inter- 
course with the people, we may accept it as the general 
belief of the Sindhians at that time. I would there- 
fore suggest that the name may have been derived 
from Pdiala, the "trumpet-flower" {^Bignonia suave- 
Glens'), in allusion to the " trumpet " shape of the 
province included between the eastern and western 
branches of the mouth of the Indus, as the two 
branches, as they approach the sea, curve outwards 
like the mouth of a trumpet. 

I cannot close the discussion on the site of this 

* ' Indica,' p. 2. 



ancient city without noticing another name of which 
the conflicting accounts appear to me to have a con- 
fused reference to Nirunkot. This name is the Piruz 
of Istakhri, the Kannazhur of Ibn Haukal, and the 
Firahuz of Edrisi. According to Istakhri, Piruz was 
4 days' journey from Debal, and 2 days from Mehd- 
bari, which was itself on the western bank of the 
Indus, at 2 days' journey from Debal. Ibn Haukal 
and Edrisi agree that the road to Kannazbur, or Fira- 
buz, lay through Manhdbari, or Manjdbari, which was 
on the western bank of the Indus, at 2 days from 
Debal ; but they make the whole distance beyond 
Debal 14 days instead of \. Now, Ibn Haukal and 
Edi-isi place their city in Mekran, a position which 
they were almost forced to adopt by their long dis- 
tance of 14 days, although the first two days' journey 
lie exactly in the opposite direction from Mekran. But 
if we take the shorter distance of 4 days from Debal, 
which is found in Istakhri, the earliest of the three 
geographers, the position of their unknown city will 
then accord exactly with that of Niraidvf. Bebal 
I will hereafter identify with an old city near Lari- 
bandar and Maii/tdburi Avith Thutha, which is just mid- 
way between Lari-bandar and Haidarabad. Now, Ibn 
Haukal specially notes that 3Ianjdbari was situated 
"to the west of the Mihran, and there any one who 
proceeds from Debal to Mansui'a will have to pass the 
river, the latter place being opposite to Manjabari."* 
This extract shows that Manjabari was on the western 
branch of the Indus, and therefore on the high-road 
to Nirankot as •\\ell as to Pirn.?, or Kannezbur, or 
Firabuz. I would therefore suggest that the first of 
* Prof. Dowson's edition of Sir H. Elliot's Hist, of India, i. 37. 


these names, wliicli is thus mentioned in conjunction 
with Manhabari might possibly be intended for Nirun, 
and the other two for JSirunkot, as the alterations 
in the original Arabic characters required for these 
two readings are -very slight. But there was cer- 
tainly a place of somewhat similar name in Mekran, 
as Biladuri records that Kizbun in Mekran submitted 
to Muhammad Kasim on his march against Debal. 
Comparing this name with Ibn Haukal's Kannazbur,* 
and Edrisi's Firabuz^ I think it probable that they 
may be intended for Panjffur, as suggested by M. 
Reinaud. The 14 days' journey would agree very 
well with the position of this place. 


The little town of Jarak is situated on an eminence 
overhanging the western bank of the Indus, about 
midway between Haidarabad and Thatha. Jarak is 
the present boundary between Vichalo, or Middle 
Sindh, and Ldr^ or Lower Sindh, which latter I have 
been obliged to extend to Haidarabad, so as to include 
the Pafala of the Greeks and the Pitasila of the 
Chinese pilgrim, within the limits of the ancient 
Delta. This is perhaps the same place as Khor, or 
Alkhor, a small but populous town, which Edrisi 
places between Manhabari and Firabuz, that is, be- 
tween Thatha and Nirunkot. Three miles below 
Jarak there is another low hill covered with ruins, 

* Prof. Dowson's edition of Sir Henry Elliot's H ist. of India, i. 40. 
Ibn Haukal : Kannazhur. At page 29 lie gives Istakhri's name as 
Kannazhun, which Mordtmann reads Firiun. The most probable ex- 
planation of these differences is some confusion in the Arabic characters 
between the name of Nirun and that of the capital of Mekran. 


which the people call Kdjiv kof, and attribute to Eaja 
Manjhira* The principal ruin is a square basement 
ornamented with fiat pilasters at regular distances. 
This is supposed to be the remains of a temple. 
Amongst the ruins were found some fragments of 
Buddhist statues ; and, at a short distance from the hill, 
an inscription in early Indian characters, of which I 
can read only the words put rasa and Bhagavaiasa^ and 
a few letters in different parts ; but these are sufficient 
to show that the inscription is Buddhist, as well as 
the other remains. 

Minnagar^ Manhabari^ or Thafha. 

The city of Thatha is situated in a low swampy 
valley, 3 miles from the western bank of the Indus, 
and 4 miles above the separation of the Bdgar^ or 
western branch, from the Satct^ or main stream of 
the river. Littlewood remarks that " the mounds of 
rubbish upon which the houses are piled slightly 
raise its site above the level of the valley."! The 
place was visited by Captain Hamilton in a.d. 1699, 
who describes it J as situated on a spacious plain about 
2 miles from the Indus. It is highly probable, there- 
fore, that the town originally stood on the bank of the 
river, which has been gradually receding from it. Its 
name also would seem to point to the same conclu- 
sion, as tlialtha means a " shore or bank," so that 
'Nngar-Thaiha^ which is the common name of the place, 
would mean the " city on the river bank." Its date 
is not certainly known ; but M'Murdo, who is gene- 

* ' Bombay Journal,' v. 356. 

t Mourney to the Source of the Oxus,' p. 17. 

X 'New Account of the East Indies,' i. 123. 


rally very acccurate, states that it was founded in the 
year a.h. 900, or a.d. 1495, by Nizam-ud-din Nanda, 
the Jam, or ruler of Sindh. Before his time, the chief 
city of Lower Sindh was Sumina^ar, the capital of the 
Satnmd tribe, which stood on a rising ground, 3 miles to 
the north-west of the site of Thatha. M'Murdo refers 
its foundation to the time of Ala-ud-din of Delhi, who 
reigned from a.h. 695-715, or a.d. 1295 to 1315. Of 
a still earlier date is the great fort of Kalydn-kot, or 
Tughlakabad, which stands on the limestone hill, 4 
miles to the south-west of Thalha. Its second name 
was derived from Ghazi Beg Tughlak, who was the 
governor of Multt,n and Sindh, during the latter part 
of Ala-ud-din' s reign, in thebeginning of the fourteenth 

The site of Thatha itself is admitted to be modern, 
but those of Saminagar and Kalyan-kot are said to be 
of great antiquity. This belief of the people is no 
doubt true, as the position at the head of the inferior 
Delta commanded the whole traffic of the river, while 
the hill-fort gave security. Lieut. Wood i*emarks* 
that the site of Thatha is so advantageous for com- 
mercial purposes that it is probable that a mart has 
existed in its neighbourhood from the earliest times. 
" But," he judiciously adds, " as the apex of the Delta 
is not a fixed point, the site of this city must have 
varied as the river changed." This change of site 
would naturally have entailed a change of names ; 
and I am therefore led to believe that Thatha was the 
actual position of the Manhdbari of the Arab geogra- 
phers, and of the Minnagara of the author of the 
' Periplus.'t 

* 'Oxus,' p. 20. + See Map No. IX. 



Manhcihari is described by all tbe authorities as 
situated on the western bank of the Indus, at 2 daj^s' 
journey from Debal. Now, this is the very position of 
Thatha, which is on the western bank of the Indus, 
at 40 miles, or 2 days' journey, from Lari-bandar, 
which, as I will presently show, was almost certainly 
within a few miles of the famous city of Debal. The 
name of Manlidbari is variously written as Mehdbari, 
and Ilanjdbari, for which I would suggest that we 
might perhaps read Manddbari, or Manddivari, the 
" city of the Mand''"' tribe, just as Sdininagar was the 
"city of the Sammfi," tribe. This derivation of the 
name is supported by the fact that the M^m^/ tribe 
have occupied Lower Sindh in great numbers from 
the beginning of the Christian era. Edrisi* describes 
the Mand as a numerous and brave tribe, who occu- 
pied the desert on the borders of Sindh and India, and 
extended their wanderings as far as Alor on the north, 
Mekran on the west, and Maniehel (or Umarkot) on 
the east. Ibn Haukalf records that "the Mands 
dwell on the banks of the Mihran, from the boundary 
of Multan to the sea, and in the desert between 
Mekran and Famhal (or Umarkot). They have many 
cattle-sheds and pasturages, and form a large popula- 
tion." Rashid-ud-din$ locates them in Sindh at a 
still earlier period. According to his account, Med 
and Zaf, two descendants of Ham, the son of Noah, 
were the progenitors of the people of Sindh prior to 

* Geogr., i. 163. 

t In Elliot, ' Muliammadan Historians of India,' i. 67 ; and m 
Gildemeister, ' De Eebus Indicis,' p. 172, where he gives Kamuhal as 
the eastern limit of their ivanderings. 

X Reinaud, ' Fragments Arabes,' etc., p. 25. 


the Mahabharata. The name is variously written as 
Mer, Med, Mand, in all of which forms it is found 
even at the present day. To these I would add Mind, 
which is the form of the name given by Masudi.* I 
have already identified this people with the Medi and 
Mandrueni of the classical writers ; and as their name 
is found in northern India from the beginning of the 
Christian era downwards, and not before that time, I 
conclude that the Mandrueni and latii of the Oxus, 
who are coupled together by Pliny, must be the Sacoe 
Indo-Scythians, who occupied the Panjab and Sindh, 
and who under the name of Mands and Zais of the 
early Muhammadan authors, were in full possession of 
the valley of the Indus towards the end of the seventh 

To show that the various spellings of the name are 
but natural modes of pronunciation, I can refer to the 
two large maps of the S/td/ipur and Jhelam, districts, 
which have been published within the last few years 
by the Surveyor-General of India. In the latter the 
name of a village on the Jhelam, 6 miles above Jalal- 
pur, is spelt Meridla, and in the former Mandidli. 
Abul Fazl calls the same place Merali, while Ferishta 
names it Meridla. Lastly, Wilford's surveyor, Mogal 
Beg, writes Mandydla, which is also the form that I 
received from two different persons, while in General 
Court's map it is spelt Mdmriala. 

To this people I refer the name of Minnagar, or 
" city of the Min," which was the capital of Lower 
Sindh in the second century of the Christian era. 
That Min was a Scythian name we know from its 

* Sir H. M. Elliot, ' Muhammadan Historians of India,' Dowson's 
edition, i. 57. 




occurrence in the list of Isidor of Kharax as one of 
the cities of Sakastene, or Sejistan. The appearance 
of the name in Sindh would alone be sufficient to 
suggest the presence of Scythians ; but its connection 
with them is placed beyond all doubt by the mention 
that the rulers of Minna^ara were rival Partlnans, 
who were mutually expelling each other.* These 
Parthians were Daha3 Scythians from the Oxus, who 
gave the name of Indo-Scythia to the valley of the 
Indus, and whose mutual rivalry points to their 
identity with the rival Mods and Jats of the Mu- 
hammadan authors. 

The actual position of Minnagar is unknown, and 
we have but few data to guide us in attempting to 
fix its site. As it is not found in Ptolemy, who wrote 
in the first half of the second century, I infer either 
that the new name had not then been imposed on the 
capital, or Avhat is more probable, that Ptolemy has 
inserted only the old name. If I am right in iden- 
tifying iIi?V?-wr/'yffra, or the "city of the J/iw," with 
Mand-dbari^ or the "place of the Mand^'' there can be 
little doubt that the great Indo-Scythian capital was 
at Thatha. Edrisif describes Manhabar as situated 
on a low plain, and surrounded with gardens and 
running water. Captain Hamilton^ gives the same 
description of Thatha, which, he says, "stands in a 
spacious plain, and they have canals cut from the 
river, that bring water to the city, and some for the 
use of their gardens." According to the author§ of 

* Peripl. Mar. Eryth. ; in Hudson's Geogr. Vet., i. 22. 

f Geogr., i. 164i. 

J ' New Account of the East Indies,' i. 123. 

§ Hudson, Geogr. Vet., i. 22. 


tlie ' Peripkis,' the merchant vessels anchored at the 
emporium of Barbarike, where the goods were un- 
loaded, and conveyed to the capital by the river. 
Just so in modern times the ships anchored at L^ri- 
bandar, while the merchants carried their goods to 
Thatha either by land or by water. The position of 
Minnagar is too vaguely described as " inland,"* to 
be of any use in its determination. If it was, as I 
suppose, at Thatha^ then it may perhaps be identified 
with Ptolemy's Sousikana, which I would interpret as 
Susi-ffdma, or the "town of the Su, tribe," an etymo- 
logy which is supported by the fact that the Mands, 
or Meds, were a branch of the great horde of Sus, or 
Abars, who gave one name to Susiana^ at the mouth 
of the Euphrates, and the other to Jbiria, at the 
mouth of the Indus. I should mention, however, that 
according to M'Murdo,t " Minagar was one of the 
cities dependent on Multan in the twelfth century, 
and was the possession of a chief by caste an Agri, 
and descended from Alexander. It was situated on 
the Lohdna Bargd, not far from Bahmana, in the par- 
ganah now called ShelidddpurT It is a suspicious cir- 
cumstance that this passage has not been verified 
either by Postans or by Elliot. The latter, who con- 
stantly refers to his own MS. of the ' Tohfat-ul-Kiram,' 
quotes;f this notice of Minagar at second-hand from 
M'Murdo. I may add that the Agari is a well-known 
caste, of low degree, who are employed in the manu- 

* The words are, Kara, varov fiecroyews, which can only mean " inland 
and beyond" Barbarike. 

t Journ. Eoyal Asiat. Soc, i. 31 ; and again at p. 233, quoting the 
Tolifat-ul Gir&m. 

X ' Muhammadan Historians of India,' Dowson's edition, i. 66. 


facture of. salt. I am therefore not inclined to admit 
that this petty place could have any connection with 
the great capital of Indo-Scythia. On the contrary, 
I am disposed to look upon this name of Min-nagara 
as meaning simply the city of Min. 

Barbarike-Emporiam, or Bliamhura. 

The ruined town of Bambhora, or Bhambura, is 
situated at the head of the Ghdra creek, which is 
"supposed by the natives to he the site of the most 
ancient seaport in Sindh."* "Nothing now remains 
but the foundations of houses, bastions, and walls," 
but about the tenth century 13hambhura was .the capital 
of a chief named Bhambo Eaja. According to the 
traditions of the people, the most westerly branch of 
the Indus once flowed past Bhambura. It is said to 
have separated from the main river just above Thatha, 
and M'Murdof quotes the ' Tabakat-i-Akbari ' for the 
fact that in the reign of Akbar it ran to the westward 
of Thatha. To the same effect Sir Henry Elliot;}: quotes 
Mr. N. Crow, who was for many years the British 
Eesident at Thatha. Writing in a.d. 1800, Crow 
says, "By a strange turn that the river has taken 
within these five-and-twenty years just above Tatta, 
that city is flung out of the angle of the inferior 
Delta, in which it formerly stood, on the mata land 
towards the hills of Biluchistan." From these state- 
ments it would appear that the Ghara river was the 
most westerly branch of the Indus down to the latter 
half of the last century. But long before that time, 

* Eastwick, ' Handbook of Bombay,' p. 481. 

t Journ. Eoyal Asiat. Soc, i. 25. See Map No. IX. 

X Muhamm. Hist, of Jbdia, Dowson's edition, i. 399. 


according to M'Murdo, it had ceased to be a navigable 
stream, as both. Bhambur and Debal were deserted 
about A.D. 1250, on account of the failure of the 
river.* My own inquiries give the same date, as 
Debal was still occupied when Jalaladdin of KhwS,- 
razm invaded Sindh in a.d. 1221, f and was in ruins 
in A.D. 1333, when Ibn Batuta visited Ldhari Bandar, 
which had succeeded Debal as the great port of the 

M'Murdo quotes native authors to show that this 
western branch of the Indus was called the Sdgdra 
river, which, he thinks, may .be identified with the 
Sagapa Ostium of Ptolemy, which was also the most 
westerly branch of the Indus in his time. It is there- 
fore quite possible, as supposed by M'Murdo, that 
this was the very branch of the Indus that was navi- 
gated by Alexander. From the latest maps, however, 
it appears that about midway between Thatha and 
Ghara this channel threw off a large branch on its left, 
which flowed parallel to the other for about 20 miles, 
when it turned to the south and joined the main 
channel just below Lari-bandar. Now this channel 
passes about 2 or 3 miles to the south of Bhambura, 
so that the town was also accessible from the Piti^ the 
Pfiundi, the Kgdi; and the Pintiani mouths of the 
river. I am therefore inclined to identify Bhambura 
not only with the town of Barke^ which Alexander 
built on his return up the river, as stated by Justin, 
but also with the Barbari of Ptolemy, and the Bar- 
bar ike Emporium of the author of the ' Periplus.' The 
last authority describes the middle branch of the 

* Jonrn. Eoyal Asiat. Soc, i. 25 and 232. 

f Easliid-ud-din in Elliot, Dowson's edition, i. 26. 


Indus as the only navigable channel in his time up to 
BarbariJce* all the other six channels being narrow and 
full of shoals. This statement shows that the Ghara 
river had already begun to fail before a.d. 200. The 
middle mouth of the river, which was then the only 
navigable entrance, is called Khariphon Ostium by 
Ptolemy. This name I would identify with the Kydr 
river of the present day, which leads right up to the 
point where the southern branch of the Ghara joins 
the main river near Lari-bandar. 

From this discussion I conclude that the northern 
channel of the Ghara was the western branch of the 
Indus, which was navigated by Alexander and Near- 
chus ; and that before a.d. 200, its waters found 
another channel more to the south, in the southern 
Ghara, which joins the main stream of the Indus 
just below Lari-bandar. By this channel, in the 
time of the author of the ' Periplus,' the merchant 
vessels navigated the Indus up to Barbarike^ where 
the goods were unloaded, and conveyed in boats to 
Minnaffar, the capital of the country. But after some 
time this channel also failed, and in the beginning of 
the eighth century, when the Arabs invaded Sindh, 
Bebal had become the chief port of the Indus, and 
altogether supplanted Bhambura, or the ancient Bar- 
barike. But though the Ghara river was no longer a 
navigable channel, its waters still continued to flow 
past the old town down to the thirteenth century, 
about which time it would appear to have been finally 

* Hudson, Geogr. Vet., i. 22. 


Debal Sindldy or Debal. 

The position of the celebrated port of Debal, the 
emporium of the Indus during the middle ages, is 
still unsettled. By Abul Fazl and the later Muham- 
madan writers, Debal has been confounded with 
Thatha; but as Debal was no longer in existence 
when they wrote, I conclude that they were misled 
by the name of Debal Thatha^ which is frequently ap- 
plied to Thatha itself. Similarly, Brdhmana, or Brdh- 
mandbdd, was called Debal Kdngi-a, and the famous 
seaport of Debal was named Debal Sindhi. But 
Diwal, or Debal, means simply a temple, and there- 
fore Debal Sindhi means the temple at, or near, the 
town of Sindhi. Major Burton says that the shawls 
of Thatha are still called Shdl-i-Debali, but this only 
proves that Debal was the place where the merchants 
procured the Thatha shawls. Just so the name of 
Multdni-matti, that is Multan clay, or Armenian bole, 
is derived from the place where the merchants obtain 
the article, as the clay is actually found in the hills to 
the west of the Indus, beyond Dera Ghazi Khan. So 
also Indian-ink is named from India, where the mer- 
chants first obtained it, although, as is now well 
known, it is all manufactured in China. Sir Henry 
Elliot, who is the last inquirer into the geography of 
Sindh, places Debal at Karachi ; but admits that Lari- 
bandar "is the next most probable site after Kara- 
chi."* But I incline to the opinion of Mr. Crow, 
who was for many years the British resident in Sindh, 
that Debal occupied a site between Karachi and Thatha. 
His opinion is entitled to special weight, as he is ad- 

* ' Sindh,' pp. 222 and 224. 


mitted by M'Murclo and Elliot to have " combined 
much, discrimination with ample opportunities of local 
inquiry." Sir Henry quotes the Chacli-ndma for the 
fact that "the Serandip vessels were in their distress 
driven to the shore of Debal," to show that the port 
must have been close to the sea. There they were 
attacked by pirates of the Tangdmara tribe, who oc- 
cupied the seacoast from Karachi to Lari - bandar. 
This statement shows that if Debal cannot be iden- 
tified either with Karachi or with Lari-bandar, it must 
be looked for somewhere between them. 

In favour of Karachi Sir Henry quotes Biladuri, 
who records that in the year a.h. 15, or a.d. 636, 
Hakim dispatched his brother Mughira on an expedi- 
tion to the Bay of Debal. But as the city of Lyons is 
not on the shore of the Gulf of Lyons, so it does not 
necessarily follow that Debal was on the shore of the 
Bay of Debal. In fact it is described by Ibn Khor- 
dadbeh as being 2 farsangs from the mouth of the 
Mihran, which is still further extended to 2 days' 
journey by Masudi.* But as Debal was situated on 
the Indus, it cannot be identified with Karachi, which 
is on the seacoast beyond the mouth of the river. All 
our authorities agree in stating that it was on the 
west side of the Mihran, f that is of the main stream 
of the river, or Baghar, which flows past Lari-bandar, 
and discharges itself into the sea by several different 
mouths named the Piti, the Phundi, the Kyar, and 
the Pintiani. But M'Murdo also quotes the native 

* Elliot, Muhamm. Hist, of India, Dowson's edition, i. 53-57. 

t These will be found in Elliot's Muhamm. Hist., by Dowson, i. 61 ; 
' Istakhri," i. 65 ; ' Ashkal-ul-Bilad,' i. 65, note Ibn Haulial. See also 
Gildcmeister, ' De Kcbus Indicis,' p. 205, for Kazvini. 


authorities to show that it was on the Sdydra branch 
of the Indus, which flowed past Bhambura. Accord- 
ing to these accounts, Debal must have been situated 
on the western bank of the Bagh^r river, below the 
junction of the southern branch of the Gh^ra, or 
Sagara, branch. Its position may therefore be fixed 
approximately at the point of junction, which is 5 
miles to the north of Lelri-bandar, 17 miles to the 
south-west of Bhambura, and about 30 miles from the 
Piti and Pintiani mouths of the river. This position 
also fulfils the other condition quoted by Sir Henry 
Elliot, that Debal was between Karachi and Lari 
bandar, in the territory of the Tangamara tribe of 
pirates. It further agrees with the position assigned 
to it by Mr. Crow, who places it between Karachi and 
Thatha, which is an exact description of the locality 
following the course of the river, which is the only 
course that can be taken, as Debal was situated 
amongst the intersecting streams of the Delta. 

Unfortunately, this part of the Delta has not yet 
been minutely explored ; and to this cause I would 
attribute our ignorance of the remains of an ancient 
city, which were noticed by Ibn Batuta in a.d. 1333 
in the very position which I have assigned to Debal.* 
As his statement is of great importance, I will quote 
the passage at full length: — "I then proceeded by 
the Sind to the city of Ldhari, which is situated upon 
the, shores of the Indian Sea, where the Sind joins it. 
It has a large harbour, into which ships from Persia, 
Yemen, and other places put. At a few miles from 
this city are the ruins of another, in which stones in 
the shape of men and beasts almost innumerable are 

* ' Travels,' by Dr. Lee, p. 102. 



to be found. The people of tliis place think that it is 
the opinion of their historians that there was a city 
formerly in this place, the greater part of the inhabit- 
ants of which were so base that God transformed 
them, their beasts, their herbs, even to the very seeds, 
into stones ; and indeed stones in the shape of seeds 
are here almost innumerable." Tliis large ruined city, 
with its stones in the shape of men and beasts, I take 
to be the remains of the once great emporium of Debal. 
According to M'Murdo, the people of Debal moved to 
Lari-bandar,* and according to Captain Hamilton, 
Lari-bandar possessed "a large stone fort," for the 
protection of merchants against the Biluchis and 
Makranis. It is, I think, a very fair and legitimate 
deduction that the people who deserted Debal removed 
the materials of their old city for the construction of 
the new one, and therefore that the stones of the fort 
of Lari-bandar were brought from the deserted city of 
Debal, the remains of which excited the curiosity of 
Ibn Batuta in a.d. 1333. 

This statement of Ibn Batuta I would connect with 
the curious account of an Indian city in the ' Arabian 
ISTights,' which is found in the story of Zobeide. Ac- 
cording to the common edition, this lady sailed from 
the port of Bassora, and after twenty days anchored 
in the harbour of a large city in India, where on 
landing she found that the king and queen and all the 
people had been tvirned into stone. One person only 
had escaped the general transformation, and he was 
the king's son, who had been brought up as a Mu- 
hammadan by his nurse, who was a Musalm^ni slave. 
Xow this legend appears to be the same as that of 
* Journ. Royal Asiat. Soc, i. 29 and 233. 


Eaja Dilu and his brother Chota of the native histories 
of Sindh,* according to which Chota had become a 
Muhammadan, and when the city of Brahmana was 
destroyed by an earthquake, on account of the wicked- 
ness of the king, Chota alone escaped. As a similar 
story is told of the ruin of all the chief cities in the 
Panjab as well as in Sindh, the scene of the story in 
the ' Arabian Nights ' may be fairly placed in Sindh ; 
and as Debal was the only large city on the coast, 
and was besides the chief mart to which the Muham- 
madan merchants traded, it seems to me almost certain 
that it must be the Indian city in which Zobeide 
found all the people turned into stone. 

According to M'Murdo, the destruction of Brah- 
mana took place in a.h. 140, or a.d. 757, and as the 
story of Zobeide is laid in the time of the Khalif 
Harun-ul-Rashid, who reigned from a.d. 786 to 809, 
there are no difficulties of chronology to interfere with 
the identification of the two legends. 

The position of Debal may also be fixed on the 
Bagh^r river, or main channel of the Indus, by its 
name of Dihal Sindhi, or Dibal on the Indus. That it 
was near Lari-bandar we learn incidentally from Captain 
Hamilton,! who says that the river of Sindhi " is only 
a small branch of the Indus, which appellation is now 
lost in this country which it so plentifully waters, and 
is called Divellee, or Seven mouths." This statement 
shows that the branch of the Indus leading up to 
Li,ri-bandar was called Bihali, or the river of Dibal, 
so late as a.d. 1699, when visited by Hamilton. That 

* M'Murdo, Journ. Royal Asiat. Soc. i. 28 ; and Postans, Journ. 
Asiat. Soc. Bengal, rii. 193. 

t ' New Account of East Indies,' i. 130. 


this was the Piti branch of the Indus I infer from its 
other name of &ndhi, which I take to be the same as 
the Sinthon Ostium of Ptolemy, or the second mouth of 
the river, reckoning from the west. As the Piti is 
one of the mouths of the Baghar river, this position 
agrees with that which I have ah'eady assigned to 
Dibal, on the concurring testimony of all the previous 

Since Hamilton wrote, Lari-bandar itself has been 
deserted, and the present port of the western half of 
the Delta is Dharaja, which is only a few miles to the 
east of Lari-bandar. 


The fourth province of Sindh, in the seventh cen- 
tury, was Kachh, and it was still attached to Sindh in 
the time of Akbar. It is described by Hwen Thsang 
as situated at 1600 //, or 267 miles, to the south-west 
of the capital of Sindh,* which at that time was Alor^ 
near Bhakar, on the Indus. This agrees with the 
details given elsewhere, + which make the route as 
follows : from Alor to Brahmana, 700 U to the south, 
then to Pitasila 300 // to the south-west, and then to 
Kaehh 700 // to the south ; the whole distance being 
16-30 U. But the general direction is south, instead 
of south-west, which agrees with the actual position 
of Kachh. The province is named ^0-tien-po-chi-lo, 
which ]\I. Julien renders as Ad/u/avakila^ or Ati/anvakela, 
but for whit'h no Sanskrit equivalent is offered either 
by himself or by ^L Vivien de St. Martin. I think, 
however, that it may be intended for Judimbatim, or 

* U. Julien's ' Hiouon Thsang,' i. 207, 208. See Map No. IX. 
t Ibid., iii. 17o. 


Audumbara^ which Professor Lasseu gives as the name 
of the people of Kachh. They are the Odomboera of 
Pliny,* but there is no trace of this name at the 
present day. 

The province is described as being 5000 li, or 833 
miles, in circuit, which is much too great, unless the 
whole of the Nagar Parkar district to the north of the 
Ean was included, which is most probable, as this 
tract has always been considered as a part of Kachh, 
and i« still attached to it. Taking its northern boun- 
dary as stretching from Umarkot to the neighbourhood 
of Mount Abu, the whole length of frontier will be 
upwards of 700 miles. The capital, named Kie-tsi-shi- 
fa-lo, was 30 li, or 5 miles, in circuit. This name is 
rendered as Khajiswara by M. Julien, and as KachcMes- 
wara by Professor Lassen. But as the Chinese syllable 
tse represents the cerebral t, I think that tsi must 
have the same value ; and I would therefore read the 
whole as Kotiswara, which is the name of a cele- 
brated place of pilgrimage on the western shore of 
Kachh. That this is the place actually intended is 
rendered certain by the pilgrim's description of its 
position, which is said to be on the western frontier of 
the country close to the river Indus, and to the great 
ocean.f This is a most exact description of the posi- 
tion of the holy Kotesar, which is situated on the 
western frontier of Kachh, on the bank of the Kori 
branch of the Indus, and close to the great Indian 
Ocean. This identification is further supported by the 

* Hist. Nat., vi. 23. 

t M. Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 175 : "EUe est situ6e, a I'ecart, 
sur les frontieres de I'ouest : elle est voisine du fleuve Sin-tu (Sindh), 
et a proximite d'une grande mer." 


statement that in the middle of the city there was a 
famous temple of Siva. The name of the place is 
derived from Koti-{-iswara, or the " ten million Is- 
waras," and refers to the small I'mgam stones that are 
found there in great numbers. Iswara is the well- 
known name of Siva, and the lingam is his symbol. 

M. Vivien de St. Martin has identified this capital 
with Karachi ; but the distance from Alor is not more 
than 1300 li, or 217 miles, while only the initial 
syllable of the name corresponds with the Chinese 
transcript. The country is described by Hwen 
Thsang as low and wet, and the soil impregnated 
with salt. This iis an exact description of the low- 
lands of Kachli^ which means a "morass" {KacIicMa) , 
and of the salt desert, or Rati (in Sanskrit Irina), which 
forms about one-half of the province. But it is quite 
inaccurate if applied to the dry sandy soil of Karachi. 
There is also a large swamp extending for many miles, 
immediately to the south of Kotesar. 

Districts to the West of the Indus. 

To the west of the Lower Indus all the classical 
writers agree in placing two barbarous races called 
Aratjii, or Jrabifa, and Oritce, or HoritcE, both of 
whom appear to be of Indian origin. The country 
of the Arabii is said by Arrian to be the "last part 
of India " towards the west, and Strabo also calls it a 
" part of India,"* but both exclude the Oritee. Cur- 
tius, however, includes the Horitse in India, f while 
Diodorus states that generally they resemble the 

* Arrian, ' Iiidica,' 22 ; Strabo, Geogr., xv. 2, 1. 
t Curtius, Vita Alex., ix. 10, 33. 


Indians ; and Arrian admits that the Oritse, who 
" inhabited the inland parts, were clothed in the same 
manner as the Indians, and used the same weapons, 
but their language and customs were different." In 
the seventh century, however, both their language 
and customs were considered to be like those of the 
Indians by a much more competent observer, the 
Chinese pilgrim, Hwen Thsang. According to him, 
the customs of the inhabitants of Lanff-kie-lo, which 
was 2000 li, or 333 miles, to the west of Kotesar, in 
Kachh, were like those of the people of Kachh, and 
their written characters closely resembled those of 
India, while their language was only slightly differ- 
ent.* For these reasons I think that the Oritse, as 
well as the Arabitse, may fairly be included within 
the geographical limits of India, although they have 
always been beyond its political boundary during the 
historical period. As early as the sixth century B.C. 
they were tributary to Darius Hystaspes, and they 
were still subject to Persia nearly twelve centuries 
later, when visited by Hwen Thsang. But their Indian 
origin is beyond all doubt, as will be shown when I 
come to speak of the Oritse. 

Jraiii, or Arahitce. 
The Jrabii of Arrian are the Arahitce of Curtius, the 
Arbiti of Ptolemy, the Ambrila of Diodorus, and the 
Arbies of Strabo. They are said to have derived their 
name from the river Arabia, or Arbis, or Arabius, which 
flowed along their confines, and divided their territory 
from that of the Oritae.f From a comparison of the 

* M. Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 177. 

t Arrian, ' Indica, 21 ; Strabo, Geogr., xv. 2. 1 ; Pliny, Hist. Nat., 
vii. 2. 



details of Alexander's marclies witli the diary of 
Nearclms, it is certain that this boundary river was 
the Purali, which flows through the present district 
of Las into the bay of Sonmiani. According to 
Curtius,* Alexander reached the eastern boundary of 
the Arabitse in nine days from Patala, and their 
western boundary in five days more. Now, from 
Haidarabad to Karachi, the distance is 114 miles, and 
from Karachi to Sonmiani 50 miles,"]" the former being 
usually performed by troops in nine marches, and the 
latter either in four or five. Karachi, therefore, must 
have been on the eastern frontier of the Arabitse, a 
deduction which is admitted by the common consent 
of all inquirers, who have agreed in identifying the 
Kolaka of Ptolemy and the sandy island of KroJcola, 
where Nearchus tarried with his fleet for one day, 
with a small island in the Bay of Karachi. Krokola 
is further described as lying off the mainland of the 
Arabii. It was 150 stadia, or 17^ miles, from the 
western mouth of the Indus, which agrees exactly 
with the relative positions of Karachi and the mouth 
of the Ghara river, if, as we may fairly assume, the 
present coast-line has advanced 5 or 6 miles during 
the twenty-one centuries that have elapsed since the 
time of Alexander. The identification is confirmed 
by the fact that "the district in which Karachi is 
situated is called Karkalla to this day."j 

On leaving Krokola, Nearchus had Mount Eiros 
(iVEanora) on his right-hand, and a low flat island on 
his left, which is a very accurate description of the 

• Vita Alex., ix. 10, 33. 

t Eastwick, 'Handbook of Bombay,' pp. 474 and 477. 

X Ibid., p. 476 ; Burncs, ' Bokhara,' i. 10, writes the name Crocola. 


entrance to Karachi harbour, and after stopping at 
several small places, reached Morontohara, which was 
called the " Women's Haven " by the people of the 
country.* From this place he made two courses of 
70 stadia and 120 stadia, or altogether not more than 
22 miles, to the mouth of the river Arabius, which 
was the boundary between the country of the Arabii 
and the Oritse. The name of Morontohara I would 
identify with Mudri, which is now applied to the 
headland of Bds Mudri, or Cape Monz, the last point 
of the Pabb range of mountains. Bdra, or bari, means 
a roadstead or haven, and moronta is evidently con- 
nected with the Persian mard, a man, of which .the 
feminine is still preserved in Kashmiri, as mahrin, a 
woman. The haven itself may be looked for between 
Cape Monz and Sonmitini, but its exact position can- 
not be determined. From the distances given by 
Arrian in his account of the voyage of Nearchus, I 
am inclined to fix it at the mouth of the Bahar rivulet, 
a small stream which falls into the sea about midway 
between Cape Monz and Sonmiani. If I am right in 
considering Miiari as an abbreviation of Morontohara, 
the cape must have received its name from the neigh- 
bouring haven. At the mouth of the Arabius Near- 
chus found a large and safe harbour, corresponding 
with the present Bay of Sonmiani, at the mouth of the 
Pur^li, which is described by Pottingerf as "a very 
noble sheet of water, capable of affording anchorage 
to the largest fleet." 

OritcB, or Horltce. 
On crossing the river Arabius, Alexander marched 

* Arrian, ' Indica,' p. 22. f ' Biluchistan,' p. 9. 

X 2 



for a whole night through a desert, and in the morning 
entered a well-inhabited country. Then coming to a 
small river, he pitched his tents, and waited for the 
main body of the army under Hephsestion. On its 
arrival, says Arrian, Alexander " penetrated further 
into the country, and coming to a small village which 
served the Oritse instead of a capital city, and was 
named RamhaMa^ he was pleased with its situation, 
and imagining that it would rise to be a rich and 
populous city, if a colony were drawn thither, he com- 
mitted the care thereof to Hephajstion."* On the 
approach of Alexander, the Oritse made their sub- 
mission to the conqueror, who appointed ApoUo- 
phanes their governor, and deputed Leonatus with a 
large force to await the arrival of Nearchus with the 
fleet, and to look after the peopling of the new city. 
Shortly after Alexander's departure, the Oritse rose 
against the Greeks, and ApoUophanes, the new go- 
vernor, was slain, but they were signally defeated by 
Leonatus, and all their leaders killed.* Nearchus 
places the scene of this defeat at Kokala, on the coast, 
about halfway between the rivers Arabius and To- 
merus. Pliny calls the latter river the Tonberos^\ 
and states that the country in its neighbourhood was 
well cultivated. 

From these details I would identify the Oritse, or 
HoritcB, or Neotcrita^ as they are called by Diodorus, 
with the people on the Aghor river, whom the Greeks 
would have named Agorit(e, or Jorifce, by the sup- 
pression of the guttural, of which a trace still remains 
in the initial aspirate of Eoritts. In the bed of this 

* Arrian, Anab., vi. 21, 22 ; and ' Indica,' 23 ; Curtius, ix. 10, 34. 
t Hist. Nat., vi. 25. 


river there are several jets of liquid mud, which, from 
time immemorial, have been known as Rdm-Chandar- 
ki-kup^ or " Ram Chaudar's wells." There are also 
two natural caves, one dedicated to Kali, and the 
other to Hinffuldj, or Hinguld Devi, that is, the ' ' Eed 
Goddess," who is only another form of Rdli. But the 
principal objects of pilgrimage in the Aghor valley 
are connected with the history of E&ma. The pil- 
grims assemble at the Rdmbdgh, because Eama and 
Sita are said to have started from this point, and 
proceed to the Gorakh Tank, where Eama halted; 
and thence to Tonga-bhera, and on to the point where 
Eama was obliged to turn back in his attempt to 
reach Hingulaj with an army. Udmhdgli I would 
identify with the Bambakia of Arrian, and Tonga- 
hhera with the river Tonberos of Pliny, and the To- 
meriLs of Arrian. At Eambakia, therefore, we must 
look for the site of the city founded by Alexander, 
which Leonatus was left behind to complete. It 
seems probable that this is the city which is described 
by Stephanus of Byzantium as the " sixteenth Alex- 
andria, near the bay of MelaneP* Nearchus places 
the western boundary of the Oritse at a place called 
Malana, which I take to be the bay of Malan, to the 
east of Eds Mdldn, or Cape Mdldn of the present day, 
about twenty miles to the west of the Aghor river. 
Both Curtius and Diodorusf mention the foundation 
of this city, but they do not give its name. Diodorus, 
however, adds that it was built on a very favourable 

* In voce Alexandria, Kara tov Mekava koXttov. 

t Curtius, Vita Alex., ix. 10: — "In hac quoque regione urbem con- 
didit." Diodorus, Hist. xvii. 


site near the sea, but above the reach of the highest 

The occurrence of the name of Bdmhdgh at so great 
a distance to the west of the Indus, and at so early a 
period as the time of Alexander, is very interesting 
and important, as it shows not only the wide exten- 
sion of Hindu influence in ancient times, but also the 
great antiquity of the story of Eama. It is highly 
improbable that such a name, with its attendant pil- 
grimages, could have been imposed on the place after 
the decay of Hindu influence.* During the flourish- 
ing period of Buddhism many of the provinces to the 
west of the Indus adopted the Indian religion, which 
must have had a powerful influence on the manners and 
language of the people. But the expedition of Alex- 
ander preceded the extension of Buddhism, and I can 
therefore only attribute the old name of RamhaJcia to 
a period anterior to Darius Hystaspes. 

These districts are described by Hwen Thsang 
under the general name of Lang-kie-lo^ which M. 
Julien renders by Langala. M. de St. Martin, how- 
ever, refers it to the tribe of Langa^ but it is ex- 
tremely doubtful whether this is an ancient name, 
The other name of Langalas, quoted from the Vishnu 
Purana, is only a variant reading of Jdtiffalas, which 
is almost certainly the correct form, as it is immedi- 
ately followed by Kurx-Jdin/alas. Hwen Thsang fixes 
the capital of Lang-Me-lo at 2000 li, or 333 miles, to 
the west of Kotesar in Kachh. But as this bearing 
would place it in the middle of the Indian Ocean, the 

* Hingulaj (Khingalatchi) is mentioned by the Tibetan Taranath, 
see ' Vassilief,' French translation, p. 45, as a Eakshasa in the west of 
India, beyond Barukaoha, or Barooh. 


true direction must be north-west. Now this latter 
bearing and distance correspond with the position of 
the great ruined city of Ldkoridn, which Masson* 
found between Khozdar and Kilat. In older maps 
the name is written simply Lakura, which appears to 
me to be very fairly represented by the Chinese Lang- 
kie-lo^ or Ldnkara.\ Masson describes the ruined 
fortifications as " remarkable for their magnitude, as 
well as for the solidity and the skill evident in their 
construction." From the size and importance of these 
ruins, I conclude that they are the remains of a large 
city, which has at some former period been the capital 
of the country. The Chinese pilgrim describes the 
province as being many thousands of li in breadth as 
well as in length. It is clear, therefore, that it cor- 
responded, as nearly as possible, with the modern 
district of Biluchistan, of which the present capital, 
Kilat, is only 60 miles to the north of Ldkwa. In the 
seventh century, the capital was called Su-neu-li-sld- 
fa-lo, and was 30 li, or 5 miles, in circuit. The Chinese 
syllables are rendered by M. Julien as Sunuriswara^ of 
which he offers no translation. But as Hwen Thsang 
describes a magnificent temple of Siva in the middle of 
the city, I infer that the Chinese transcript may be 
intended for Sambhuriswara, which is a well-known 
title of Siva as the "lord of divine beings," or the 
" god of gods." By assuming that this name belongs 
properly to the temple, the other name of Lang-kie-lo^ 
or Ldkara, may be applied to the capital as well as to 
the province. 

* ' Kilat,' p. 63 ; and ' Biluchistan,' ii. 46. 

t The same Chinese character, lang, is found in the transcript of 
Baghalan, where the vowel of the final syllable is long. 



HwenThsang places the second kingdom of Western 
India, named Kiu-che-lo or Gurjjara, at about 1800 li, 
or 300 miles, to the north of Balabhi, and 2800 li, or 
467 miles, to the north-west of Ujain. The capital was 
named Pi-Io-mi-lo or Bdlmer, which is exactly 300 
miles to the north of the ruins of Balabhi. From 
Ujain in a straight line it is not more than 350 miles ; 
but the actual road distance is between 400 and 500 
miles, as the traveller has to turn the Aravali moun- 
tains, either by Ajmer on the north, or by Analwara 
on the south. The kingdom was 5000 li^ or 833 miles, 
in circuit. It must, therefore, have comprised the 
greater part of the present chiefships of Bikaner, 
Jesalmer, and Jodhpur. Its boundaries can only be 
described approximately, as extending about 1 30 miles 
on the north from Balar or Sirdarkot to Junjhnu ; 250 
miles on the east from Junjhnu to near Mount Abu ; 
170 miles on the south from Abu to near Umarkot ; 
and 310 miles on the west fi-om Umarkot to Balar. 
These figures give a total circuit of 860 miles, which 
is as close an approximation to the measurement of 
Ilwen Thsang as can be reasonably expected. 

All the early Arab geographers speak of a kingdom 
named Jurz or Juzr^ which from its position Avould ap- 
pear to be the same as the Kiu-che-lo of Hwen Thsang. 
The name of the country is somewhat doubtful, as the 
unpointed Arabic characters may be read as Haraz or 
lJa~ar, and Kliaraz or Khaz(n\ as well as Jurz or Juzr. 
But fortunately there is no uncertainty about its posi- 
tion, which is determined to be Eajputana by several 
concurring circumstances. Thus the merchant Suliman, 


in A.D. 851,* states that Haraz was bounded on one side 
by Tdfek or Tdkin^ which, as I have already shown, was 
the old name of the Panjab. It possessed silver mines, 
and could muster a larger force of cavalry than any 
other kingdom of India. All these details point un- 
mistakably to Eajputana, which lies to the south-east 
of the Panjab, possesses the only silver mines known in 
India, and has always been famous for its large bodies 
of cavalry. 

According to Ibn Khordadbeh,-}- who died about a.d. 
912, the Tdtariya dirhems were current in the country 
of Hazar ; and according to Ibn Haukal, who wrote 
aboi;t A.D. 977, J these dirhems were also current in 
the kingdom of Gandhara, which at that time included 
the Panjab. Suliman says the same thing of the king- 
dom of the Balhara, or the present Gujarat ; and we 
learn incidentally that the same dirhems were also 
current in Sindh, as in a.h. 107, or a.d. 725, the 
public treasury contained no less than eighteen mil- 
lions of Tatariya du'hems.§ The value of these coins 
is variously stated at from \\ dirhem to \\^ or from 
54 to 72 grains in weight. From these data I con- 
clude that the Titariya dirhems are the rude silver 
pieces generally known as Indo-Sassanian, because 
they combine Indian letters with Sassanian types. 
They would appear to have been first introduced by 
the Scythic or Tatar princes, who ruled in Kabul and 
north-western India, as they are now found through- 
out the Kabul valley and Panjab, as well as in Sindh, 

* Dowson's Sir Henry Elliot, i. 4. 

t Dowsoa's edition of Sir Henry Elliot's Muhamm. Hist., i. 13. 

: lUA., i. 35. 

§ Sir Henry Elliot, ' Arabs in Sindh,' p. 36. Dowson's edit. i. 3. 


Eajputana, and Gujarat. Colonel Stacy's specimens 
were chiefly obtained from tlie last two countries, 
while my own specimens have been procured in all of 
them. In weight they vary from 50 to 68 grains ; 
and in age they range from the fifth or sixth century 
down to the period of Mahmud of Ghazni. They 
are frequently found in company with the silver 
pieces of the Brahman kings of Kabul, which agrees 
with the statement of Masudi that the Tatariya 
dirhems were current along with other pieces which 
were stamped at Gandhara.* The latter I take to be 
the silver coins of the Brahman kings of Kabul, 
whose dynasty began to reign about a.d. 850, or 
shortly before the time of Masudi, who flourished 
from A.D. 915 to 956. I have also found some of the 
Indo-Sassanian or Tatar dirhems in central India to the 
east of the Aravali range, as well as in the Upper 
Gangetic Doab ; but in these provinces they are ex- 
tremely scarce, as the common coin of Northern India 
in the mediaeval period was the Vardha, with the 
figure of the Boar incarnation of Yishnu, varying 
from 55 to 65 grains in weight. From this examina- 
tion of the coins I conclude that the kingdom named 
llazar or Juzr by the early Arab geographers, is re- 
presented as nearly as possible by Western Eajpu- 

Edrisi,t quoting Ibn Khordadbeh, states that Juzr 
or Huzr was the hereditary title of the king, as well 
as the name of the country. This statement confirms 
my identification of Juzr with Guzr or Gujar^ which is 
a very numerous tribe, whose name is attached to 

* Dowson's edition of Sir Hcury Elliot's Muliamm. Hist., i. 24. 
t Geogr., i. 175, Jaubert's translation. 


many important places in north-west India and the 
Panjab, and more especially to the great peninsula of 
Gujarat. It is not known when this name was first 
applied to the peninsula. In early times it was called 
Saurashtra, which is the Surastrene of Ptolemy ; and 
it continued to bear this name as late as a.d. 812, 
as we learn from a copper-plate inscription found at 
Baroda.* In this record of the Saurashtra kings, 
Gurjjara is twice mentioned as an independent king- 
dom. About A.D. 770 the king of Grurjjara was con- 
quered by Indra Raja of Saurashtra, but was after- 
wards reinstated; and about a.d. 800 Indra's son 
Karka assisted the ruler of Malwa against the king of 
Gurjjara. These statements show most clearly that 
Gurjjara still existed as a powerful kingdom, quite 
distinct from Saurashtra, nearly two centuries after 
Hwen Thsang's visit in a.d. 640. They show also that 
Gurjjara must have been adjacent to Malwa, as well as 
to Saurashtra, a position which clearly identifies it 
with Eajputana, as I have already determined from 
Hwen Thsang's narrative. 

In the seventh century the king is said to have 
been a Tsa-ti-li or Kshatriya ; but two centuries earlier 
a dynasty of Gurjjara or Gujar Eajas was certainly 
reigning to the north of Mah^rfi,shtra, as we have con- 
temporaneous inscriptionsf of a Ch^lukya prince of 
Paithan, and of a Gurjjara prince of an unnamed terri- 
tory, which record grants of land to the same persons. 
These inscriptions have been translated by Professor 
Dowson, who refers the dates to the era of Vikrama- 
ditya, but in the total absence of any authentic ex- 

* Journ. Asiat. Soo. Bengal, viii. 300. 

t Journ. Eoyal Asiat. Soc, new series, i. 270, 277. 


ample of the use of this era before tlie sixth century 
A.D., I must demur to its adoption in these early re- 
cords. The Saka era, on the contrary, is found in the 
early inscriptions of the Chalukya Eaja Pulakesi, and 
in the writings of the astronomers Arya Bhatta and 
Yaraha Mihira. The inscription of Pulakesi is dated in 
the Saka year 411, or a.d. 489, from which I conclude 
that the record of the earlier Chalukya Prince Yijaya, 
which is dated in the year 394, must refer to the same 
era. The contemporary records of the Gurjjara 
prince, which are dated in S. 380 and 385 must 
therefore belong to the middle of the fifth century a.d. 
All these copper-plate inscriptions were found toge- 
ther at Khaidra, near Ahmedabad. The first inscrip- 
tion of the Gurjjara Eaja records the grant of lands to 
certain Brahmans "who having left the town of 
Jdvibusara, dwell in the village of Sirishapadraka, in- 
cluded in the district of Aki'ureswara." Five years 
latfr the same Brahman grantees are described as those 
" who are to dwell in the town of Jambusara ;" and 
accordingly in the Chalukya inscription, which is 
dated nine years subsequent to the latter, they are de- 
scribed as actually dwelling in the town of Jambusara. 
This town is no doubt Jambosir, between Khambay and 
Baroch, and as it belonged to the Chalukya princes, 
who ruled over Maharashtra, the kingdom of Gurjjara 
must have been situated to the north of Khambay, that 
is, in Eajputana, where I have already placed it on the 
authority of Ilwen Thsang, and other independent 

III. Valabhadea, or Balabhi. 
The ruins of the famous city of Balabhi were dis- 


covered by Tod near Bhaonagar, on the eastern side 
of the peninsula of Gujarat. In an inscription of the 
fifth century the country is called " the beautiful king- 
dom of ValahJiadra,''''* but in the local histories and 
traditions of the people, it is generally known as 
Balabhi. This also was the name in the time of 
Hwen Thsang, who calls the kingdom Fa-la-pi, or 
Balabhi. In ancient times, however, the peninsula 
of Gujarat was only known as Surashtra, and under 
this name it is mentioned in the Mahabh^rata and in 
the Puranas. It is called SurasJdrene by Ptolemy and 
the author of the ' Periplus ;' and its people are most pro- 
bably intended by Pliny under the corrupt name of 
Suaratarata, or Varetata, for which I would propose 
to read Suratce. The change in the name of the 
country is alluded to in an inscription, dated in the 
SaJca year 734, or a.d. 812, of Raja Karka, whose re- 
mote ancestor Govinda is said to have been the orna- 
ment of the Saurdshtra kingdom, " which lost its ap- 
pellation of Sau-rajya from the ruin that had fallen 
npon it."t Karka's father is called Eaja of Ldteswara, 
which at once identifies his kingdom with Balabhi, as 
Hwen Thsang notes that Balabhi was also called 
Pe-Lo-lo, or northern Lara, which is the common pro- 
nunciation of the Sanskrit Lata. As Karka was only 
the fifth in descent from Govinda, the name of Saurdjya 
or Saurashtra could not have been restored by these 
representatives of the old family before the middle of the 
seventh century. From a comparison of all the data I 
conclude that the old name of Saurashtra was lost in a.d. 
319, when the successors of the Sdh kings were sup- 

* Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1838, p. 976. 

t Ibid., 1839, p. 300. Inscription from Earoda. 


planted by the Vallabhm, and the capital changed from 
Junagmh to Valabhi. The establishment of the Balabhi 
era, which dates from a.d. 319, is said by Abu 
Eihan to mark the period of the extinction of the 
Gupta race, whose coins are found in considerable 
numbers in Gujarat. This date may therefore be ac- 
cepted with some certainty as that of the establish- 
ment of the Balabhi dynasty, and most probably also 
as that of the foundation of their city of Balabhi. 

According to the native histories and local tradi- 
tions Balabhi was attacked and destroyed in the 
Samvat year 580, which is equivalent to a.d. 523, if 
in the Vikrama era, or a.d. 658, if in the Saka era. 
Colonel Tod has adopted the former; but as Hwen 
Thsang visited Balabhi in a.d. 640, the date must 
clearly be referred to the later era of Saka. If the 
statement is correct, we may refer the capture of 
Balabhi to Eaja Govinda of the Baroda copper-plate 
inscription, who is recorded to have re-established the 
old family, as well as the old name of the former king- 
dom of Saurashtra. As he was the great-grandfather of 
the grandfather of Karka Eaja, who was reigning in 
a.d. 812, his own accession must have taken place in 
the third quarter of the seventh century, that is, be- 
tween A.D. 650 and 675, which agrees with the actual 
date of A.D. 658, assigned by the native historians 
for the destruction of Balabhi, and the extinction 
of the Balabhi sovereignty in the peninsula of Gu- 

About a century after their expulsion from Balabhi 
the representative of the Balabhis, named Bappa or 
Vappal-a, founded a new kingdom at Chitor, and his 
son Guhila^ or Guhdditya, gave to his tribe the new 


name of Guhildwat^ or Gahilot, by wliich tlicy are still 
known. About the same time* a chief of the C/iaiira 
tribe, named Ban Baja, or the " Jangal Lord," founded 
a city on the bank of the Saraswati, about seventy 
miles to the south-west of Mount Abu, called Analwdra 
Pattan, which soon became the most famous place in 
Western India. Somewhat earlier, or about a.d. 720, 
Krishna, the Pahlava prince of the peninsula, built 
the fort of Eldpura, the beauty of which, according 
to the inscription, astonished the immortals. In it he 
established an image of Siva adorned with the crescent. 
Following this clue I incline to identify Mdpura with 
the famous city of Somndth^ which, as the capital of the 
peninsula, was usually called Pattan Somnath. Accord- 
ing to Postansf the old " city of Pattan" is built upon 
a projection of the " mainland, forming the southern 
point of the small port and bay of VerdwalT This 
name I take to be the same as Eldpura or Eldivar, 
which, by a transposition that is very common in India, 
would became Erdwal. Thus Nar-sinh has become 
Man-si^ and Banod is used indifferently with Narod, 
but we have a still more striking instance in the 
change from the ancient Vdrul to the modern Elur or 
Elora. Now Patau Somnath was famous for a temple 
of Siva, which enshriaed a figure of the god bear- 
ing a crescent on his head as Somndfh, or the " lord 
of the moon." This appellation was therefore the 
proper name of the temple, and not of the city, which 
I conclude must have been Eldpura or Erawal, the 
modern Verdwal. 

* ' Ayin Akbari," ii. 73. Abul Fazl gives Samvat 802, or a.d. 745, 
if referred to the era of Vukramaditya. 
f Journ. Aaiat. Soc. Bengal, 1838, p. 866. 


The oarlicst notice that we possess of Somnath is 
contained in the brief account of the successful cam- 
paign of Mahmud of Ghazni. According to Ferishta* 
the fortified city of Somnath was situated " on a nar- 
row peninsula, washed on three sides hy the sea." It 
was the residence of the Eaja, and Naharwdla (a trans- 
position of Analw^ra) was then only " a frontier city 
of Gujarat." This agrees with the native histories, 
which place the close of the Chaura dynasty of Jnal- 
wdra in S. 998, or a.d. 941, when the sovereignty 
passed into the hands of the Chalukya prince Mida 
Raja, who became the paramount ruler of Somnath. 
and Analwai'a. 

After the time of Mahmud, Somnath would appear 
to have been abandoned by its rulers in favour of 
Analwdrn, which is mentioned as the capital of Gujarat 
in the time of Muhammad Ghori and his successor 
Aibeg.f It was still the capital of the kingdom in 
A.H. 697, or A.D. 1297, when the country was invaded 
by the army of Ala-ud-din Muhammad Khilji, which 
occupied Nahrwdia, or Aiialwdra, and annexed the 
province to the empire of Delhi. 

During all these transactions Ferishta invariably 
designates the peninsula, as well as the country to 
the north of it, by the modern name of Gujarat. The 
name is not mentioned by Abu Rihan, although he 
notices both Analwara and Somnath. It occurs first 
in the Mojmal-ut-tawarikh of Rashid-ud-din, who 
wrote in a.d. 1310, just thirteen years after the con- 
quest of the country by the Muhammadan king of 
Delhi. Now I have already shown that the name of 
Gur'ijara was confined to Western Rajputana in the 

t Ihid., i. 179, 194. 


time of n^ven Tlisang, and that it was still a di.stiuct 
country from SaurasJilm in a.d. 812, when ICarka 
Eaja of Ldlenoara recorded his grant of land. Be- 
tween this date and a.d. 1310, there is a gap of five 
centuries, during which period we have no mention 
of Gurjjara in any contemporary records. I liave 
a strong suspicion, hoAvcvcr, that the movement of 
the Gujars towards the peninsula must have been 
connected with the permanent conquest of Delhi, 
Kanoj and Ajmer by the Muhammadans, which ejected 
the Chohuns and Eathors from K'orthcrn Eajputana 
and the Upper Ganges, and thrust them towards the 
south. "\Yc know that the Rathors occupied Pali to 
the cast of Balmer in the Samvat year 1283, or a.d.t 
1220. This settlement of the Rathors must have 
driven the great body of the Gujars from their ancient 
seats and forced them to the south towards Analwara 
Pattan and Eder. This was actually the case of the 
Gohils, who, being expelled from Marwar by the 
Rathors, settled in the eastern side of the peninsula, 
which was named after them Gohilwara. In the time 
of Akbar the Gujars had certainly not penetrated into 
the peninsula, as Abul Fazl does not name them in 
his notice of the different tribes which then occupied 
the Sirkar of S/m/'f. But even at the present day 
there is no large community of Gujars in the penin- 
sula, so that we must look for some other cause for 
the imposition of their name on a large province which 
they have never completely occupied. 

In my account of the province of Gurjjara I have 
already noticed an old inscription of the kings of the 
Guijjara tribe. From this record Ave learn that in s. 
380, or A.D. 458 the Gujars had pushed their conquests 



as far soutli as tlie banks of tlic Xarbadii. In that 
year, and subseqnontly in A.n. 4G3, their king Sri 
Datta luisali* made several grants of land to certain 
Brahmaus in the district of Jkr/hrswara, neav Janibn- 
sara, Trhich I talce to bo JUc^nr, on the south bank of 
the Nai-bada, dppositc ]jharoch. Ent before s. 391, or 
A.D. 47l^, the Gujars must have been driven back to 
the north, as far at least as Khambay, as the Chalnkya 
prince Vijaya made several grants of land to the same 
Ijrahmans in the town of Jambusara, which lies between 
Bhiu-och and Khtimbay. It is certain, therefore, that 
the Gnjars had occupied the coimtry to the north of 
the peninsula as early as the fifth century of the 
Clu'istian era. But two centuries later they had 
already lost their power, as Hwen Tlisang found a 
K-shatrij/a prince on the throne of Gtirjjara. They 
must still, however, have Cijntinued to form the bulk 
oJ' the population of the ciamtrics to tlie west and 
soutli of Mount Abu ; and as Alaf Ivhan, the first 
Muhammadan conqueror, under Ala-nd-din Khilji, 
fixed his head-quarters at Nti'incu'ra, or Analwura^ in 
tlie very heart of tlie Gujar country, I think it pro- 
bable that tJic name of Gujarat Avas then first applied 
to tliis new province of the Delhi empire ; and as the 
peninsula of Saurashtra formed a part of the province, 
it was also included under the same general appellation. 
I therefore look upon the extension of the name of 
Gujarat to the peninsula as a political eonvenieuco 
rather than an ethnograpliieol aj^plication. Hamilton^ 
iiutes that the greater part of MalA\'a and Khandes was 
fnrmerly called rhijarat; and this is boriic out by 

■•' Professor Dowson in Jourii. T!o3'al Aslat. Soc, new series, i. SnO. 
t Gazetleer, in voce '■ GujerAl,' i. GO. 


Marco Polo, who distinguishes between the peninsula, 
which he calls Sumenat (Somnath) and the kingdom of 
Gozinrif, which he places on the coast to the north of 
Tana ; that is, about Bharoch and Surat. Even at the 
present day the name of Gujarat is not known to the 
natives of the peninsula itself, who continue to call their 
country Saraih and Kaihiuwar ;* the latter name having 
been a recent adoption of the Mahrattas. 

The capital of Balabhi is described by Hwen Thsang 
as 30 /z, or 5 miles, in circuit. Its ruins were first 
discovered by Tod, although he did not actually visit 
them.t But they have since been visited by Dr. 
Nicholson,! according to whom they are situated at 
18 miles to the Avest-north-west of Bhaonagar, near 
the village of IFale. The ruins are still known by 
the name of Vamilapura^ which is only a slight trans- 
position of Valami, or Valahlnpiira. The remains are 
scattered over a wide extent, but there is nothing 
remarkable about them, except the unusually large 
size of the bricks. In the time of Akbar, however, 
these remains would appear to haA^e been much more 
considerable, as Abul Fazl§ was informed that "at 
the foot of the mountains of Sirouj is a large city, 
now out of repair, although the situation is A'erj^ de- 
sirable. Mabidchin and the port of Ghoga are de- 
pendent upon it." The A'icinity of Gliogn is a suffi- 
cient indication to enable us to identify this ruined 
city with the present remains of Balabhi, which are 
only about 20 miles distant from Ghoga. 

* Elphiiistone, 'ludia,' i. 550. 
t ' Travels in AVcsteru India,' p. 268. 
J Jouni. Eoyal Asiat. Soc, xiii. 146. 
§ ' Ayiu Akbai-i,' ii. 69. 



In tlio sevciitli century Ilwcn Thsang describes the 
kingdom of Bakblii as GOOO //, or 1000 miles, in 
circuit, wliicli is very near tlie truth, if Ave include 
the districts of Bliaroch and Snrat, on the neighbour- 
ing coast, as well as the Avholo of the peninsula of 
Surashtra. But in this part of the pilgrim's travels 
the narrative is frequently imperfect and erroneous, 
and we must therefore trust to our own sagacity, both 
to supply his omissions and to correct his mistakes. 
Thus, in liis description of Blidroch, Ilwcn Tlisaug 
omits to tell us -whether it was a separate and inde- 
pendent chiefship, or only a tributary of one of its 
powerful neighbours, Balabhi, Malwa, or Maharashtra. 
But as it has generally been attached to the peninsula, 
I infer that it most probably belonged to the great 
Idngdom of Balabhi in the seventh century. In the 
second century, according to Ptolemy, Bari/ffa:a 
formed part of the kingdom of Laril-c, which, in Hwcn 
Thsang's time, y,'as onlj' another name for Balabhi. 
In the tenth ccntiuy, accordiug to Ibn Ilaukal,* it 
belonged to the kingdom of the Balhara, whose capital 
was Analwara ; but as this city was not founded for 
more than a hmidrod years after Ilvicn Thsang's visit, 
I conclude that in the seventh century Bhriroch must 
have formed part of the famous kingdom of Balablii. 
"With this addition to its territories, the froniii.r 
circuit of Balabhi -\vould have been as iio:irly as pos- 
sible 1000 miles. 


According to TTwen Tlisang, the province of Su-Ja- 
cha, or Siirdi/ia, was a dependant of Balabhi. Its 

'■ Elliul, ■ ]\ruliammixtl.nn rU'lnriaiis of Iiidin,' i. 03. 


capital was situated ut 500 //, or 8^j uiilus, to tlio west 
of Balablii, at the foot of Moimt Ycu-chcn-la^ or JJjjanla. 
This is the Pali form of the Sanskrit Ujjai/aiila, whioh 
is only another name for the Girinar hill that rises 
ahovc the old city of Junac/arli. The name of JJjjaijania 
is mentioned in both of the Girinar inscriptions of 
Eudra Dama and Skanda Gupta, although this im- 
portant fact escaped the notice of the translators.* 
The mention of this famous hill fixes the position of 
the capital of Snrashtra at Junacjcirh^ or Yacana-ffadh, 
which is 87 miles to the west of Balabhi, or very 
nearly the same as stated by Ilwen Thsang. The 
pilgrim notices that the mountain was co-vered with 
thick forests, and that its scarped sides contained 
numerous chambers and galleries. This description 
agrees with the account of Postans,f who, in 1838, 
found the hill covered with " a thick jungul of the 
custard- apple tree," and a number of excavations at 
the base, consisting of " small flat roofed rooms, sup- 
ported by square pillars without ornament." 

The name of Surafh is still known in this part of 
the peninsula ; but it is confined to a comparatively 
small tract, which forms one of the ten divisions of 
Gujarat.J In the time of Akbar, however, it was ap- 
plied to the southern or larger half of the peninsula, 
which, according to Abul Fazl, extended from the 
port of Ghoga to the port of Aramroy, and from 
Sirdhar to the port of Diu.§ The name of the district 

* Journ. Asiat. Soo. Bombay, vii. 119, " the Urjayata hill ;'' p. 123, 
'■ Urjaijat ;^^ and p. 12-1., " tlio Jayanta niouutain," sliould all be ren- 
dered Ujayanta. 

t Journ. Eoyal Asiat. Soo. Bengal, 1838, pp. 874, 87C. 

J Eastwick, ' Handbook of Bombay,' p. 424. 

§ ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 66. 

326 THE ANCIENT geoghapuy of india. 

IS also preserved by Terry,* whose information was 
obtained at the Court of Jahangir. According to his 
account, the chief city of Sorct Avas called Janagar^ that 
is, Javanagarh^ or Jonac/arh. The province was small, 
but very rich, and had the ocean to the souih. At that 
time also it would appear not to have been included 
in Gujarat, as Terry describes it as lijlng vpon Gujairtt. 
In the seventh century Ilwen Thsang states that 
SaratJi, or Sura-Mra, was 4000 /?, or GG7 r.iiles, in 
circuit, and touched the river Mo-ld on the west. 
This river has always been identified with the Mahi 
of Mahva, Avhich falls into the Gulf of Khambay.-j- 
Accepting this identification as correct, the province 
of Saraih in the time of Hwcn Thsang must have 
comprised the whole of the peninsula, including the 
city of Ealabhi itself. This is confirmed by the mea- 
surement of the frontier given by the pilgrim, which 
agrees exactly with that of the entire peninsula to the 
south-west of a line drawn from the Lesser Eau of 
Ivachh to Khambay. In spite of the fame of Balabhi, 
the old name of Snrath -^mis still applied to the whole 
peninsula so late as a.d. GIO. 


In the seventh century the district of Po-lu-lie-che' 
po, or liurul-achoa^ was from 2400 to 2500 /z, or from 
400 to 417 miles, in circuit; and its chief city was on 
the bank of the Nai-mo-tho, or Narmmadd river, and 
close to the sea. With these data it is easy to identify 

* ' A'oyau;? to East India,' p. SO. 

t As tlio Miihl rivor lies to the north-cast of Qujari'it, wo must citlicr 
read cast, or suppose that the pilgrim referred to the western bank of 
the stream. 

the capital witli tlio well-laiowu soapurt town of 
lUtdrocJi, under its Sanskrit name of Tjhriyn-Kachhn^ 
as written by tlic Bralimans, or Bhurulachha^ as found 
in the old inscriptions. The latter was no doubt tlie 
more usual form, as it is almost literally preserved in 
the Bapvya^a of Ptolomy, and the ' Teriplus/ From 
Ilwen Thsang's measurement of its circuit, the limits 
of the district may be determined approximately as 
extending from the 3Id/ti* i-ixqv on the north, to 
Daman on the south, and from tlic Gulf of Ivhambay 
on the west to the Saliijddrl mountains on the east. 

According to the text of Hwen Thsang, Bhriroch 
and Balabhi were in Southern India, and Surashtra 
in "Western India ; but as he places Malwa in Southern 
India, and Ujain in Central India, I look upon these 
assignments as so many additional proofs of the con- 
fusion which I have already noticed in the narrative 
of his travels in Western India. I would therefore 
assign both Balabhi and Bhriroch to Western India, 
as they formed part of the great province of Surashtra. 
The correctness of this assignment is confirmed by the 
author of the 'Periplus,' who notes that below Bary- 
gasa the coast turns to the south, whence that region 
is named Dakhinafjades, as the natives call the south 


According to the Chinese pilgrim, the great division 
of Central India extended from the Satlej to the head 
of the Gangetic Delta, and from the Himalaya moun- 
tains to the Narbada and Mahanadi rivers. It coni- 

* The Mais river of Ploleuiy. 

t Peripl. Mar. Erytlir., in Hudson's Geogr, Vet., i. 20i 


prised all the richest and most populous districts of 
India, -with the single exception of the Gangetic 
Delta, or Bengal proper.* Of the seventy separate 
states of India that existed in the seventh century, no 
less than thirty-seven, or rather more than one-half, 
belonged to Central India. The Avhole of these dis- 
tricts were visited hj IIwcu Thsang, Avhose footsteps 
I will now attend in describing the different princi- 
palities from west to cast in the following order : — 



20. Kusinagara. 



21. Varanasi. 



22. Todhapatipura. 



23. A^aisCda. 



21. Vriji. 



25. NepCda. 



26. Magadha. 



27. Iliranya Parvata. 



28. Champa, i 



29. Kankjol. 



30. Paundra Yardhana. 



31. Jajhoti. 



32. Maheswarapura. 



33. Ujain. 



31. Malwa. 



35. Kheda, or Khaira. 



30. Anandapura. 



37. Vadari, or Edcr. 




In the seventh cciitmj Sa- la- /li-s/ii-fa-lo, or Sthdncti- 
wara, was the capital of a separate kingdom, which is 
* See Map No. I. 

Cl;XXUAL iNUlA. o-!U 

described as behii!,' 7000 //, or 1107 miles, in circuit. 
No Idug is mentioned, bnt tlie state was tributary to 
Uarslia Varddhana of Kanoj, who was the paramount 
sovereign of Central India. From the large dimen- 
sions given by Hwen Thsang, I infer tliat the district 
must have extended from the Satlej to the Ganges.* 
Its northern boundary may be approximately described 
as a straight line draM'-n from Ilari-ld-patan, on the 
Satlej, to Muzafarnagar, near the Ganges; and its 
southern boundary as an irregular line drawn from 
near Pak-patan, on the Satlej, via Bhatner and ISTaruol, 
to Anupshahar on the Ganges. These limits give a 
boundary of about 900 miles, Avliich is nearly one- 
fourth less than is stated by the pilgrim. Bnt it is 
certain that many of these boundary measurements 
mnst be exaggerated, as the distances conld only 
have been estimated, and the uatnral tendency of 
most persons is rather to overstate the actual size of 
their native districts. Another source of error lies in 
the deficient information of II wen Thsang's OAvn nar- 
rative, which describes each of the 37 districts as a 
distinct and separate state, whereas it is almost certain 
that several of the minor states shoiild be included 
within the boundaries of the larger ones. Thus I 
believe that the petty districts of Govisana and Ahich- 
Iiaira must have formed part of the state of Maddwar ; 
that Vaisdkha and Knsapura^ ai^d the other small dis- 
tricts of the Gangetic Doab, Ji/iilo, IlayaiiiuJcha, Ko- 
sdmhi, and Prajjdr/a, were included in Kauoj ; that Ktc- 
dna(jara belonged to Kcipila; and that Vadari andlUieda 
were integral parts of Ifahoa. In some instances also, 
I believe that thousands have been inserted in the 

- See Map No, X. 


text iustcad of hmulrcds. I refer specially to tlie 
petty districts in the lovrer Gangetic Doal>. Thus, 
Prrii/ii'i/a, or Allaliabad, is said to be 5000 //, or 833 
miles, in circnit, and Kosdiitbi^ Avliicli is only 30 miles 
from Allahabad, is said to be GOOO //, or 1000 miles, 
in circnit ! In both of these instances I ^vuuld read 
the smaller nnmbers of 500 //, or 83 miles, and GOO //, 
or 100 miles, which Avonld then agree with the actnal 
dimensions of these petty divisions. It is quite cer- 
tain that they could not ha^-e been larger, as they 
"were completely surrounded by other -syell-hnown dis- 
tricts. By making due allowance for one or other of 
these sources of error, I think it will be found that 
Ilwen Thsang's measurements are in general not very 
far from the truth. 

The town of Slhuncmava, or Thanesar, euiisists of 
an old ruined fort, about 1200 feet square at tep, 
A\ith the modern town on a mound to the east, and 
a suburb called Biihari^ or "without," on another 
mound to the west. Altogether, the three old mounds 
occupy a space nearly one mile in length from east to 
Avest, and about 2000 feet in average breadth. These 
dimensions give a circuit of 14,000 feet, or less than 
2 J miles, which is somewhat under the 20 //, or 3-5- 
miles, of Ilwen Thsang. But before the inroads of the 
]\Iuhammadans, it is certain, from the number of brick 
ruins still existing, as Avell as from the statements of 
the people theraseh-es, that the whole of the inter- 
vening space between the present town and the lake, 
which is now called Barrd, must have formed part of 
the old city. Taking in this space, the original city 
woidd ha^-e been, as nearly as possible, an exact 
square of one mile on each side, which woidd give a 



circuit of 4 miles, or a little more tlian the measure- 
ment of the Cliincso pilgrim. Accordiug to tradition, 
tlic fort was built by Raja Dilijuc, a descendant of 
Kuru, five generations anterior tu the Pandus. It is 
said to liave bad 52 towers or bastions, of wbicb some 
remains still exist. On the west side the earthen 
ramparts rise to a height of GO feet abo\(! the road ; 
but the mass of the interior is not more than 40 I'eet 
high. The whole mound is thickly covered with large 
broken bricks, but with the exception of three old 
wells, there are no remains of any antiquity. 

The name of TlUhicmr^ or SlJidiiestvara^ is said to be 
derived cither from the StJidna or abode of Imara^ or 
Mahadeva, or from the junction of his names of Sllidnu 
and Iswara^ or from Slhdnu and sai\ a " lake." The 
town is one of the oldest and most celebrated places 
in India, but the earliest certain notice of it under 
this name is by the Chinese pilgrim Ilwen Thsang, 
in A.D. 034, although it is most probably mentioned 
by Ptolemy as Batan-Kaisara, for which wc should, 
perhaps, read Satan-aisara, for the Sanskrit Sthdiies- 
wara. But the place was more famous for its connec- 
tion Avith the history of the Pandus, than for its pos- 
session of a temple of Mahadeva, whose worship, in 
India at least, must be of much later date than the 
heroes of the Mahabharata. All the country immedi- 
ately around Thauesar, between the Saras wall and 
BrisJtadwali rivers, is known by the name of Kuru- 
Kshdra, that is, the "field or land oi Iv.crif," who is 
said to have become an ascetic on the bank of the 
great holy lake to the south of the town. This lake 
is called by various names, as Bra/md-Sar, Bdma-hrad 
Vdyic, or Vdyam-Sar^ and Pavana-Sar. The first 


name is attributed to Bralima, because lie performed 
a Baci'ifice on its banks. The second name is de- 
rived from Furasu-Tluma, "\v]io is said to liave spilt 
the blood of the Kshalrii/as in this place. The last 
t-\yo titles arc derived from the names of the god of 
Wind, on account of the pleasant breezes -which blew 
over the waters of the lake during Knru's period 
of asceticism. This lake is the centre of attraction 
for most pilgrims ; but all around it for many miles is 
holy ground, and the number of holy places connecte'd 
Avith the Kauravas and Pdndavas^ and Avith other 
heroes of antiquity, is very great indeed. Accord- 
ing tu popular belief, the exact number is 36fJ, but 
the list given in the Karu-/cHliclra Muluitinija is limited 
to 180 places, of Avhich one-half, or 91, are to the 
north along the line of the venerated Sarasv/ati river. 
There are, however, in this list so many omissions of 
places of acknoAvledged importance, such as the Nd- 
galiradu at Piindri^ the Vj/usaslhala at Basthali, the 
Pantsarcdirath at Balu, and the Vdlinu-iirath at Sagga, 
near Nardiia, that I feel inclined to believe that the 
popular number of 3G0 may not be exaggerated. 

The CItaln-aj or district oi Kam-K'ihclra^ is also called 
Bhariiia-Kuhefra^ or the " holy land," which is evi- 
dently the original of TEavcu Thsang's " champ da 
honhmvP In his time the circle of pilgrimage Avas 
limited to 200 //,* AAdiieh, at his valuation of 40 li to 
the Indian yojana of 1 kos, is equi\'alent to 20 kos. 
In the time of Akbar, hoAvever, the circle had already 
been increased to 10 kos,t and at the time of my visit 
it had been extended to 48 kos, although the 40 
kos circuit Avas also -well known, and is, indeed, noted 

•■■ Julien'a ' Hioucn Tlisang,' ii. 213. f ' Ayiu Akbaii,' ii. 517. 



by ]Mv. Bowring. Tlic circuit statinl by flu' Cliinop 

pilgrim could not have been more tlian 3o or JO niilc:^, 

at 7 or 8 miles to tbc yojana, but tbo circle mentioned 

by Abul Fazl could not be less than 53 miles, at 

the usual valuation of tbe Padsliahi kos at 1 i miles, 

and might, at Sir II. Elliot's valuation of Akbar's kos 

at more than 2^ miles, be extended to upwards of 100 

miles. It is possible, indeed, to make these diiferent 

statements agree very closely by changing the pilgrim's 

number to 400 U, or 10 yojanas, Avhich are equivalent 

to 40 kos, or 80 miles, and by estimating Abul Fazl's 

40 kos at the usual Indian rate of about 2 miles each. 

I am myself quite satisfied of the necessity for making 

this correction in the pilgrim's number, as the narrow 

extent of his circle Avould not only shiit out thi^ 

equally famous shrines at Pritlnuluka, or Pclioa on the 

Saraswati, and at the KausiJd-Sanf^am, or junction of 

the Kausild and Z)r/A7zf«Z?yrt/z rivers, but would actually 

exclude the Drishadwati itself, which iu the I'duniiia 

Piirdna is specially mentioned as being within the 

limits of the holy land, — 

Dirgh-Kshetre Kurnkshctro clirglia Siiti-anta yii-e 
Nndyastire Drisliadvalyiih puiiyayali Suchii-odliasah. 

" They were making the great sacrifice of Scdranl.i 
in the wide region of Kuntlahctra on the banks of the 
BrMadwad, esteemed holy on account of its virtues." 
This river is also specially mentioned in the Vanu 
Parvn of the Mahablu'ircda as being tbe southern 
boundary of the holy land.* 

Dalishiricna Sarasvatya Dnsliadvatyuttavona-cha 
Yo vasaiiti Kurulcslietro te vasanti IrifisUtapc. 

" South from Saramal'i, and north from Bnslindioali, 

* Chap. 83, Y. 4. 



they who dwell iu KuruhJtetra live in paradise." From 
those texts it is certain that the holy land of Kuvu- 
hhetra mnst have extended to the Brklimhoati in the 
time of Hwen Thsan^-, and therefore that his limita- 
tion nf its cirenit to 200 //, or 20 kos, must be erro- 

In another passage of the Mali (Widra let, the boun- 
daries of the holy land arc even more explicitly de- 
tailed, — * 

Tad llatnukiiratnulcyor yadantaram Eanii'ihradanun-cha Bliacliak- 

E(at Kurultshetra, Samanta — paneliatam, Pitamaliusyottara 


" The tract between Eutnula, Aratnul-a^ Udmalirada 
and BhachaJcnitl-a^ is called KitruJisJielra, Samantajpcm- 
cliaka^ and the northern Vedi of Fita-viaJia (or 
Eralima)." As this last name of Brahnd-vedi is equi- 
valent to Brahmdfartta, we have another testimony in 
the Code of ]\Ianu for extending the holy land to the 
banks of the Drishadwati.f 

Sai-asvati Drisliadratyordeva nudyor yadantaram 
Tandeva niraiitam-dcsan Bralimiirarttau praclialcsUate. 

"That region, made by the Gods, which is between 
tl).o Saraswa/i and BrishadicaU rivers, is called Brah- 

The great lake of Kitrid-shctra is an oblong sheet of 
water r,r)iG feet in length from east to wesf, and 1900 
frrt in breiidth. It is mentioned by Abu Rihan,J who 
]■(■(■( (I'ds, on the antliority of A'araha j\Iihira, that 
during eclipses of the moon the waters of all other 

* ' "^^aua Parva,' chap. 83, last verse. 

t Iloxigliton's 'Instilutes of i\rcm!,' ii. 17. 

X Tleiuavid, ' JFomoire sur I'lude/p. '287. 

CE^TEAL INDIA. ■>■->■> 

tanks visit the tank at Tliruosar, so tliat tlic Latlicr in 
this tank at the moment of eclipse ohtaiiis the acltli- 
tioual merit of Lathing in oil tlie other tanlvs at Uil- 
same time. 

Tliis notice by Yaralia Mihira carries ns hack at 
once to A.D. oOO, "wlien the holy tank at Thauesar was 
in full repute. Eut the Pauraiiic legends attribute to 
it an antiquity long anterior even to the Pandus them- 
selves. On its banks Kuru, the common ancestor of 
the Kauravus and Pundmais, sat in ascetic abstraction ; 
here Parasu-Eama slew the Kshatiiyas, and here 
Piu-uravas having lost the nymph UfLYisi, at length 
met his celestial bride at Kumkshctra ' • sporting ■with 
four other nymphs of heaven in a lake beautiful with 
lotuses." But the story of the Dacl/iy- 
aiicli, or Badhicha, is perhaps even older than the 
•legend of Pururavas, as it is alluded to in the Piig 
Yeda.* " With his bones Indra flew ninety times nine 
Vrilras.'''' The scholiast explains this by sayiiic,' that 
the thunderbolt of ludi-a Avas formed of the liorsc's 
head Avith vrhich the As^-ins had supplied tlic headless 
Dadh^^aneh, that he might* teach his science to them. 
According to the legend, Dadhyancli during liis life- 
time had been the terror of the Asuras, who, after his 
death, multiplied and overspread the whole earth. 
Then "Indra inquiring what had become of him, and 
whether nothing of him had been left behind, was 
told that the horse's licad was still in exist-nce, but 
no one knew Avhere. Search was made fer it, and it 
was found in the lake Banjanclrat on the sldrts of 
Kurukshetra." I infer that this is only another name 
for tlie great tank of Kurukshetra, and consequently 

* Wilson's (ransktion, i. 216. 


tliat the sacred jJool is at least as old as the Eig Yeda 
itself. I think it also probable that the Chnhri-liraiJi, 
or spot Avhere Vislmu is said to have taken np his 
Chalra^ or discus, to kill Bliishina, may have been the 
original spot where Indra slew the Vritras, and that 
the bones, which wore afterwards assigned to the 
Pandus, may have been those of the Vritras of the 
older legend. In support of this suggestion, I may 
mention that the Cluilcratiraih is close to Aslhiyiir^ or 
the "place of bones." In a.d. G34 these bones were 
shown to the Chinese pilgrim, Hwen Thsang, who 
records that they were of very large size.* All ni}- 
inqniries for them were fruitless, but the site of As- 
tliipiir, or " Bone-town,'' is still pointed out in the 
plain lo the west of the cily, near Aujas-c/Jidt. 

PeJioa^ or Vriihidal-a. 

The old town of Pchou is situated on the south 
bank of the Sarasuti, 11 miles to the west of Thanesnr. 
The place derives its name from the famous Vv'dhn 
CJiah-a-vartli, who is said to have been the first person 
that obtained the title of Raja. At his bii-th, accord- 
ing to the Yislnm rur;1na,f "all living creatures re- 
joiced," because lu^ was born to put an end to the 
anarchy which then prevailed over the whole earth. 
The story of the cure of Eaja Yena's leprosy, by 
bathing in tlie Saraswati is told in the same Puraua. 
On his death, his son Prithu performed the usual 
Srdddha, or funeral ceremonies, and for twelve days 
after tlie cremation ho sat on the bank ef the Saraswati 
offering water to all comers. The place was therefore 

* .Tulien's ' liioucn Thsang,' ii. 21<1. 

t "Bool; 1-13, Hall's cdilion of T\'ilson'stransl;ilion, i. 1S3. 


uainccl Pi-i^/iuda/M ov Vrithn's pool, IVoin dahi OYu'laka 
Avatcr ; and the city which lie afterwards huilt on the 
spot M-as called by the same name. The shrine of 
PrilJiudaka has a place in the KuniksJiefra Mahdlmya^ 
and is still visited. 

Am In. 
Five miles to the son th- son th- east of Thanesar there 
is a lai'ge and lofty mound called Jw///, which is said by 
the Brahmans to be a contraction of Ahldmamjii Kliera, 
or the mound of Abbimanyu, the son of Ai-jnn. The 
place is also named Chakra-hhi/u, or the " Arrayed 
army," because the Pandus hero assembled their 
troops before their last battle with the Kauravas. 
Here Abbimanyii was killed by Jayadi'atha, who was 
himself killed the next day by Arjun. Here Aditi is 
said to have seated herself in ascetic abstraction to 
obtain a son, and here accordingly she gave birth to 
Snryya^ or the Sun. The mound is about 2000 feet in 
length from north to south, and 800 feet in breadth, 
with a height of from 20 to 30 feet. On the \^)^ 
there is a small village called Amin, inhabited bj- 
Gaur Brahmans, with a temple to Adlt'i, and a Suri/ya 
Kund on the oast, and a temple to Sunjija on the 
Avest. The Suryya Kund is said to represent the 
spot where the Sun was born, and accordingly all 
women who wish for male children pay their devo- 
tions at the temple of Aditi on Sundaj^, and after- 
wards bathe in the Ruruj Kund. 


According to Hweu Thsang the capital of the king- 
dom oi Foli-yc-io-h^ which M. Eeinaud has identified 
Avith Pdrydtra or Bairdt, was situated at GOO //, or 



83| miles, to tlio Avest of Matliura, and about 800 //, 
] '-]>]§ miles, to the ,soutli-"\vcst of tlic kingdom of She- 
lo-tu-h* that is, of Salai/ni, or the Satlej. The hear- 
ing and distance from Mathura point nnequivoeally to 
Bairdlj the ancient capital of j\}atHija as the eit}' of 
Ilwen Thsang's narrative, althongh it is upwards of 
100 miles further to the south of IvuUu than is re- 
corded hj^ the pilgrim. But I have alreadj' given an 
explanation of this discrcpancj^ in my account of the 
intermediate position of Satadrn in Xorthern India. 

Abu Eihrm, the contemporary of Mahmud, places 
Narcina^ the capital of Karzilt, at 2S parasangs to the 
■west of ]\Iathura,-|" which, taking the parasang at .8^ 
miles, woidd make the distance 98 miles, or 14 miles 
in excess of the mcasiu'cment of Ilwcn Thsang. But 
as the narratives of the different ^Midiamxadan his- 
tiirians leave no doubt of the identity of Kara net the 
capital of Karzuf, with Nardijann the capital of Bainlf, i 
this difference in the recorded distance from Mathura, 
is of little moment. According to Abu Bihan, Nardiut^ 
or r>a~.ii'iia, was called Nannjan^ ,1 1 ; b>y the ilusal- 
mans, a name which still exists in Nnrd^anjmr, a town 
sitnated at 10 miles to the north-east of Bairut itself. 
Brom ICanoj to Naiana, Abu Bihiln gives two distinct 
routes; the first direct via ilathura being OG para- 
sangs, or 1!H1 miles, and the other to the south of t^ic 
Jumna being 8S p:irasangs, or 308 miles. :[: The inter- 
mediate stages of tlie^ later route are, 1st, Jv/, 18 para- 

* Jiilion's ' Ilioucu Tlisang-,' pp. 20G-207. Sec Jlap Ko. X. 

t Kc'inaml, ' Fragmcuts .'Vr.abes ct Perpaiis,' p. lo7. Tlie translator 
S'lvcs IJiiz'hiK, but lliia lias been corrected by Sir H. M. Elliot to 

J IJciiiancl, 'Fragments,' p. 100 ; Dowson's edit, of Sir II. Elliot,i. 5S. 



sangs, or Go miles; 2ik1, SaJdna, 1 7 parasangs, or 00,^ 
miles; 3rd, Janclara, 18 parasangs, or 03 miles; 4(h, 
Bajaitri, either l-l or 17 parasangs, -A or -M miles, and 
Otli, Ba-jiiia, or Nardiia, 20 parasaiig^^, or 70 miles. As 
tlie direction of the first stage is speeiallj' recorded to 
have been to 'the south-west of Kanoj, it may be at once 
identified -with the Awd GhiU on the Jumna, G miles 
to the south of Etawa, and about 60 miles to the 
south-M-est of Kanoj. The name of the second stage 
is written \\y^ Sahina, for which by the simple 
shifting of the diacritical points, I propose to read 
Uly^ Siihmiia, which is the name of a very largo 
and famous ruined town situated 2-3 miles t3 the 
north of Gwalior. Its distance from the Assai Ghat 
is about 50 miles. The third stage named Jandara 
by M. Eeinaud, and Chandra by Sir Henry Elliot, I 
take to be HindoiK reading ,.,.ja=- f'lr \,sJ^- I^"^ dis- 
tauce from Sulianijja by the Khetri CMu'it on theChambal 
river is about 70 miles. The fourth stage, named 
Eajori, still exists under the same name, 12 miles to 
the south-west of Mdchcri^ and about -jO miles to the 
north-west of Hindon. From thence to Xarainpur 
and Bairat, the road lies altogether through the hills 
of Alwar or INLVlicri, which makes it difficult to as- 
certain the exact distance. By measurements on the 
lithographed map of eight miles to the inch, I make 
the distance to be about GO miles, which is sufficiently 
near the 20 parasangs, or 70 miles, of Abu Itihan's 

According to the other itineraries of Abu Rihan, 
Nnrdna was 25 parasangs {■) the north of Chitor in 
Mewar, 50 parasangs to the east of ]\rultan, and 00 

z 2 


parasangs to tlic iiortli-cast of Anluilwara.* The 
bearings of these places from ]jair;U arc all sufReientl}' 
exact, but tbe nieasurenn'iits are more tliau one-half 
too short. Por the first distance of 25 parasangs to 
Chitor, I wouhl propose to read G5 parasangs, or 227 
miles, the actual distance by the measured routes of 
the quartermaster-general being 217| miles. As the 
distance of Chitor is omitted in the extract from Abu 
Eihan Avhich is given by Eashid-ud-din, it is probable 
that there may have been some omission or confusion 
in the original of the Tarikh-i-Hind from which he 
copied. The erroneous measurement of GO parasangs 
to Multan is pcrhaj)S excusable, on the ground that 
the direct route through the desert being quite im- 
passable for an army, the distance must have been 
estimated. The error in the distance of Anhal-v^'ara 
I would explain hj referring the measurement of GO 
parasangs to Chitor, which lies about midway between 
35airat and Anhalwilra. From a comparison of all 
these different itineraries, I have no hesitation what- 
ever in idcntifjnng Tidzuiia or Nardna, tlic capital of 
Karzdt or Giiznif, with Ndrdi/anapiira, the capital of 
Bairill or J'nirut. In Ferishta the latter name is 
written cillier Kihn'il c.1a3 ^i^ in Bow, or Knirdl Cj\,xi 
as in Briggs, both of which names are an easy misread- 
ing of ^1^1 !, V^nirdt or Tlrdf, as it would have been 
written by the Midiammadans. 

J'irdf, the capital of Malni/a, is celebrated in Hindu 
Jjcgends as the abode of the Fiv<' Pandus during tlieir 
exile of 12 years from Dilli or Indraprastba. The 
euuntrj' was also fanmus for the A'alour of its people, 
as Manu directs that the van of an army should bo 

* Efinaud, ' rragmeiils,' pp. 108-112. 


romposcd of " men bora in Kurukslic( ra Dcar Indni- 
prasthca, in Mahija or Vintla, in Pancliala or Kanya 
Knbjn, and in Surascna of tlic district of Matliura."* 
The residence of Bhira Tandu is still sliown on the 
top of a long lo\y rocky hill abont one mile to the 
north of the town. The hill is formed of enormous 
blocks of coarse gritty quartz, which are much weather- 
Avorn and rounded on all the exposed sides. Some of 
these blocks have a single straight face sloping inwards, 
tlie result of a natural split, of which advantage has 
been taken to form small dwellings by the addition of 
rough stone walls plastered with mud. Sucli is the 
BUm-guplia or Bhim's cave, which is formed by rough 
Avails added to the overhanging face of a liuge rock 
about 60 feet in diameter and 15 feet in height. 
Similar rooms, but of smaller size, are said to have 
been the dwellings of Bhim's brothers. The place is 
still occupied by a few Brahmaus, Avho profess to de- 
rive only a scanty subsistence from the offerings of 
pilgrims, a statement Avliich is rather belied by their 
flourishing appearance. Just below Bhim's cave, a 
Avall has been built across a small hollow to retain the 
rain water, and the fragments of rock have been re- 
moved from a fissru-e to form a tank, about lo feet 
long by 5 feet broad and 10 feet deep ; but at the 
time of my visit, on the lOtli of November, it was 
quite dry. 

The present town of Bairat is situated in the midst 
of a circular valley surrounded by low bare red hills, 
which have long been famous for their copper mines. 
It is 105 miles to the south-Avest of Delhi, and 41 
miles to the north of Jaypur. The main entrance to 
* Haughton's translation, vii. 193. 


the valley is on the north-west along the bank of a 
small stream Ayhich drains (he basin, and forms one of 
the principal feeders of tlic Ban Gauffu. The valley is 
about -^ miles in diameter, and from 7^ to 8 miles in 
cii'cuit. The soil is generally good, and the trees, and 
more especially the tamarinds, arc very fine and 
abundant. Bairdt is situated on a mound of ruins, 
aboiit one mile in length by half a mile in breadth, or 
upwards of 'Ih miles in circuit, of wliicli the present 
town docs not occupy more than one-fourth. The sur- 
rounding fields arc covered Avith broken pottery and 
fragments of slag from the ancient copper-works, 
and the genend aspect of the valley is of a coppery red 
colour. The old city, called Balrdbiagar^ is said to 
have been quite deserted for several centuries until it 
was repeopled about 300 years ago, most probably 
during the long and prosperous reign of Akbar. The 
town wasj certainly in existence in Akbar's time, as it 
is mentioned by Abul Fazl in the ' Ay in Akbari,' as 
l^ossessing very profitable copper mines. A mmiber of 
large mounds about half a mile to the east, and imme- 
diately under the hill, arc said to have formed part of 
the old city ; but, both from their position and appear- 
ance, I am inclined to think that they must be the re- 
mains of some large religions establishment. At pre- 
sent the surface remains consist of rough stone foim- 
dations only, as the whole of the squared stones have 
been used in building the houses of the modern 

The number of houses in Bairat is popularly rec- 
koned at 1400, of which 600 arc said to belong to 
Gaur Brahmans, 400 to Agarwal Baniyas, 200 to Minas, 
and the remaining 200 to various other races. AUow^ 


iiig the usual average of -3 persons to each house, the 
population of Bairat -will amount to ToOl) pcr.sons. 

The earliest historical notice of Bau-at is that of the 
Chinese pilgrim Ilwen Tlisang in a.d. 034.* Ac- 
cording to him, the capital Mas 14 or 15 //, or just 2i 
miles, in circuit, -nliich corresponds almost exactly 
Avith the size of the ancient mound on which the pre- 
sent town is built. Tlie people were brave and bold, 
and their king, who was of the race of Fei-sJic, cither 
a Vaisi/a or a Bais Eajput, was famous for his courage 
and skill in war. The place still possessed eight Bud- 
dhist monasteries, but they were much ruined, and the 
number of monks was small. The Brahmans of dif- 
ferent sects, about 1000 in number, possessed 12 
temples, but their followers were numerous, as the 
bulk of the population is described as heretical. Judg- 
ing from the size of the town as noted by Hwen 
Thsaug, the population could not have been less 
than four times the present number, or about 30,000, of 
whom the followers of Buddha may have amounted 
to one-fourth. I have deduced this number from 
the fact that the Buddhist monasteries would aijpear 
to have held about 100 monks each, and as those 
of Baii-at are said to have been much ruined, the 
number of monks in Hwen Thsang's time could not 
have exceeded 50 per monastery, or 400 altogether. 
As each Buddhist monk begged his bread, the num- 
ber of Buddhist families could not have been less than 
1200, allowing three families for the support of each 
monk, or altogether about GOOO lay Buddhists in ad- 
dition to the 400 monks. 

The next historical notice of Baii-at occurs during. 

* Jiilien'8 ' Hiouen Tlisang,' ii. 200, 



the rcigu of Malimud of Ghaziii, Avho invaded the 
country in a.ii. 400, or a.d. 1009, when the Eaja sub- 
mitted. But his submission was of little avail, as his 
couutry was again invaded in the spring a.ii. 404, or 
A.D. 1014, Avhcn the Hindus were defeated after a 
bloody conflict. According to Abu Eihan the town 
A^as destroyed, and the people retired far into tlie 
interior.* 13y Eerishta this invasion is assigned to the 
year A.II. 413, or a.d. 1022, Avhcn the king hearing 
that the inhabitants of two hilly tracts named Kairdt 
and Ndrdin {or Bairdl and Ndrdj/an) still continued the 
Avorship of idols (or lions in some manuscripts) resolved 
to compel them to embrace the Muhammadan faith, f 
The place Avas taken and plundered by Amir-Ali, avIio 
found an ancient stone inscription at Nrirayan, Avliich 
Avas said to record that the temple of Narayanhad been 
built 40,000 years previously. As this inscription is 
also mentioned by the contemporary historian Otbi, we 
may accept the fact of the discovery of a stone record 
in characters so ancient that the Brahmans of that day 
Avore unable to read them. I think it highly probable 
that this is the famous inscription of Asoka that Avas 
afterwards discoA'crcd by Major Burt on the top of a 
hill at Bairat, and which noAV graces the musciun of 
the Asiatic Society in Calcutta. 

In the seventh century the kingdom of BairatwasOOOO 
//', or 500 miles, in circuit. It Avas famous for its sheep 
and oxen, but produced fcAV fruits or floAvers. This is 
still the case Avith Jaypur to the south of Bairat, Avhich 
furnishes most of the sheep required for the great Mu- 
hammadan cities of Delhi and Agra, and their English 

* Dowson's edition of Sir II. Elliot's Mubamm. Hist., i. 59. 
t Driggs's ' PcrisLta/ i. 64i. 



garrisons. Bairat, therefore, may haw iiicliulctl flic 
greater part of the present state of Jaj-pur. Its pre- 
cise boundaries cannot be determined ; but they may 
be fixed approximately as extending on the north from 
Jhunjnu to Kot Kasira, 70 miles ; on the west from 
Jhunjnu to Ajmer, 120 miles; on the south frona 
Ajmer to the junction of the Banas and Chaml)al, IGO 
miles ; and on the east from the junction to Kot ErL^iin, 
150 miles ; or altogether 490 miles, 


On leaving Thanesar, Hwcn Thsang at first pro- 
ceeded to the south for about 100 li, or 16-§ miles, to 
the Kiu-hoen-cJia, or Golcanllia monastery, -which has not 
yet been identified, but it is probably Gundiia, between 
Vyasthali and Nisang, 17 miles to the south-south-west 
of Thanesar. I am obliged to notice this monastery as 
it is the starting-point from which llwen Thsang 
measures his next journey of 400 //, or G6f miles, to 
Sn-hi-Jcin-na or Sru^lma, which makes the distance be- 
tween Thanesar and Srughna just GO miles.* Now 
Suc/h, the place Avhich I propose to identify with the 
capital of Sniffhna, is only .38 or 40 miles from 
Thanesar ; but as it agrees exactly in name, and cor- 
responds generally in other particulars, I am quite 
• satisfied that Hwen Thsang's recorded distance must 
be erroneous, although I am unable to suggest any 
probable rectification of his figures. The true distance 
is about 300 A', or 50 miles, from the Gokaiitha monas- 

The Sanskrit name of the country is Srughnaj Avhich 
in the spoken dialects becomes Suffhan and Su(/h, as it 
* Julien'a ' Hiouen THsang,' ii. 215. See Map No. X. 


is called at the present clay. The village of Biigh 
oceupics one of the most remavkal)le posilioiis that I 
met M-itli during the ayIioIo course of my researclics. 
It is sitxiatcd on a projecting triangular spur of liigli 
land, and is suvrounded on tln-ec sides by the Led of 
the old Jumna, which is now the western Jumna canal. 
On the north and west faces it is further protected by 
two deep ravines, so that the position is a ready-made 
stronghold, which is covca'ed on all sides, except the 
west, by natural defences. In shape it is almost trian- 
gular, with a large projecting fort or citadel at each of 
the angles. The site of the north fort is now occupied 
by the castle and village of Dyalgarh. The village of 
JMandalpur stands on the site of the south-east fort, 
and that of the south-west is unoccupied. Each of 
these forts is 15U0 feet long, and 1000 feet broad, and 
(\icli face of the triangle which connects them together 
is upwards of half a mile in length, that to the east 
being 4*100, and those to the north-west and south-west 
3000 feet each. The whole circuit of the position is 
therefore 22,000 feet, or upwards of 4 miles, which is 
considerably more than the oh miles of Uwen Thsaug's 
measurement. Ijut as the north fort is separated froni 
the main 2)osition by a deep sandy ravine called the 
Hohara Nala^ it is possible that it may have been un- 
occupied at the time of the pilgrim's visit. This would 
reduce the circuit of the position to 19,000 feet, or 
lip wards of '1^- miles, and bring it into accord vrith the 
2)ilgrim's measurement. The small tillage of >Sugh 
occupied the west side of the position, and the small 
town of IJuriya lies immediately to the north of 
4)yri]garh. The occupied houses, at the time of my 
visit, were as follows: — J\Iandalpur 100, Sugh 125, 


.1 O ■" 

Dyillgarli 150, iviul Biiriyti 3500, or altogether oSTO 
houses, containing a popiiktion of about 2n,(l(ill soul.<. 
Of /%// itself the people have no special traditions, 
hut of J/d/idar, or Mundaljjur, they say that it fornierl}^ 
covered an extent of 1:2 kos, and included Jagadri and 
Chancti on the west, Avitli Bimya and Dyalgarh to the 
north. ^Vs Jagudri lies o miles to the -west, it is not 
possible that the city could have extended si far ; hut 
Ave may reasouahly admit that the gardens and sum- 
mer-houses of the wealthier inliabitants may once po:^- 
sihly have extended to that distance. At Chaueti, 
which lies 2 miles to the north-west, old eiiius arc 
foimd in considerable numbers ; but it is now entirely 
separated from Euriya and Dyfdgarh by a long space 
of open country. The same coins are found in Sugh, 
Mandalpur, and Bm-iya. They arc of all ages, from 
the small Dilidls of the Cholian and Tomar Eajas of 
Delhi to the square punch-marked piiccs of silver and 
copper, Avhich arc certainly as old as the rise of 
Buddhism in 500 B.C., and which were probably the 
common currency of Xorthem India as early as 1000 
D.c. With this undoubted evidence in favour of the 
antiquity of the place, I have no hesitation in identi- 
fying Sugh with the ancient Srughua. The impoi-tunce 
of the position is shown by the fact that it stands on 
the high-road leading from the Gangetic Doab, via 
J\lirat^ Sahdrcaipiu-j and Ainbdla, to the Upper Punjab, 
and commands the passage of the Jumna. By this 
route Mahmud of Ghazni returned from liis expedi- 
tion to Kanoj ; by this route Timur returned from his 
plundering campaign at Ilaridwur ; and by this route 
Baber advanced to the conquest of Dellii. 

According to Hweu Thsang, the kingdom of Sruyhna 


was GOUO //, or 1000, miles in circuit. On tlic cast it 
extended to the Ganges, and on tlic nortli to a range 
of lofty mountains, Avliilc the Jumna flowed tlirougli 
the midst of it. From these data it would appear 
that iSni(jhiia must have comprised the hill states of 
kSirmor and Garhwal, lying between the Giri river and 
tlic Ganges, with portions of the districts of Ambrda 
and Saharanpur in the plains. But the circuit of this 
tract docs not exceed 500 miles, which is only one 
half of Ilwcn Thsang's estimate. Ilis excess I would 
attribute chiefly to the difference between direct mea- 
surements on the map, and the actual road distances 
in a mountainous country. This would increase the 
boundary line by about one-half, and make the whole 
circuit 750 miles, which is still far short of the pil- 
grim's estimate. But there is an undoubted error in 
his distance between the J umna and the Ganges, which 
he makes 800 //, or loo miles, instead of 300 //, or 50 
miles, which is the actual distance between the two 
rivers from the foot of the hills down to the parallel 
of Delhi. As it is probable that this mistake was 
doubled by applying the same exaggerated distance to 
the northern frontier also, its correction is of import- 
ance, as the double excess amounts to 1G7 miles. De- 
ducting this excess, the circuit of Sruffhna will be only 
833 miles according to Hwen Thsang's estimate, or 
within 83 miles of the probable measurement. 

4. MApAWAI;. 

From Srughna the Chinese pilgrim proceeded to 
Mo-ll-pu-lo^ or Afaclijjura, which M. Vivien do St. 
Martin has identified Avith MandAwar^ a large town in 


"Western Eoliilkhand, near Bijnor. I had previously 
made the same identification myself, and I have sinre 
been aide to coniirin it by a personal examination of 
the site.* The name of the tdwn is written fl-g-r^r 
Macldwar, the Mundore of the maps. Aec^irding to 
Johari Lai, Chaodri and Kanmgo of the place, iladawar 
was a deserted site in SamAat 1171, or a.d. 1114, 
when his ancestor Dwarka Das, an Agarwala Baniya, 
accompanied by Katar :\Iall, came from iloiiiri in the 
Mii-at district, and occupied the old mound. The piv- 
sent town of :Madawar contains 7000 inhabitants, and 
is rather more than three-quarters of a mile in length 
by half a mile in breadth. But the old mound, 
which represents the former town, is not more than 
half a mile square. It has an average height of 10 
feet above the rest of the town, and it abounds with 
large bricks, wbich are a sure sign of antiquity. In 
the middle of the mound there is a ruined fort 300 
feet square, with an elevation of G or 7 feet above the 
rest of the city. To the north-east, distant about one 
mile from the fort there Ls a large village on another 
mound called Madhja ; and between the two there i. 
a large tank called JZmida 7h7, suiTounded bv nur,,.- 
rous small mounds which are said to be tho remaiiLs of 
buildings. Originally tho.o two placs would appear 
to have formed one large Uavu, about Ji mile in 
length, by a mile in breadth or just 3^ mil^s in riiY-uit 
which agrees very well with Hwon Thsang's measure- 
ment of 20 H, or 3i miles. 

It seems probable that the people of Maddwar, as 
pouited out by M. Vivien de St. Martin, may be th<. 
JlJa/Z/c^ of Megasthenes, who dwelt on the banks of the 
* See Map No. X. 


Eriiicses. If so, that river must be the Mulini. It is 
true that this is hut a small stream ; hut it was iu a 
sacred grove on the bank of tlie IMalini that FMl-nnlfda 
was brought up, and along its course lay her route 
lo the court of Dushmanta at Ilastinapur. AVhile tlie 
lotus floats on its waters, and Avlale tlie Chakwa calls 
to its mate on the hank, so long will the little Malini 
live in the verse of Kalidas. 

According to Hwen Thsaug, the kingdom of Madi- 
pura was GOOO //, or 1000 miles, in circuit; hut this 
estimate, as I have already pointed out, must certainly 
include the two neighbouring states of Govisana and 
ylhiclihalrci, as they are also in Eohilkhand, and at so 
short a distance that j\ladijmr alone must have been a 
ver}' small district, confined to the tract between the 
Gauges and Eumganga, of not more than 250 miles in 
circuit. But even with the extended limits now pro- 
posed, which would include the whole of the country 
lying to the east of the Ganges from Haridwar to 
Kanoj as far as the bank of the Ghagra near Ivhairi- 
garh, the circuit would not be increased to more than 
050 or 700 miles. This is still too small ; but as some 
larac allowaiic(^ must be made on the northern moun- 
tain boundary for the difference between direct mea- 
surement on the map and the actual road distance, I 
thiidv that the true circuit may be not less than 850 
miles. The king of Madawar was a Shi-io-Jo or Sudra, 
who worshipped the Devas, and cared nothing for 
Buddhism. As Go^•isana and Ahichhatra Avere Avith- 
out kings, I presume that they were tributary to 
]\radaAvar, and that the circuit of the territory recorded 
by IIw(>u Thsaug Avas the political boundary of the 
Avhole State, and not that of the district proper. 


Mai/dpura, or Ilarkhcdr. 
IlAVcn Thsaiig describes tlic town of M')-iiii-h>, or 
MdijHra, as situated on tlie norlli-west frontier of INfa- 
(^ruvar, and on the eastern bank of tbt' Danges.* At 
a sliort distance from the town there M'as a great 
temple called "the gate of the Ganges," that is, 
Gari(jd-dwui-a, with a tank inside, which was supplied 
by a canal with water from the holy river. The 
yicinity of Gan/jd-dwdra, -n'hich "VA'as the old name of 
Ilaridicdra, shows that Mcujura must be the present 
ruined site of Mdydpura^ at the head of Ganges canal. 
But both of these places arc now on the western bank 
of the Ganges, instead of on the ea'-tern bank, as stated 
by Hwen Thsang. His note that tiny were on the 
north-Avest frontier of MadaAA'ar seems also to point tu 
the same position ; for if they had been on the AA'estern 
bank of the Ganges, they would more properly be 
described as on the north-eastern frontier of Sruglma. 
I examined the locality Avith some care, and I Avas 
satisfied that at some former period the Ganges may 
have flowed to the westward of ^Mayapura and Kankhal 
doAvn to JAvalapur. Tliere is, liowever, no present 
trace of any old channel betwoon tlie GangadAVara 
temple and the hills; but as this gi-ound is noAV 
covered Avith the houses of Haridwar, it is quiti' pos- 
sible that a channel may once have exist('d, Avhieh 
has since been gradually filled up, and built upon. 
There is therefore no physical difficulty Avhich could 
have prevented the river from taking this Avesterly 
course, and avc must either accept Hwen Thsan^'s 
statement or adopt the alternative, that he has made a 

* Julicn's ' Ilioucn Tlisang,' li. 230. Sco Man No. X. 


niistfike iu placing Mayura and Gangadwara to tlic 
cast of the Ganges. 

There is a dispute bet^vccn the foUo^^'crs of Si\a and 
Vishnu as to which of these deities gave birth to, the 
Ganges. In the ' Vishnu Parana' it is stated that the 
Ganges has its rise "in the nail of the great toe of 
Vishnu's left foot;"* and the Vaishnayas point tri- 
umphantly to the Ilari-Jii-charav, or Ilari-Jd-pair'i 
(Vishnu's foot-prints), as indisputable evidence of the 
truth of their belief. On the other hand, the Saivas 
argue that the proper name of the place is Hara-dwdra, 
or " Siva's Gate," and not Hari-dwdra. It is admitted 
also, in the ' Vishnu Purana,' that the Alahananda (or 
cast branch of the Ganges) " was borne by Mahadeva 
upon his head."f But iu spite of these authorities, I 
am inclined to believe that the present name of 
Ilaridwar or Ilaradwrir is a modern one, and that the 
old town near the Gangadwara temple was Mdijdjjura. 
Hwen Thsang, indeed, calls it 3Io-yu-Io, or Mnjjura, 
but the old ruined town between naridwilr and Kan- 
khal is still called Mdydpur, and the people point to 
the old temple of Mdijd-Bcvi as the true origin of its 
name. It is quite possible, however, that the town 
may also ha^'o been called Maijnra-pnra, as the neigh- 
bouring woods still swarm with thousands of peacocks 
[Mai/nra), anIhisc shrill calls I heard both morning and 

Hwen Thsang describes the town as about 20 //, or 
?^\ miles, in circuit, and very populous. This account 
corresponds very closely with the extent of the old 
cit}' of ]\Iayapura, as pointed out to me by the people. 

* Book ii. 8. Hnll's edilion of AYilson's translatiou, ii. -73. 
t Ihid. 


These traces extend from the bed of a torrent -which 
enters the Ganges near the modern temple of Sarv- 
vanath to the okl fort of Eaja Ben, on the bank of the 
canal, ii distance of 7500 feet. . The breadth is irregu- 
lar, but it could not have been more than 3000 feet at 
the south end, and, at the north end, where the Siwalik 
hills approach the river, it must have been contracted 
to 1000 feet. These dimensions give a circuit of 
19,000 feet, or rather more than o^ miles. Within 
these limits there are the ruins of an old fort, 750 
feet square, attributed to Eaja Ben, and several lofty- 
mounds covered with broken bricks, of which the 
largest and most conspicuous is immediately above the 
canal bridge. There are also three old temples dedi- 
cated to JVanh/ana-sila, to Mdt/a-Devi, and to Hhai- 
rava. The celebrated ghat called the Pairi, or "Feet 
Ghat," is altogether outside these limits, being up- 
Avards of 2000 feet to the north-east of the Sarvvanath 
temple. The antiquity of the place is undoubted, not 
only from the extensive foundations of large bricks 
which are everywhere visible, and the numerous frag- 
ments of ancient sculpture accumulated about the 
temples, but from the great variety of the old coins, 
similar to those of Sugh, which are found here every 

The name of Ilaridiodra, or " Yislmu's Gate," would 
appear to be comparatively modern, as both Abu Eihan 
and Eashid-ud-din mention only Gangd-dicura. Kali- 
das also, in his ' Meghaduta,' says nothing of Hari- 
dwara, although he mentions Kankhal ; but as his con- 
temporary Amarasinha gives Vishnupadi as one of the 
synonyms of the Ganges, it is certain that the legend 
of its rise from Vishnu's foot is as old as the fifth 

2 A 


century. I infer, hoAYCver, that no temple of the 
Vishnuisacla had been crcctccl dcwn to the time of 
Abu Eihun. The first allusion to it of which I am 
aware is by Sharif-ud-din,* the historian of Timur, 
who says that the Ganges issues from the hills by 
the pass of Cou-pdc, which I take to be the same as 
Koh-pairi, or the " Ilill of the Feet'' (of Yishnu), as 
the great bathing ghat at the Gangadwara temple is 
called Pcnri Ghat, and the hill above it Patri PaJtdr. 
In the time of Akbar, the name of Haridwar was well 
known, as Abul Fazl speaks of "]\Iaya, vulgo Hari- 
dwar, on the Ganges," as being considered holy for 18 
kos in length.-|- In the next reign the place Avas 
visited by Tom Coryat, who informed Chaplain Terry 
that at " Unruhvura, the capital of Sibu, the Ganges 
flowed amongst large rocks with a pretty full current." 
In 1790 the town was visited by Ilardwicke, who 
calls it a small place situated at the base of the hills. 
In 1808, Eaper describes it as very inconsiderable, 
having only one street, about 15 feet in breadth, and 
a furlong and a half (or three-eighths of a mile) in 
length. It is now much larger, being fully three- 
quarters of a mile in length, but there is still only 
one street. 

Ilweu Thsaug notes that the river Avas also called 
Fo-s// //'/,■]■ Avhich M. Stanislas Julien translates as I'cau 
qui 2>orle honhcur, and identifies Avitli Mahdbhadru., 
Avhieli is one of the many Avcll-known names of the 
Ganges. IL^ mentions also that bathing in its Avaters 
AA'as sufFieiciit to A^'ash away sin, and that if corpses 
Avere throAvn into the river the dead Avould escape the 

' History of Timur,' translated by Potis dc la Croix, iii. 131. 
' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 516. % Julicn's ' IJioiicii Tlisang,' ii. 217. 


puuisliment of being born again in an inferior slate, 
wliicli was clue to tlicir crimes. I should prefer read- 
ing Siibhadra, Avliicli has the same meaning as Ma- 
habhadnl, as Ktesias mentions tliat the great Indian 
river was named virap^os, which he transhates by i^epwv 
■jruvTu TO, dyaOa.* Pliny quoting Ktesias calls the river 
IL/podarus, which he renders by " omnia in se ferre 
bona."-}" A nearly similar word, Oibares, is rendered by 
Nicolas of Damascus as dyaOdyyeXos. I infer, there- 
fore, that the original name obtained by Ktesias was 
most probably Suhhadru. 

5. BKAnilAPURA. 

On leaving Madfiwar, Hweu Thsang tra^-elled north- 
ward for 300 li^ or 50 miles, to Po-lo-Id-mo-pii-Io, which 
M. Julien correctly renders as Tirahmapura. Another 
reading gives Po-lo-Jii-mo-lo,% in which the syllable pit, 
is omitted, perhaps by mistake. The northern bearing 
is certainly erroneous, as it would have carried the 
pilgrim across the Ganges and back again into Srughna. 
AVemust therefore read north-east, in which direction 
lie the districts of Garhwal and Kumaon that once 
formed the famous kingdom of the Katjjiiri dynasty. 
That this is the country intended by the pilgrim is 
proved by the fact that it produced copper, whicli must 
refer to the well-knoAvn copper mines of Dhaupur and 
Pokhri in Garhwal, which have been worked from a 
very early date. Now the ancient capital of the 
Katyuri Eajas was at Lahlicuipur or Vairdf-pattan on 
the Earaganga river, about 80 miles in a direct line 
from Madawar. If we might take the measurement 

* Ctc'sia3 Indica, Excoi'p. ab Pliotio, 19, e.lit. Lion. 

t Hist. Nat. xxxvii. U. 

t Jiilion's 'Hiouen Tlisang,' i. 4.31-, and ii. 231. 

:^ A 2 


from Kot-dwara, at the foot of tlie liills on the north- 
east frontier of Madawav, the distance wonkl agree 
with the 00 miles recorded by Ilwen Thsang. It 
occurs to mc, hoAveYer, as a much more probable ex- 
planation of the discrepancy in the recorded bearing 
and distance that they must properly refer to Govisana, 
the next place visited by Ilwen Thsang, from which 
Bairdt lies exactly 50 miles due north. 

According to the history of the countrj^, Vairui-pattan 
or LaManjmr was the ancient capital, as the Sombansi 
djaiasty of ICinnaon and the Surajbansi dynasty of 
Garhwal date only from the Saii/vai ycavs 742 and 745, 
Avhich, even if referred to the era of Vikramaditya, 
are posterior to the time of Ilwen Thsang. I thinh, 
therefore, that Brahmapura must be only another name 
for Fa/rdt-pa/Jan, as every other capital in these pro- 
vinces is of much later date. Srinagar on the Alakan- 
anda river was founded so late as s. 1415, or a.d. 1358, 
by Ajaya Pala of Garhwal, and is besides nearly as 
far from Maduwar as Vakul-patlan ; "while Clictnclpur, 
the earlier capital of Garhwal, is still more distant, and 
dates only from s. 12 IG or a.d. 1159. The climate is 
said to be slightly cold, and this also agrees with the 
position ofBaii-uf, which is only 3339 feet above the sea. 
Hwcn Thsang describes the kingdom of Brahma- 
pura as 4000 //, or G67 miles, in circuit.* It must, 
therefore, have included the whole of the hill-country 
between the Alakananda and Ivarnali rivers, Avhich is 
now known as British Garhwill and Kumaon, as the 
latter district, before the conquests of the Gorkhas, 
extended to the Ivarnali river. The boundary of 
this tract measured on the map is between 500 and 

* Julien's ' Hioucn Thsang,' ii. 231. See Map No. X. 


600 miles, or very nearly equal to tlie estimate of the 
Chinese pilgrim. 


To the sonth-cast of Madawar, at a distance of 400 
//, or 07 miles, Hwen Thsaug places the kingdom of 
Kln-pi-slmang-na^ which M. Julien renders by Govisana. 
The capital was 15 /«, or 2^ miles, in circuit. Its 
position Avas lofty, and of difficult access, and it was 
surrounded by groves, tanks, and fishponds.* Ac- 
cording to the recorded bearing and distance from 
Madawar, we must look for Govisana somewhere to the 
north of Murtidabad. In this direction the only place 
of any antiquity is the old fort near the village of 
Ujain, which is just one mile to the east of Kashipur. 
According to the route which I marched, the distance 
is 44 kos, or *6G miles. I estimate the value of the 
kosby the measured distance of 59 miles between the 
post-offices of Bareli and Muradabad, which is always 
called 40 kos by the natives. The true bearing of 
Kashipur is east-south-east instead of south-east, but 
the difference is not great, and as the position of Ka- 
shipur is just as clearly indicated by the subsequent 
route to AhicJthatra, I feel quite satisfied that the old 
fort near the village of Ujain represents the ancient 
city of Govisana which was visited by Hwen Thsang. 

Bishop Hebert describes Kashipur as a "famous 

place of Hindu pilgrimage which was built by a 

divinity named KdsJd 5000 years ago." But the good 

bishop Avas grossly deceived by his informant, as it is 

well known that the town is a modern one, it having 

been built about a.d. 1718 by Kchld-ndtli, a follower 

* Julicn's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 233. See Map No. X. 
t ' Travels in India,' ii. 2d6. 


of Enja Devi-CIianclra of Champawat in Kumaon. The 
old fort is now called UJain ; but as that is tlie name 
of the nearest village, it seems probable that the true 
name has been lost. The place itself had been deserted 
for SL'Voral hundred years before the occupation of 
Kashipur; but as the holy tank of I)ivn-sa//ar had never 
ceased to be visited by pilgriniy, I presume that the 
name of the tank must have gradually superseded that 
of the fort. Even at the present day the name of 
J)ron-Sdgar is just as well known as that of Kashipur. 
The old fort of Ujain is very peculiar in its form, 
which may be best compared to the body cf a guitar. 
It is 3000 feet, in length from east to west, and 1500 
feet in breadth, the whole circuit being upwards of 
9000 feet, or rather less than 2 miles. Ilwen Thsang 
describes the circuit of Govisana as about 12,000 feet, 
(ir nearly 2^ miles, but in this measurement he must 
have included the long mound of ruins on the southside, 
A\'hich is evident!}' the remains of an ancient suburb. 
By including this mound as an undoubted part of the 
old city, the circuit of the ruins is upwards of 11,000 
feet, or very nearly the same as that given by Ilwcn 
Thsang. Numerous groves, tanks, and fish-ponds still 
surround the place. Indeed the trees arc particularly 
luxuriant, owing to the high level of the water, which 
is within 5 or G feet of the surface. Tor the same 
reason the tanks are numerous and always full of water. 
The largest of these is the Bivn-sdr/ar, which, as well 
as the fort, is said to have been constructed by the five 
Pandu brothers for the use of their teacher Droua, 
The tank is only GOO feet square, but it is esteemed 
very holy, and is much frequented by pilgrims on their 
way to the source of the Ganges. Its high bank-s are 

covered -with Sail monuments of recent date. The 
"«-alls of the fort are built of large massive bricks, 15 
by 10 by 1\ inclicSj wbicb are always a sure sign of 
antiquify. The general height of the walls is 30 feet 
above the fields ; but the whole is now in complete ruin, 
and covered with dense jangal. Shallow ditches still 
exist on all sides except the east. The interior is very 
uneven, but the mass has a mean height of about 20 
feet above the country. There are two low openings 
in the ramparts, one to the north-west and the other 
to the south-west, which now serve as entrances to the 
jangal, and which the people say were the old gates of 
the fort. 

The district of Govisana was 2000 li, or 333 miles, 
in circuit. No king is mentioned, and the country, as 
I have already noticed, was most probablj' subject to 
the Eaja of Madawar. It was confined on the north 
by Brahmapura, on the west by Madawar, and on the 
south and east by Ahichhatra. It must, therefore, 
have corresponded very nearly with the modern dis- 
tricts of Kashipur, Eampur, and Pilibhit, extending 
from the Eamganga on the Avest to the Silrda or Ghagra 
on the east, and towards Bareli on the south. With 
these boundaries the circuit of the district would have 
been about 290 miles measured direct, or upwards of 
300 miles by road distance. 


From Govisana Hwen Thsang proceeded to the 
south-east 400 //, or 00 miles, to AJd-cId-ta-lo, or 
Ahichhatra.* This once famous place still preserves 
its ancient name as Ahichhatr, although it has been 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Tlisangj' ii. 231. See 3Iap l\o. X. 


deserted for many centuries. Its history readies baclc 
to B.C. 1430, at wliicli time it was the capital of north- 
ern Pduchdla. The name is written Ahi-kshetra, as 
AYell as Jhi-chhafra, but the local legend of Adi Eaja 
and the Naga, who formed a canopy over his head 
when asleep, shows that the latter is the correct form. 
This grand old fort is said to have been built by Eaja 
Adi, an Ahir, whose future elevation to sovereignty 
was foretold by Brona, when he found him sleeping 
under the guardianship of a serpent with expanded 
hood. The place is mentioned by Ptolemy as AUac&pa^ 
Avhich proves that the legend attached to the name of 
. Idi is at least as old as the beginning of the Christian 
era. The fort is also called Adikot, but the more com- 
mon name is Ahichhatr. 

According to the ' Mahabhrirata,' the great kingdom 
of Pduchdla extended from the Ilimfdaya mountains 
to the Chambal river. The capital of north Pdnchdla, 
or Eohilkhand, was AIn-chhaira, and that of south 
Pduchdla, or the Central Gangetic Doab, was Kdmpilya, 
now Kampil, on the old Ganges between Budaon and 
Farokhabad. Just before the great war, or about 1430 
u.c, the king of Punchdla, named Drupada, was con- 
quered by Drona, the preceptor of the five Pandus. 
Drona retained north Punchdla for himself, but re- 
stored the southern half of the kingdom to Brupada. 
According to this account, the name of Ahi-chhatra, and 
consequently also the legend of Adi Eaja and the 
serpent, are many centuries anterior to the rise of 

It would appear, however, that the Puddhists must 
have adopted and altered the legend to do honour to 
their groat teacher, for Ilwen Thsang records that out- 


side the town there was a Ndffa-Jirada, or " serpent 
tank," near Avhich Euddha had preached the law for 
seven days in favour of the serpent king, and that the 
spot was marked by a stupa of King Asoka* Now, 
as the only existing stupa at this place is called Chaltr, 
I infer that the Buddhist legend represented the Ndt/a 
king after his conversion as forming a canopy over 
Buddha with his expanded hood. I think, also, that 
the stupa erected on tlie spot Avhere the com^ersion 
took place would naturally have been called ^l/d- 
cJihatra, or the " serpent canopy." A similar story is 
told at Buddha Gaya of the Naga 'Km^MiichaUnda, who, 
with his expanded hood, sheltered Buddha from the 
shower of rain produced by the malignant demon Mara. 
The account of J/n-c/i/tafra given by Hwcn Thsang 
is unfortunately very meagre, otherwise we might 
most probably have identified many of the existing 
ruins with the Buddhist works of an early age. The 
capital was 17 or 18 li, or just three miles in circuit, 
and was defended by natural obstacles. It possessed 
12 monasteries, containing about 1000 monks, and 9 
Brahmanical temples, with about 300 worshippers of 
Isii-ara Beva (Siva), who smeared their bodies with 
ashes. The stupa near the serpent tank, outside the 
town, has already been mentioned. Close beside it, 
there were four small stupas built on the spots where 
the foiu- previous Buddhas had either sat or walked. 
Both the size and the peculiar position of the ruined 
fortress of Ahi-chhatra agree so exactly with Hwen 
Thsang's description of the ancient JJd-cIihatra, that 
there can be no doubt whatever of their identity. The 
circuit of the walls, as they stand at present, is 19,400 
* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii, 235. 



feet, or upwards of 3^ miles. The shape may be de- 
scribed as an irregular right-angled triangle, the west 
side being 5G00 feet in length, the north side G400 
feet, and the long side to the south-east 7400 feet. 
The fort is situated between the Jidiii Gaiiga and 
Gdncjhan rivcr;^, which are botli difficult to cross ; the 
former on account of its broad sands, the latter on ac- 
count of its extensive ravines. Both on the north and 
east the place is I'cndered almost inaccessible by tlie 
Vina Nala, a difficult ravine, with steep broken banks 
and numerous deep pools of Avater, quite impassable by 
Avheeled vehicles. For this reason the cart road to 
Lareli, distant only 18 miles due cast, is not less than 
-3 miles. Indeed the only accessible side of the posi- 
tion is the north-west, from the direction of LaJcJinor, 
the ancient capital of the Katehria Kajputs. It there- 
fore fully merits the description of Hwen Thsaug as 
being defended by " natural obstacles." Ahi-cliludra 
is only seven miles to the north of Aonla^ but the 
latter half of the road is rendered difficult by the 
ravines of the Guiif/Jirai river. It was iu this very 
position, in the jangals to the north of Joiila, that the 
Katehria Rajputs withstood the ]\[uhammadans under 
Firuz Tughlak.* 

Alu-clthalra was first visited by Captain Hodgson, 
the surveyor, who describes the place as " the ruins of 
an ancient fortress several miles in circumference, 
which appears to have had 34 bastions, and is known 
in the neighbourhood by the name of the "Pandus 
Fort." According to my survey, there are only 32 
towers, but it is cpite possible that one or two may 
have escaped my notice, as I found many parts so 

* Briggs's 'rcrislitii,'i.457. 


overgrown with tliorny jfingal as to be inaccossiblo. 
The towers arc generally from 28 to oO feet in height, 
excepting on the west side, where they rise to 35 feet. 
A single tower near the south-west corner is 47 feet 
in height above the road outside. The average height 
of the interior mass is from 10 to 20 feet. Many of 
the present towers, however, are not ancient, as an at- 
tempt was made by Ali Muhammad Khan, about 200 
years ago, to restore the fort with a view of making it 
his stronghold in case he should be pushed to extremi- 
ties by the King of Delhi. The new walls arc said to 
have been Ij gaz thick, which agrees with my mea- 
surements of the parapets on the south-eastern side, 
which vary from 2 feet 9 inches to 3 feet 3 inches in 
thickness at top. According to popular tradition, Ali 
Muhammad expended about a Icaror of rupees, or one 
million pounds sterling, in this attempt, which he was 
tinally obliged to abandon on account of its costliness. 
I estimate that he may perhaps have spent about one 
lakh of rupees, or £10,000, in repairing the ramparts 
and in rebuilding the parapets. There is an arched 
gateway on the south-east side, Avhich must have been 
built by the Musalmans, but as no new bricks were 
made by them, the cost of their work would have been 
limited to the labour alone. The ramparts are 18 feet 
thick at the base in some places, and between 14 and 
15 feet in others. 

The district of yy/u'c7///«/ra was about 3000 //, or 500 
miles, in circuit. With these large dimensions I believe 
that it must have comprised the eastern half of Eohil- 
khand, lying betAvcen the northern hills and the Ganges, 
from Pilibhit on the west to Khairabad near the Ghagra 
on the east. This tract has a boundary of 450 miles 
measured direct, or about 500 miles by road distance. 




From Ahi-chlicdra the Chinese pilgrim proceeded in 
a south direction a distance of from 200 to 270 li, 
from 23 to 2-j miles, to the Ganges, ^yhich he crossed, 
and then turning to the south-west he arrived in the 
kingdom of Pi-lo-vhaii-na* His route to the south 
-would ha\'c taken him through Aonla and Budaou to 
the Badh Gunga (or old Ganges), somewhere near 
Sahilwar, a few miles below Sown, both of which 
places stood on the main stream of the Ganges so late 
as 400 years ago. As his subsequent route is said to 
have been to the south-west, I believe that he must 
have crossed the Ganges close to Sahawar, which is 42 
miles from Ahi-chhatra in a direct line. From all my 
early inquiries I Avas led to believe that Soron was the 
only ancient place in this vicinity ; and as Hwcn 
Thsang does not give any distance for his south-west 
march, I concluded that Soron must have been the 
place to Avhich he gives the name of Pi-lo-shan-na. I 
accordingly visited Soron, which is undoubtedly a 
place of very great antiquity, but which cannot, I 
think, be the place visited by the Chinese pilgrim. 
I will, however, first describe Soron before I proceed 
to discuss the superior claims of the great ruined 
mound of Atravji-KJn'ra to be identified with the Pi 
lo-shan-na of the Chinese pilgrim. 

Soron is a large town on the right, or western, bank 
of the Ganges, on the high-road between Bareli and 
j\[athura. The place was originally called JJkaki 
KAiuIra ; but after the demon lUrani/ahJia had been 
killed by the Vardha Ataiar, or Boar incarnation of 
Vishnu, the name was changed to Sid:ara Kshetra, or 

* .Julicn's ' Iliouen Tlisang,' ii. 235. See Map No. X. 


" the place of the good deed." The ancient town is 
represented by a ruined monnd called the KilaJi, 
or " fort," which is one quarter of a mile in length 
from north to south, and somewhat less in breadth. 
It stands on the high bank of the old bed of the 
Ganges, which is said by some to have flowed imme- 
diately under it so late as 200 years ago. The modern 
town stands at the foot of the old mound on the west 
and south sides, and probably contains about 5000 in- 
habitants. There arc no dwellings on the old mound, 
which is occupied only by the temple of Sita-Bdmji 
and the tomb of Shekh Jamul ; but it is covered with 
broken bricks of large size, and the foundations of 
walls can be traced in all dii'cctions. The mound is 
said to be the ruins of a fort built by Eaja Soiuadatia 
of Soron many hundred years ago. But the original 
settlement of the place is very much older, being at- 
tributed to the fabulous lioja Vena Chahravaritl^ who 
plays such a conspicuous part in all the legends of 
North Bihar, Oudh, and Eohilkhand. 

The great mound of ruins called Alranji-Khera is 
situated on the right or west bank of the Kail Nadi^ 
four miles to the south of Karsdna, and eight miles 
to the north of Ej/ta^ on the Grand Trunk Eoad. It 
is also 15 miles to the south of Soron, and 43 miles 
to the north-west of SanJcisa in a direct line, the road 
distance being not less thau 48 or 50 miles. In the 
' Ayin Akbari ' Atranji is recorded as one of the par- 
ganahs of Ivanoj, under the name of SiJcandarpur 
JirejL* SUcaiidarpur^ which is now called Sikandrdbdd, 
is a village on the left bank of the Kdli Nadi opposite 
Atranji. From this it would appear that Atranji was 

* Gladwyn gives " Seeunderpoor Aterclihy," ii. 214.. 


still occupiecl in the reign of Akbar. The parganah 
was afterwards called Karsdna, bat it is now knoM'u 
b}' the name of Sahdwar Karsdna, or of Sahdwar onlj-. 
The name given by the Chinese pilgrim is Pl-Io- 
sJian-na, for which M. Jiilien proposes to read Viyasan'i. 
So far back as 1848 I pointed ont that, as hoih. pil and 
kar arc Sanskrit names for an idephant, it was pro- 
bable tliat Pilosana might bo the same as Karsdna, 
the large village which I have already mentioned as 
being four miles to the north of Alraiiji Khcra. The 
chief objection to this identification is the fact that 
Kury.dna is apparently not a very old place, although 
it is sometimes called Dcora Karsdna, a name whicli 
implies the possession of a temple of note at some for- 
mer period. It is, hoAvevcr, possible that the name of 
Karsdna may once have been joined to Alranji in the 
same way that we find SiJiandarpur Atreji in the ' Ayin 
Akbari.' As the identification oi Karsdna with Pilosana 
is purely conjectural, it is useless to hazard any more 
speculations on this subject. The bearing and distance 
from Sanlisa, as recorded by Ilwcn Thsang, point to 
the neighbourhood of Sirpiira, near M'hicli there is a 
small village called Pill-ani or Piloknni, whicli is the 
Pihilihoni of our maps. It is, however, a very petty 
place ; and although it boasts of a small khcra, or 
mound of ruins, it cannot, I lliiuk, have ever been 
more than ono-fourth of the circuit of two miles which 
Hweu Thsang attributes to Pi-lo-shan-na. But there 
are two strong points in its favour — namely, 1st, its 
position, wliich agrees both in bearing and distance 
with the Chinese pilgrim's accuunt ; and 2nd, its name, 
which is almost identical with the old name, sh being 
very cdinmonly pronounced as kli, so that Ilwen 


Tlisang's Pihsliana would usually be pronounced Pi- 

In proposing Alranji-Khera as the site of the ancient 
Piloshana, I am influenced solely by the fact that this 
is the only large place besides Soron of any antiquity 
in this part of the country. It is true that the distance 
from Sari/dsa is somewhat greater than that recorded 
by the Chinese pilgrim, — namely, 45 miles, instead of 
33 miles ; but the bearing is exact ; and as it is quite 
possible that there may be some mistake in Hwen 
Thsang's recorded distance, I think that Alranji-Khera 
has a better claim than any other place to be identified 
with the ancient Pi/osltana. 

The only objection to the identification of Atranjl 
Avith Piloshana is the difference between the distance 
of 200 /■/, or 33 miles, as stated by Ilwen Thsang, and 
the actual distance of 43 miles direct, or about 48 or 
50 miles by road. I have already suggested the pos- 
sibility of there being some mistake in the recorded 
distance of Hwen Thsang, but perhaps an equally 
probable explanation may be found in the difference 
of the length of the yojana. Hwen Thsang states that 
he allowed 40 Chinese // to the yojana ; but if the old 
yojana of Eohilkhand differed from that of the central 
Doab as much as the kos of these districts now differ, 
his distances would have varied by half a mile in every 
kos, or by two miles in every yojana^ as the Eohilkhand 
kos is only 1 \ mile, Avhilo that of the Doub is tAVO 
miles; the latter being one-third greater. Now if we 
apply this difference to Hwen Thsang's measurement 
of 200 //, or 33 miles, we increase the distance at once 
to 44 miles, which agrees with the direct measured 
distance on the map. I confeiis, however, that I am 


rather inclined to believe in the possibility of there 
being a mistake in Hwen Thsang's recorded distance, 
as I find exactly the same measurement of 200 li given 
as the distance betAveeu Sankisa and Kanoj. Now, the 
two distances are precisely the same, — that is, SanJdsa 
is exactly midway between Alranji and Kanoj ; and as 
the latter distance is just 50 miles by my measure- 
ment along the high-road, the former must also be 
the same. I would therefore suggest the probability 
that both of these distances should be 300 li, or 50 
miles, instead of 200 /?, as recorded in the text. In 
flivour of this proposed correction I may cite the tesli- 
mony of the earlier Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hian, who 
makes the distance from Saukisa to Kanoj 1 yojanas, or 
49 miles.* At Hweu Thsang's own valuation of 40 11 
to the yojana, this measurement would give 280 //; 
and as Fa-IIian does not record half yojanas, we may 
increase the distance by half a yojana, or 20 li, which 
will bring the total up to 300 li, or 50 miles. 

But whatever may be the true explanation of the 
difference between the actual distances and those re- 
corded by Ilwcn Tlisang, there still remains the im- 
portant fact that Saukisa was exactly midway between 
Kanoj and Piloshanna, just as it now is midway be- 
tweeen Kanoj and Atrauji. If we couple this abso- 
lute identity of position with the fact that Alranji 
is the only old place in the part of the country indi- 
cated by Ilweu Tlisang, avc can scarcely arrive at any 
other conclusion than that the great ruined mound of 
Atrauji is the site of the ancient Piloshana. This 
conclusion is strengthened by the fiut that tlie mound 
of Atrauji eorrcspunds almost exaelly iu size with 

* Bcal's ' Fa-Hi:in,' cbap. xviii. 


Hwon Thsang's measurement of 12 li, or 2 miles, for 
Filoshana. The mound is 3250 feet in breadth at 
base, or a little more than 2 miles in circuit. Its 
highest point is 44f feet above the level of the coun- 
try ; but there are no remains save the foundations of 
walls and masses of broken brick. 

Filoshana is said to have been 2000 li, or 333 
miles, in circuit ; but this is certainly too great. "With 
reference to the surrounding districts, its limits may 
be defined approximately as extending from Buland- 
shaliar to Firuzabad on the Jumna and Kadirganj on 
the Ganges, which would give a circuit of not more 
than 250 miles. 


The position of Sankisa, which stood midway be- 
tween Piloshana and Kanoj, has already been dis- 
cussed. The name of the place is written Seng-kia-she 
by the Chinese pilgrims, a spelling which is well pre- 
served in the Sankisa of the present day, and which 
represents with considerable faithfulness the Sanghasyu 
of Sanskrit. Hwen Thsang calls it also by the name 
of Kia-pi-tJiaj or Kapitha, of which I was unable to 
discover any trace. Sankisa was one of the most 
famous places of Buddhist pilgrimage, as it was the 
scene of Buddha's descent from the Trayastrinm heaven 
by a ladder of gold or gems, accompanied by the gods 
Indra and Brahma.* According to this curious legend, 
Mdyd^ the mother of Buddha, died seven days after 
his birth, and ascended at once to the Trayastrinsa 
heaven, the abode of the 33 gods, of whom Indra was 
the chief. But as she had no opportunity in this 
abode of the gods of hearing the law of Buddha, her 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 238. 

2 B 


pious son ascended to the Traijcistrinsa heaven, and 
preached for three montlis in her behalf. He then de- 
scended to the earth with the gods Brahma and Indra 
by three staircases, one of Avhich was formed either 
of crystal or precious stones, another of gold, and the 
third of silver. According to Fa-Hian, Buddha de- 
scended by a staircase formed of the " seven precious 
things," that is the precious metals and precious gems, 
whilst Brahma accompanied him on his right side by 
a silver ladder, and Indra on his left by a golden ladder. 
But Hweu Thsang assigns the golden staircase to 
Buddha himself, the silver staircase on the right to 
Brahma, and the crystal staircase on the left to 
Indra. The descent was accompanied by a multi- 
tude of Devas, who scattered flowers on all sides as 
they sang the praises of Buddha. Such are the main 
points of this curious legend, which is believed as 
firmly in Barma at the present day, as it was by 
Asoka 2100 years ago, or by the Chinese pilgrims of 
the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries of our era. 

The little village which still preserves the name of 
Sankisa is perched upon a lofty mound of ruins 41 
feet in height above the fields. This mound, which is 
called the Kilah, or fort, is 1600 feet in length from 
cast to west, and 1000 feet in breadth. On the north 
and west faces the sides are steep, but on the other 
faces the slope is much more easy. Due south from 
the centre of tlie fort, at a distance of 1600 feet, there 
is a mound of solid brickwork which is crowned by a 
modern temple dedicated to Bisari Devi. The " fort " 
and the different mounds of all sizes around the temple 
form a mass of ruin 3000 feet in length by 2000 feet 
in breadth, or nearly 2 miles in circuit. But this was 


only the central portion of the ancient city of Sankisa, 
comprising the citadel and the religious buildings that 
were clustered round the three holy staircases. The 
city itself, which would appear to have sui'rounded this 
central mound on all sides, was enclosed with an 
earthen rampart 18,900 feet, or upwards of o\ miles 
in circuit. The greater part of this rampart still re- 
mains, the shape being a tolerably regular dodecagon. 
On three sides, to the east, north-east, and south-east, 
there are breaks or openings in the line of rampart 
which are traditionally said to be the positions of the 
three gates of the city. In proof of the tradition, the 
people refer to the village of Paor-Kheria, or " Gate- 
village^'' which is just outside the south-east gap in the 
ramparts. But the name is pronounced Paor, ^tt, 
and not Paur, -tftT, and may therefore refer to the 
staircases or steps {Paori), and not to the gate. The 
Kali, or Kojlindri Nadi flows past the south-west corner 
of the ramparts from the Bdjghdt^ which is half a mile 
distant to the Kakra Ghdt, which is rather more than 
one mile to the south of the line of ramparts.* 

To the north-west, three-quarters of a mile distant, 
stands the large mound of Ayahat^ which is 40 feet in 
height, and rather more than half a mile in diameter 
at base. The name of the old town is said to have been 
Agaliat, but the place is now called Agaliat Sarai 
(Aghat of the maps) from a modern Sarai, which was 
built in A.H. 1080, or a.d. 1670, on the north-east 
corner of the mound, by the ancestor of the present 
Pathan Zamindar. The people say that before this, 
the place had been deserted for several centuries ; but 
as I obtained a tolerably complete series of the copper 

* See Map No. X. 

2 B 2 


coins of the Muliammadan kings of Delhi and Jonpur, 
Ilircsume tliat it could not have been dc-serted for any 
very long time. The mound is covered with broken 
bricks of large size, which alone is a sure test of an- 
tiquity : and as it is of the same height as that of 
Sanhsa, the people arc most probably right in their 
assertion that the two places are of the same age. In 
both mounds are found the same old coins without any 
iiiscri]3tious, the more ancient being square pieces of 
silver covered with various punch-marks, and tlie 
others, square pieces of copper that have been cast in 
a mould, — all of which are, in my opinion, anterior to 
the invasion of Alexander the Great. 

In identifying Sankisa with the Sangasya of the 
Edmuijrnui and the Seng-kia-sli.e of the Chinese, we are 
supported, not only by its absolute identity of name, 
but likewise by its relative position with regard to three 
such well-known places as Mafhura^ Kanoj^ and Jhi- 
chhatra. In size, also, it agrees very closely with the 
measurement given by Hwen Thsang ; his circuit of 
20 li, or Similes, being only a little less than my mea- 
surement of 18,900 feet, or 3^ miles. There can be 
no doubt, therefore, that the place is actually the 
same. In his description of Sankisa, Hwen Thsang 
mentions a curious fact, that the Brahmans who dwelt 
near the great monastery were " many tens of thou- 
sands " in number. As an illustration of this state- 
ment I may mention that the people have a tradition 
that Sankisa was deserted from 1800 to 1900 years 
ago; and that 1300 years ago, or aboiit a.d. 5G0, the 
site was given by the Kayath proprietor to a body of 
Brahmans. They add also that the population of the 
village of Paor-kheria is known to have been wholly 
Brahman until a very recent period. 


Sa/iHsa is said to have been 2000 //, or 333 miles, 
m circuit ; but with reference to the surrounding dis- 
tricts, this estimate must be too high. Its actual limits, 
as determined by the Ganges and Jumna on the north 
and south, and by the districts of Atranji and Kanoj 
on the west and east, could not have been more than 
220 miles in circuit. 


In the seventh century the famous city of Mathura 
was the capital of a large kingdom, which is said to 
have been 5000 li, or 833 miles, in circuit.* If this 
estimate is correct, the province must have included 
not only the whole of the country lying between the 
districts of Bairat and Atranji, but a still larger tract 
beyond Agra, as far as Narwar and Seopuri on the 
south, and the Sindh river on the east. Within these 
limits the circuit of the province is 650 miles mea- 
sured direct, or upwards of 750 miles by road distance. 
It includes the present district of Mathura, with the 
small states of Bharatpur, Khiraoli, and Dholpur, and 
the northern half of the Gwalior territory. To the 
east it would have been bounded by the kingdom of 
Jijhaoti, and on the south by Malwa, both of which are 
described by Hwen Thsang as separate kingdoms. 

In the seventh century the city was 20 //, or ?>\ 
miles, in circuit, which agrees with its size at the pre- 
sent day. But the position is not exactly the same, 
as the houses have been gradually moving to the north 
and west as the Jumna encroached on the east. The 
old city is said to have extended from the Nabi Masjid 
and Fort of Eaja-kansa on the north to the mounds 

* Julieii's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 207. See Map No. X. 


called Tdu Kans and Tila Sat Rikh on tlie south ; but 
the southern half of this space is now deserted, and 
an equal space has been gradually built upon outside 
the old city to the north and west of the Nabi Masjid. 
The city is surrounded by numbers of high mounds ; 
several of which are no doubt old brick kilns ; but 
many of them are the remains of extensive buildings, 
which, having been dug over for ages in search of 
bricks, are now mere heaps of brick-dust and broken 
brick. I refer more especially to the great mound 
near the jail, 3 miles to the south of the city, which 
fx'om its appearance was always supposed to be the re- 
mains of a brick and tile kiln. But this unpromising- 
looking mound has since yielded numbers of statues 
and insci'ibcd pillars, which prove that it is the remains 
of at least two large Buddhist monasteries of as early 
a date as the begimdng of the Christian era. 

The holy city of Mathura is one of the most ancient 
places in India. It is famous in the history of Krishna, 
as the stronghold of his enemy Raja Kansa ; and it is 
noticed by Arrian,* on the authority of Megasthenes, 
as the capital of the Suraseni. Now Surasena was the 
grandfather of Krishna, and from him Krishna and his 
descexidants, who held Mathura after the death of 
Kansa, were called Surasenas. According to Arrian 
the Suraseni possessed t\^"o great cities, Mdhoras and 
Klisoboras, and the navigable river Jobares flowed 
through their territories. Plinyj- names the river 
Jomanes, that is the Jumna, and says that it passed 
between the towns of Meihora and Clisobora. Ptolemy 
mentions only Mathura, under the form of Modura, 
MoSovpa, to which he adds^rwi/ 6ea>v, that is " the city 
of the gods," or holy city. 

* ' Indica,' viii. t Nat. Hist., vi. 19. 



The city of Klisoboras has not yet been identified, 
but I feel satisfied that it must be Vrinddvana, 6 miles 
to the north of Mathura.* Vrinddvana means the 
" grove of basil-trees," which is famed over all India 
as the scene of Krishna's sports with the milkmaids. 
But the earlier name of the place was Kiilikdvartta, or 
" Kalika's whirlpool," because the serpent Kdlika was 
fabled to have taken up his abode just above the town, 
in a Kadamb tree, overhanging the Jumna. Here he 
was attacked by Krishna, and the rapid convolutions 
of his tail in his dying struggles are said to have 
caused the eddy, which is now known by his name. 
Now, the Latin name of Clisobora is also written Ca- 
risohora and Ci/risoborka in difii'erent MSS., from which 
I infer that the original spelling was Kalisoborka, or, 
by a slight change of two letters, Knlilwborfa or Kd- 
lilcdbarta. In the Prem Sagar this whii'lpool of the 
Jumna is attributed to the poison that was vomited 
forth by the serpent Kali against Krishna, Avhen he 
was swimming in the river. Allusion is made to the 
natural increase of the serpent's poison by ofi'erings of 
milk, wbich would seem to refer to a previous state of 
serpent-worship. Milk ofi'erings are still made occa- 
sionally, but only to test the divine nature of the ser- 
pent, who is supposed to possess the most miraculous 
powers of drinking. In the last century, Eaja Chet 
Singh, of Benares, is said to have poured all the milk of 
the two cities of Mathura and Vrindavan down the hol- 
low Kadamb tree, and as the waters of the Jumna were 
not even tinged, the serpent Kalika's miraculous powers 
of milk- drinking were established more firmly than ever. 

* See Map No. X. 


11. KANOJ. 

From Sanghisa Hwen Thsang proceeded to Kanoj, a 
distance of 200 U, or 33 miles, in a north-west direc- 
tion. As the positions of both places are well known, 
we must correct the bearing to south-east, and the 
distance to 300 li, or 50 miles. The latter correction 
is supported by Fa-Hian, who makes the distance 7 
yojanas, or 49 miles.* In the seventh century the 
kingdom is said to have been 4000 //, or 667 miles, in 
circuit. This estimate, as I have already observed, 
must certainly have included some of the petty dis- 
tricts to the north of the Ganges, as well as those in 
the Lower Gangctic Doab, otherwise the actual boun- 
dary of Kanoj proper would scarcely exceed 200 miles. 
Taking Hwen Thsang's estimate of 667 miles as ap- 
proximately correct, the probable limits of the pro- 
vince of Kanoj must have included all the country 
between Khairabad and Tanda, on the Ghagra, and 
Etawa and Allahabad, on the Jumna, which would 
give a circuit of about 600 miles. 

Of the great city of Kanoj, which for many hundred 
years Avas the Hindu capital of northern India, the 
existing remains are few and unimportant. In a.d. 
1016, when Mahmud of Ghazui approached Kanoj, 
the historian relates that "he there saw a city which 
raised its head to the skies, and which in strength and 
structure might justly boast to have no equal."| Just 
one century earlier, or in a.d. 915, Kanoj is mentioned 
by JMasudi as the capital of one of the kings of India ; 
and about a.d. 900 Abu Zaid, on the authority of 
Ibn Wahab, calls " Kaduje a great city in the king- 

* Beul's ' Fa-Hian,' xviii. f Briggs's 'Fcrislita,' i. 57. 


dom of GozarP At a still earlier date, in a.d. 634, 
■\ve have the account of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen 
Thsang, who describes Kanoj as being 20 A', or 3^ 
miles, in length, and 4 or 5 /^, or f of a mile in 
breadth.* The city was surrounded by strong walls 
and deep ditches, and was washed by the Ganges 
along its eastern face. The last fact is corroborated 
by Fa-Hian, who states that the city touched the 
river lieng, or Ganges, when he visited it in a.d. 400. 
Kanoj is also mentioned by Ptolemy, about a.d. 140, 
as Kavojlt,a. But the earliest notice of the place is 
undoubtedly the old familiar legend of the Puranas, 
which refers the Sanskrit name of Kdni/a-kubja, or the 
"hump-backed maiden," to the curse of the sage Vai/u 
on the hundred daughters of Kusandba. 

At the time of Hwen Thsang's visit, Kanoj was the 
capital of Paja HarsJia Vardhana, the most powerful 
sovereign in Northern India. The Chinese pilgrim 
calls him a Fei-she, or Vaisya, but it seems probable 
that he must have mistaken the Vaisa, or Bais Rajput 
for the Vaisi/a, or Bais^ which is the name of the 
mercantile class of the Hindus ; otherwise Harsha 
Vardhana's connection by marriage with the Pajput 
families of Malwa and Balabhi would have been quite 
impossible. Baiswara, the country of the Bais Paj- 
puts, extends from the neighbourhood of Lucknow to 
Khara-Manikpur, and thus comprises nearly the whole 
of Southern Oudh. The Bais Pajputs claim descent 
from the famous Sdlivdhan, whose capital is said to 
have been Daundia-Khera, on the north bank of the 
Ganges. Their close proximity to Kanoj is in favour 
of the sovereignty which they claim for their ancestors 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 243. See Map No. X. 


over the whole of the Gangetic .Doab, from Delhi to 
Allahabad. But their genealogical lists are too im- 
perfect, and most probably also too incorrect, to enable 
us to identify any of their recorded ancestors with the 
princes of Harsha Yardhana's family. 

In determining the period of Harsha's reign be- 
tween the years GOT and 650 a.d., I have been guided 
by the following evidence : — 1 st, the date of his death 
is fixed by the positive statement of Hwen Thsang in 
the year 650 a.d ;* 2ud, in speaking of Harsha's 
career, the pilgrim records that from the time of his 
accession, Harsha was engaged in continual war for 5-|- 
years, and that afterwards for about 30 years he 
reigned in peace. This statement is repeated by 
Hwen Thsang when on his return to China, on the 
authority of the king himself, who informed him that 
he had then reigned for iipioards of 30 years, and that 
the quinquennial assembly then collected was the 
s'wih which he had convoked. From these different 
statements, it is certain that at the date of Hwen 
Thsang's return to China, in a.d. 040, Harsha had 
reigned upwards of 30 years, and somewhat less than 
35 years; his accession must, therefore, be placed 
between A.D. 605 and 610; 3rd, now, in the middle 
of this very period, in a.d. 607, as we learn from 
Abu Rihan, was established the Sri Harsha era, which 
was still prevalent in Mathura and Kauoj in the begin- 
ning of the eleventh century. f Considering the exact 

* In Appendix A, at the end of tlie Chronological Table of Hwen 
Thsang's route, I have brouglit forward strong reasons for beheving 
that the true date of the death of Harsha Vardhana was a.d. 648, 
which is the year given by Ma-twan-lin, on the authority of the 
Chinese ambassador, who visited India immediately after the king's 
death. t Keinaud, ' Fragments,' p. 139. 


agreement of the names and dates, it is impossible to 
avoid coming to the conclusion that the Ear ska who 
established an era in Kanoj in a.d. 607 was the great 
King Harslia Vardhana, who reigned at Kanoj during 
the first half of the seventh century. 

In comparing Hwen Thsang's description of ancient 
Kanoj with the existing remains of the city, I am 
obliged to confess with regret that I have not been 
able to identify even one solitary site with any cer- 
tainty ; so completely has almost every trace of Hindu 
occupation been obliterated by the Musalmans. Ac- 
cording to the traditions of the people, the ancient 
city extended from the shi-ine of Hclji Ilarmdyan on 
the north, near the Raj Ghat, to the neighbourhood of 
Miranha Sarai on the south, a distance of exactly 
3 miles. Towards the west it is said to have reached 
to Kapatya and Makarandnagar^ two villages on the 
high-road, about 3 miles from Udji Harmdi/an. On the 
east the boundary was the old bed of the Ganges, or 
CJioia Gangd^ as the people call it, although it is re- 
corded in our maps as the Kdli Nadi. Their account 
is that the Kdli, or Kdlindri Nadi, formerly joined the 
Ganges near Sangirdmpur or Sangrdmpur ; but that 
several hundred years ago the great river took a more 
northerly course from that point, while the waters of the 
Kdli 'Nadi continued to flow down the deserted channel. 
As an open channel still exists between Sangrdiiipur and 
the Kdli Nadi, I am satisfied that the poj^iilar account is 
correct, and that the stream which flows under Kanoj, 
from Sangrdmpur to Mhendi Ghdt, although now chiefly 
filled with the waters of the Kdli Nadi, was originally 
the main channel of the Ganges. The accounts of Fa- 
Hian and Hwen Thsang, who place Kanoj on the 


Ganges, are therefore confirmed, not only by the tra- 
ditions of the people, but also by the fact that the 
old channel still exists under the name of the Chota 
Gangd^ or Little Ganges. 

The modern town of Kanoj occupies only the north 
end of the site of the old city, including the whole of 
what is now called the Kilah, or citadel. The boun- 
daries are well defined by the shrine of Hdji-Hurmd- 
yan on the north, the tomb of Tdj-Bdj on the south- 
west, and the Masjid and tomb of Maklidum-Jahdniya 
on the south-east. The houses are much scattered, 
especially inside the citadel, so that though the city 
still covers nearly one square mile, yet the population 
barely exceeds 16,000 in number. The citadel, which 
occupies all the highest ground, is triangular in shape, 
its northern point being the shrine Hdji-llarmdyan, 
its south-west point the temple of Jjni/ Pul^ and its 
south-cast point the large bastion called Kshem Kali 
Biirj. Each of the faces is about 4000 feet in length, 
that to the north-west being protected by the bed of 
the nameless dry ISTala, that to the north-east by the 
Choi a Gangd^ while that to the south must have been 
Cdvc'red by a ditch, which is now one of the main 
roads of the city, running along the foot of the mound 
from the bridge below Ajay Pal's temple to the Ksliem 
Kali bastion. On the north-east face the moimd rises 
to 60 and 70 feet in height above the low ground on 
the bank of the ri^'er, and towards the Nala on the 
north-west it still maintains a height of from 40 to 


feet. On the southern side, however, it is not more 
than 30 feet immediately below the temple of Ajay 
I'a'l, but it increases to 40 feet below the tomb of 
Bald Fir. The situation is a commanding one, and 


before the use of cannon the height alone must have 
made Eanoj a strong and important positi(m. The 
people point out the sites of two gates, the first to the 
north, near the shrine of Haji Harmdyan^ and the 
second to the south-east, close to the Kshem Kali Burj. 
But as both of these gates lead to the river, it is cer- 
tain that there must have been a third gate on the 
land side towards the south-west, and the most pro- 
bable position seems to be immediately under the 
walls of the Ravff Mahal, and close to the temple of 
Ajaj/ Pal. 

According to tradition, the ancient city contained 84 
wards oy Mahalas, of which 25 are still existing within 
the limits of the present town. If we take the area 
of these 25 wards at three-quarters of a square mile, 
the 84 wards of the ancient city would have covered 
just 2-| square miles. Now, this is the very size that 
is assigned to the old city by Hwen Thsang, who 
makes its length 20 li, or 2>\ miles, and its breadth 4 
or 5 li, or just three-quarters of a mile, which multi- 
plied together give just 2\ square miles. Almost the 
same limits may be determined from the sites of the 
existing ruins, which are also the chiet fnd-spots of the 
old coins with which Kanoj abounds. According to 
the dealers, the old coins are found at Bala Fir and 
Rany Mahal, inside the fort ; at MalcMum-J ahdniya, to 
the south-east of the fort ; or Malmrandnagar on the 
high-road ; and intermediately at the small villages of 
Singh Bhawdni and Kutlupur. The only other produc- 
tive site is said to be Edjffir, an ancient mound covered 
with brick ruins on the bank of the Chota Ganga, three 
miles to the south-east of Kanoj. Taking all these 
evidences into consideration, it appears to me almost 


certain that the ancient city of Hwen Thsang's time 
must have extended from Ildji-Harmdyan and the 
Kshem-Kali Burj, on the bank of the Ganges (now the 
Chota Ganffd), in a south-west direction, to Makarand- 
nagar, on the Grand Trunk Eoad, a length of just 
three miles, with a general breadth of about one mile 
or somewhat less. Within these limits are found all 
the ruins that still exist to point out the position of 
the once famous city of Kanoj. 

]2. ATUTO. 

From Kanoj the two Chinese pilgrims followed dif- 
ferent routes, Fa-Hian having proceeded direct to 
Sha-chi (the modern Ajudhya, near Fyzabad on the 
Ghaghra), Avhile liwen Thsang followed the course of 
the Ganges to Prayag or Allahabad. The first stage 
of both pilgrims would, however, appear to be the 
same. Fa-Hian states that he crossed the Ganges and 
proceeded o jjojann^^ or 21 miles, to the south to the 
forest of Holi, where there wore several stupas erected 
on spots where Buddha had "passed, or walked, or 
sat.'* Hwen Thsang records that he marched 100 /?', 
nearly 17 miles, to the town of Nava-dcva-kula, which 
was on the eastern bank of the Ganges, and that at 5 
li, or nearly 1 mile, to the south-east of the town there 
was a stupa of Asoka, which wa? still 100 feet in 
height, besides some other monuments dedicated to 
the four previous Buddhas-f I think it probable that 
the two places are the same, and that the site was 
somewhere near Nobatganj, just above the junction 

* Beal's 'Fah-Hian,' xviii. 71. 

t Julien's ' Hioucn Thsang,' ii. 265. 


of the Isan river, and opposite 'Nanamow Ghat. But 
as there are no existing remains anywhere in that 
neighbourhood, the place has been most likely swept 
away by the river. This is rendered almost certaia 
by an examination of the Ganges below the junction 
of the Isan. Formerly the river continued its course 
almost due south from Nanamow for many miles, but 
some centuries ago it changed its course ; first to the 
south-east for 4 or 5 miles, and then to the south-west 
for about the same distance, where it rejoined its old 
bed, leaving an island, some 6 miles in length by 4 in 
breadth, between the two channels. As Hwen Thsang's 
account places Nava-deva-hida on the very site of this 
island, I conclude that the town as well as the Bud- 
dhist monuments must all have been swept away by the 
change in the river's course. 

A probable source of error in all short distances 
was their registry in yojanas instead of in kos, which 
would have increased the distances just fourfold. If 
such an eiror should have been committed in the case 
of Nava-deva-kula^ the actual distance would have been 
only 25 li, or a little more than 4 miles, instead of 17 
miles. Now in this very position, 4 miles to the south- 
east of Kanoj, there is a well-known place on the 
Chota Ganggi, called Beokali^ which is the same name 
as that given by the pilgrim, if we omit the first two 
syllables Nava, or ' new.' 

On leaving Nava-deva-kula, Hwen Thsang proceeded 
600 /«', or 100 miles, to the south-east, and recross- 
ing the Ganges reached the capital city of A-i/u-to, 
which was 20 /«', or upwards of 3 miles, in circuit. 
Both M. Julien and M. de St. Martin have identified 
this place with Ajjod/iya, the once celebrated capital of 


Eama. I accept the probable reading of the name as 
Ajmda, but I differ with them altogether in looking 
for the capital along the line of the Ghdgha river, 
which is dne east from Kanoj, whereas Hwen Thsang 
states that his route was to the south-east. It is of 
course quite possible that the pilgrim may occasionally 
use the generic name of Ganges as the appellation of 
any large river, such for instance as the GhdfjJira, but 
in the present case, where the recorded bearing of 
south-east agrees Avith the course of the Ganges, I 
think it is almost certain that the Ganges itself was 
the river intended by the pilgrim. But by adopting 
the line of the Ganges we encounter a difficulty of a 
different kind in the great excess of the distance be- 
tween two such well-known places as Kanoj and 
Prayag. According to Hwen Thsang's route, he first 
made 100 li to Nava-deva-kula, then 600 li to Ai/uto^ 
then 300 // by water to Ilcnjamul-ha, and lastly 700 li 
to Praij<1(j(i. All these distances added together make 
a total of 1700 /{, or 2S3 miles, which is just 100 
miles, or 600 //, in excess of the true distance. Eut 
as a part of the journey, viz. 300 //, or 50 miles, was 
performed by water, the actual excess may perhaps 
not be more than 85 or 90 miles ; although it is 
doubtful whetlier the distance of 300 li may not have 
been the road measurement and not the river distance. 
It is sufficient for our purpose to know that Hwen 
Thsang's recorded measurement is somewhere about 
100 miles in excess of the truth. The only explana- 
tion of this error that suggests itself to me is, that 
there may have been an accidental alteration of one 
set of figures, such as 60 li for 600 /?, or 700 li for 
70 li. Supposing that the former was the case, the 


distance would be shortened by 540 //, or 90 miles, 
and if the latter, by 630 /«, or 105 miles. This mode 
of correction brings the pilgrim's account into fair ac- 
cordance with the actual distance of 180 miles between 
Kanoj and Pray^g. 

By adopting the first supposition, Hwen Thsang's 
distance from Nava-deva-kula to the capital of A'^uto 
will be only 60 li, or 10 miles, to the south-east, which 
would bring him to the site of an ancient city named 
Kdkiijnir, just 1 mile to the north of Seorajpoor, and 
20 miles to the north-west of Cawnpore, The subse- 
quent route would have been from Kdkupur to Daun- 
diakhera by boat, a distance of exactly 50 miles, or 
300 li, and from thence to Praydg, a distance of more 
than 100 miles, which agrees with the 700 //, or 116 
miles, of the pilgrim. By the second supposition the 
subsequent route would have been from K/iara to 
Papamoiv by water, about 50 miles, and thence to 
Prayag, about 8 miles of land, which agrees with the 
70 li of the proposed correction. In favour of this 
last supposition is the fact that the bearing from Kliara 
to Papamow of east by south is more in accordance 
with Hwen Thsang's recorded east direction than the 
south-east bearing of Daundiakhera from Kakupur. I 
confess, however, that I am more inclined to adopt the 
former correction, which places the chief city of Ji/uto 
at Kakupur, and the town of Hayamuka at Daundia- 
khera, as we know that the last was the capital of the 
Bais B.ajputs for a considerable period. I am partly 
inclined to this opinion by a suspicion that the name 
of Kakujjur may be connected with that of Bdr/ud, or 
Vapid, of the Tibetan books.* According to this 

* Bengal ' Asiatic Ecsearohes,' xx. 88. 

2 f 


authority a Sdkya, named ShdmpaJca, on being banished 
from Ivapila retired to Bd(/tid, carrying with him some 
of Buddlia's hair and nail-parings, over which he 
built a cltaitya. He was made king of Bdgud, and the 
monument was named after himself (? SJidmpaka stupa). 
No clue is given as to the position of Bd,gud^ but as I 
know of no otlier name that resembles it, I am inclined 
to think that it is probably the same place as the Ayuio or 
Ayiida of Hwcn Tlisang. The two names have a strik- 
ing resemblance ; and as each of the places possessed 
a stupa containing some hair and nails of Buddha, I 
think that there are strong grounds for the identifica- 

Kdldipiir is well known to the people of Kanoj, who 
affirm that it was once a large city with a Eaja of its 
own. It is exactly 10 miles, or 5 kos, to the north- 
west of Bithur, and the land between the two places 
is called Pmij-kosi bhitar utpdidranya, or the "five kos 
circuit of Utpalaranya." The ruined mound of Kakii- 
pur is said to be the remains of a fort named Chhatrpur, 
which was foimdcd by Eaja Chhatr Pal Chandel 900 
years ago. Kakupur also possesses two famous temples 
dedicated to Kshiremara Mahddeva, and Asioatthdma 
son of Drona, near which a large annual fair is held. 
These details arc sufiicient to show that the place must 
have been of some consequence in former days ; while 
the name of Aswatthama carries it back to the time 
of the Mahiibhrirata. 

Hweu Thsang makes Ayuto 5000 //, or 833 miles, 
in circuit,* which is so utterly beyond all possibility 
that I reject it without hesitation. Perhaps we should 
read 500 //, or 83 miles, which would restrict the 

* Julicn's ' Hioueu Thsang,' ii. 267. See Map No. X. 


territory to the small tract lying between Kakupur and 
Cawnpore, and thus leave room for the next district 
of Hayamukha. 


From Ayuto the pilgrim proceeded down the 
Ganges by boat for a distance of 300 li, or 50 miles, 
to which was situated on the northern 
bank of the river. M. Julien* reads this name as 
Hai/amukha, or "Horse-face;" but it may perhaps also 
be read as Jyoviukha, or " Iron-face," which was the 
name of one of the ancient Bdnavas, or Titans. Neither 
of these names, however, gives any clue to the site of 
the old city ; but if I am right in my identification of 
Ayuto with Kakupur, it is almost certain that Haya- 
mulclia must be Daundia-khera on the northern bank of 
the Ganges. Hwen Thsang makes the circuit of the 
town 20 /«', or upwards of 3 miles ; but Daiindia- 
khera presents no appearance of ever having been so 
large. There still exists an old ruined fort or citadel, 
385 feet square, with the walls of two buildings 
which are called the palaces of the Eaja and the 
Eani. But as Daundia-khera is universally allowed to 
have been the capital of the Bais Rajputs, who gave 
their name to the district of Baiswara in Oudh, it is 
almost certain that the place must once have been of 
much greater extent. Dondia or JDaundia means 
simply a " drum-beater," and was probably applied to 
some mendicant, who took up his abode on the Khera^ 
or " mound," and as this name is not likely to have 
been imposed on the place until it was in ruins, the 
difference of name offers no impediment to the identi- 
fication of Daundia-khera with ITayamukha. 
* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 274. 

2 c 2 


Hwen Thsang makes Ilai/amukha 2500 li, or 417 
miles, in circuit, wliich is perhajos too great ; but as 
Baimdia-Mera was the capital of the Bais Eajputs, I 
conclude that the district must have comprised the 
whole of the present Baistaira, which lies between the 
Sai river and the Ganges, from Cawnpore to Manikpur 
■ and Salon. But as these limits would give a circuit 
of only 200 miles, it seems almost certain that the 
district must have extended to the south of the 
Ganges in the time of Hwen Thsang. Its probable 
limits were, therefore, the Ghagra river on the north, 
and the Jumna on the south, a determination which 
derives some support from Tod,* who describes Bais- 
Avara as an extensive district in the Dodb between the 
Ganges and Jumna. 

i-i. prayIga. 

From Hayamukha the pilgrim proceeded 700 //, or 
116 miles, to the south-east to Praydga^ the well- 
known place of pilgrimage at the junction of the 
Ganges and Jumna, where Akbar, many centuries 
later, built his fort of Ildhabus, or Alldhdbdd, as it was 
afterwards called by Shah Jehan. The distance and 
bearing given by Hwen Thsang agree almost exactly 
with those of Prayaga from Daundiakhera. The dis- 
tance is 104 miles by the nearest road to the south of 
the Ganges ; but as the pilgrim followed the northern 
road, the distance must have been increased to 115 or 
120 miles. According to him* the city was situated 
at the confluence of the two rivers, and to the west of 
a large sandy plain. In the midst of the city there 
was a Brahmanical tpmple, to which the presentation 

* .Jiilien'a ' Hiouen Thsang," ii. 276. 


V,GunniiTgV\am. SeT 


of a single piece of money procured as much merit as 
that of one thousand pieces elsewhere. Before the 
principal room of the temple there was a large tree 
with wide-spreading branches, which was said to be 
the abode of a man-eating demon. The tree was sur- 
rounded with human bones, the remains of pilgrims 
who had sacrificed their lives before the temple, a 
practice which had been observed from time imme- 

I think there can be little doubt that the famous 
tree here described by the pilgrim is the well-known 
Alishay Bat^ or " undecaying Banian tree," which is 
still an object of worship at Allahabad. This tree is 
now situated underground, at one side of a pillared 
cou]-t, which would appear to have been open 
formerly, and which is, I believe, the remains of 
the temple described by Hwen Tlisang. The temple 
is situated inside the fort of Allahabad, to the east of 
the EUenborough Barracks, and due north from the 
Stone Pillar of Asoka and Samudra Gupta. Here, 
then, must have been the site of the city in the 
seventh century, and this agrees with the sunken 
position of the tree, for originally both tree and 
temple must have been on the natural ground level ; 
but from the constant accumulation of rubbish, they 
have been gradually earthed up, until the whole of 
the lower portion of the temple has disappeared un- 
derground. The upper portion has long ago been 
removed, and the only access to the Akshay Bat now 
available is by a flight of steps which leads down to a 
square pillared courtyard. This court has apparently 
once been open to the sky ; but it is now completely 
closed overhead, to secure darkness and mystery for 
the holy fig-tree. 



The Ahshay-hnt is next mentioned by Eashid-ud- 
din in the Jamiu-t-tawdrikh, where he states that the 
"tree of Frag'''' is situated at the confluence of Jumna 
and Ganges. As most of his information was derived 
from Abu Eihan, the date of this notice may with 
great probability be referred to the time of Mahmud 
of Ghazni. In the seventh century a great sandy 
plain, 2 miles in circuit, lay between the city and the 
confluence of the rivers, and as the tree was in the 
midst of the city, it must have been at least one mile 
from the confluence. But nine centuries later, in the 
beginning of Akbar's reign, Abdul Kadir speaks of 
the " tree from which people cast themselves into the 
river."* From this statement I infer that during the 
long period that intervened between the time of Hwen 
Thsang and that of Akbar, the two rivers had gra- 
dually carried away the whole of the great sandy 
plain, and had so far encroached upon the city, as to 
place the holy tree on the very brink of the water. 
Long before this time the old city had no doubt been 
deserted, for we know that the fort of Ildhdbds was 
founded on its site in the twenty-first year of Akbar's 
reign, that is, in a.h. 982, or a.d. 1572. Indeed the 
way in which Abu Rihan speaks of the "tree" instead 
of the city of Prag, leads me to believe that the city 
itself had already been deserted before his time. As 
far as I am aware, it is not once mentioned in any 
Muhammadan history until it was refounded by 
Akbar. f 

According to the common tradition of the people, 

* Elliot's ' Muhammadan Historians of India,' p. 243. 
t Itoinaud, ' Fragments Arabes,' etc., p. 103. Sir H. Elliot's ' Mu- 
hammadan Historians of India,' edited by Dowson, i. 55. 


the name of Pray^g was derived from a Brahman who 
lived during the reign of Akbar. The story is, that 
when the emperor was building the fort, the walls on 
the river face repeatedly fell down, in spite of all the 
precautions taken by the architect. On consulting 
some wise men, Akbar was informed that the founda- 
tions could only be secured by being laid in human 
blood. A proclamation was then made, when a Brah- 
man named Prayaga voluntarily offered his life, on 
the condition that the fort should bear his name. 
This idle story, which is diligently related to the 
pilgrims who now visit the Akshay Bat^ may at least 
serve one useful purpose in warning us not to place 
too much faith in these local traditions. The name of 
Prayaga is recorded by Hwen Thsang in the seventh 
century, and is in all probability as old as the reign 
of Asoka, who set up the stone pillar about B.C. 236, 
while the fort was not built until the end of the six- 
teenth century. Hwen Thsang makes the district of 
Prayaga about 5000 /?, or 833 miles, in circuit; but 
as it was closely surrounded on all sides by other dis- 
tricts, I am satisfied that we should read 500 li^ or 
83 miles, and limit the district to the small tract in 
the fork of the Doab, immediately above the junction 
of the Ganges and Jumna. 


The city of Kosdmbi was one of the most celebrated 
places in ancient India, and its name was famous 
amongst Brahmans as well as Buddhists. The city is 
said to have been founded by Kusamba^ the tenth in 
descent from Pururavas ; but its fame begins only 
with the reign of Chakra, the eighth in descent from 


Arjiiu Paadu, Avho made Kosambi his capital after 
Hastinapura had been swept away by the Ganges. 

Kosambi is mentioned in the 'Ramayana,' the earli- 
est of the Hindu poems, which is generally allowed to 
have been composed before the Christian era. The 
story of TJddyana^ king of Kosambi, is referred to by 
the poet Kalidasain his ' Megha-duta,' or ' Cloud Mes- 
senger,' where he says that Avanti (or Ujain) is great 
with the number of those versed in the tale of Uda- 
yana."* ISTow, Kalidasa flourished shortly after a.d. 
500. In the 'Yrihat Katha,' of Somadeva, the story of 
Udayana is given at full length, but the author has 
made a mistake in the genealogy between the two 
Saidnikas. Lastly, the kingdom of Kosdn/bi^ or Ko- 
sdmha Ilandnla^ is mentioned in an inscription taken 
from the gateway of the fort of Khara which is dated 
in Savivat 1092, or a.d. 1035, at which period it 
would appear to have been independent of Kanoj.f 
Kosambi, the capital of Vatsa Eaja. is the scene of the 
pleasing drama of ' Eatnavali,' or the 'Necklace,' which 
was composed in the reign of King Harsha Deva, who 
is most probably the same as Harsha Yardhana of 
Kanoj, as the opening prelude describes amongst the 
assembled audience "princes from A'arious realms re- 
cumbent at his feet.":J: This wo Icnow from Hwen 
Thsang to have boon true of the Kanoj prince, but 
whicli even a Brahman could scarcely have asserted of 
Harsha Deva of Kashmir. The date of this notice 
will therefore lie between 607 and 650 a.d. 

* Wilson, 'Megha-duta,' note 01; and 'Hindu Tlieatre,' ii. 257, 

t ' Asiatic Kesoarchcs,' ix. 433. Journ. Asiat. Soo. Bengal, v. 731. 
1 Wilson's ' JJindu Theatre.' ' Eatnavali ; ' iirclude, ii. 'IGL 


But the name of Udayana, king of ICosambi, was 
perhaps even more famous amongst the Buddhists. 
In the 'Mahawanso,'* which was composed in the 
fifth century, the venerable Yasa is said to have fled 
from Yaisali to Kosambi just before the assembly of 
the second Buddhist Synod. In the 'Lalita Yistfi-ra,'! 
which was translated into Chinese between 70 and 76 
A.D., and which could not, therefore, have been com- 
posed later than the beginning of the Christian era, 
Udayana Yatsa, son of Sat^nika, king of Kosambi, is 
said to have been born on the same day as Buddha. 
In other Ceylonese books Kosambi is named as one of 
the nineteen capital cities of ancient India. Udayana 
Yatsa is also known to the Tibetans:]: as the king of 
Kosambi. In the ' Ratn&vali ' he is called Vafsa Raja^ 
or king of the Yatsas, and his capital Vatsa-palia/ta, 
which is therefore only another name for Kosambi. 
In this famous city also Buddha is said to have spent 
the sixth and ninth years of his Buddhahood.§ Lastly, 
Hwen Thsang relates that the famous statue of Buddha, 
in red sandal-wood, which was made by King Udayana 
during the lifetime of the Teacher, still existed under 
a stone dome in the ancient palace of the kings.|| 

The site of this great city, the capital of the later 
Pandu princes, and the shrine of the most sacred of 
all the statues of Buddha, has long been sought in 
vain. The Brahmans generally asserted that it stood 
either on the Ganges or close to it, and the discovery 

* Tumour's ' Mahawanso,' p. 16. 

t Foucaux, translation of the Tibetan version of the ' Lalita- Vistara.' 

X Csoma de Koros, in ' Asiatic Eesearches,' xx. 299. 

§ Hardy, ' Manual of Buddhism,' p. 35fi. 

II Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 283. 


of the name of Kosdmhi mandala, or " Kingdom of 
Kosambi," in an inscription over the gateway of the 
fort of Khara^ seem to confirm the general belief, 
although the south-west bearing from Prayaga, or 
Allahabad, as recorded by Hwen Thsang, points un- 
mistakably to the line of the Jumna. In January, 
1861, Mr. Bayley informed me that he believed the 
ancient Kosambi would be found in the old village of 
Kosam, on the Jumna, about 30 miles above Allaha- 
bad. In the following month I met Babu Siva Prasad, 
of the educational department, who takes a deep and 
intelligent interest in all archseological subjects, and 
from him I learned that Kosam is still known as Ko- 
sdmbi-iiaffar, that it is even now a great resort of the 
Jains, and that only one century ago it was a large 
and flourishing town. This information was quite 
sufficient to satisfy me that Kosam was the actual site 
of the once famous Kosambi. Still, however, there 
was no direct evidence to show that the city was 
situated on the Jumna ; but this missing link in the 
chain of evidence I shortly afterwards found in the 
curious legend of Bakkula, which is related at length 
by Hardy.* The infant Bakkula was born at Ivosambi, 
and while his mother was bathing in the Jumna, he 
accidentally fell into the river, and being swallowed 
by a fish, was carried to Benares. There the fish was 
caught and sold to the wife of a nobleman, who on 
opening it found the young child still alive inside, and 
at once adopted it as her own. The true mother hearing 
of this wonderful escape of the infant, proceeded to Be- 
nares, and demanded the return of the child, which 
was of course refused. The matter was then referred 

* ' Manual of Buddhism,' p. 501. 


to the king, who decided that both of the claimants 
were mothers of the child, — the one by maternity^ the 
other by purchase. The child was accordingly named 
Bahula^ that is, of "two kulas., or races." He reached 
the age of 90 years without once having been ill, 
when he was converted by the preaching of Buddha, 
who declared him to be " the chief of that class of his 
disciples who were free from disease." After this he 
is said to have lived 90 years more, when he became 
an arhat^ or Buddhist saint. 

As this legend of Bakula is sufBcient to prove that 
the famous city of Kausambi was situated on the 
Jumna, it now only remains to show that the distance 
of Kosam from Allahabad corresponds with that be- 
tween Prayag and Kosambi, as recorded by Hwen 
Thsang. Unfortunately this distance is differently 
stated in the life and in the travels of the Chinese 
pilgrim. In the former, the distance is given as 50 li^ 
and in the latter as 500 /«", whilst in the return journey 
to China, the pilgrim states that between Prayag and 
Kosfl,mbi he travelled for seven days through a vast 
forest and over bare plains.* Now, as the village of 
Kosam is only 31 miles from the fort of Allahabad, 
the last statement would seem to preclude all possi- 
bility of its identification with the ancient Kosambi. 
But strange to say, it affords the most satisfactory 
proof of their identity ; for the subsequent route of 
the pilgrim to Sankissa is said to have occupied one 
month, and as the whole distance from Prayag to San- 
kissa is only 200 miles, the average length of the 
pilgrim's daily march was not more than 5^ miles. This 
slow progress is most satisfactorily accounted for, by 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 121 ; ii. 283 ; and i. 260. 


the fact that the march from Prayag to Sankissa was a 
religious procession, headed by the great king Harsha 
Vardhana of Kanoj, with a train of no less than 18 
tributary kings, besides many thousands of Buddhist 
monks, and all the crowd of an Indian camp. Accord- 
ing to this reckoning, the distance from Prayag to 
Kosambi would be 38 miles, which corresponds very 
closely with the actual road distance as I found it. By 
one route on going to Kosam, I made the distance 37 
miles, and by the return route 3y miles. The only 
probable explanation of Hwen Thsang's varying dis- 
tances of 50 li and 500 li that occurs to me is, that as 
he converted the Indian yojanas into Chinese li at the 
rate of 40 Ji ^^^'x yojana^ or of 10 li per kos, he must 
have written 150 //, the equivalent of 15 kos, which is 
the actual distance across the fields for foot passengers 
from Kosam to the f irt of Allahabad, according to the 
reckoning of the people of Kosam itself. But whether 
this explanation be correct or not, it is quite certain 
that the present Kosam stands on the actual site of 
the ancient Ko><aiiil)i ; fir not only do the peo2:)le them- 
selves put forward this claim, but it is also distinctly 
stated in an inscription of the time of Akbar, which 
is recorded on the great stone pillar, still standing in 
the midst of the ruins, that this is Kausdtnhi-piira. 

The present ruins of Kosambi consist of an immense 
fortress formed of earthen ramparts and l)as("i()us, with 
a circuit of !^3,100 feet, or exactly 4 miles and 3 fur- 
longs. The ramparts have a. general height of from 
30 to 35 feet above the fields ; but the bastions are 
considerably higher, those on the north face rising to 
up'wards of 50 feet, while thdse at the soutli-'west and 
south-cast angles arc more than GO feet. Originally 


there were ditches all around the fortress, but at pre- 
sent there are only a few shallow hollows at the foot 
of the rampart. The length of the north front is 
4500 feet, of the south front 6000, of the east front 
7500 feet, and of the west front 5100, or altogether 
23,100 feet. The difference in length between the 
north and south fronts is due to the original extension 
of the fortress on the river face ; but the difference 
between the east and west fronts is, I believe, chiefly, 
if not wholly, due to the loss of the south-west angle 
of the ramparts by the gradual encroachment of the 
Jumna. There are no traces now left of the western 
half of the ramparts on the southern face, and the 
hotises of the village of Garhawd are standing on the 
very edge of the cliff overhanging the river. The 
reach of the river also, from the Pakka Burj at the 
south-west angle of the fortress up to the hill of 
Prabhdsa, a clear straight run of 4 miles, bears 12 de- 
grees to the north of east, whereas in the time of Hwen 
Thsang there were two stupas and a cave at a distance 
of 1|- miles to the south-west of Kosdnibi. From all 
these concurring circumstances, I conclude that the 
west front of the fortress was originally as nearly as 
possible of the same length as the east front. This 
would add 2400 feet, or nearly half a mile, to the length 
of the west front, and would increase the whole cir- 
cuit of the ramparts to 4 miles and 7 furlongs, which 
is within one furlong of the measurement of 5 miles, 
or 30 li, recorded by Hwen Thsang. In the three main 
points therefore of name, size, and position, the pre- 
sent Kosam corresponds most exactly with the ancient 
Xosambi as it is described by the Chinese pilgrim in 
the seventh century. 


According to the text of Hwen Thsang, the district 
of Kosauibi was 6000 //, or 1000 miles, in circuit, 
"which is quite impossible, as it was closely surrounded 
on all sides by other districts. I would, therefore, read 
hundreds for thousands, and fix its circuit at 600 li, or 
100 miles. 


From Kosambi the Chinese pilgrim travelled to the 
north-east, through a vast forest as far as the Ganges, 
after crossing which his route lay to the north for a 
distance of 700 //, or 117 miles, to the town of Kla- 
she-pu-lo, which M. Julien correctly renders by Kasa- 
pura.* In searching for the site of this place, the sub- 
sequent route of the pilgrim to Visukhd^ a distance of 
170 to 180 li^ or from 28 to 30 miles, to the north is 
of equal importance with the bearing and distance 
from Kosambi. For as the Yisakha of Hwen Thsang, 
as I will presently show, is the same place as the Sha- 
chi of Fa-Hian, and the Sdketa or Ayodhya of the 
Hindus, we thus obtain two such well-fixed points as 
Kosambi and Ayodhya to guide us in our search. A 
single glance at the map will be sufiicient to show that 
the old town of Sultdn-pur on the Gomati (or Gumti) 
river is as nearly as possible in the position indicated. 
Now the Hindu name of this town was Kmabliavana- 
pura, or simply Kui^dpara, which is almost the same 
name as that of Hwen Thsang. Eemembering Mr. 
Bayley's note of information derived from Eaja Man 
Sinh that there was "a tope near Sultanpur," I 

* M. -Julien's ' Hioiien Thsana;/ ii. 287-290. In the record of the 
pilgrim's 'Life,' Knxapnra is altogether omitted, and the distance from 
Kosambi to Vi.-aliba is said to be 500 li to the east. Julien, i. 122. 
See Map No. XI. for its position. 


pitched my tent on one side of the now utterly de- 
solate city, and searched the whole place through most 
carefully, but all in vain : I could neither find the 
trace of any tope, nor could I even hear of ancient re- 
mains of any kind. On the following day, however, 
after I had left Sultanpur, I heard that the village of 
Mahmudpur, about 5 miles to the north-west, was 
situated on an ancient mound of somewhat larger 
size than that of Sultanpur, and on my arrival at 
Faizabad, I learned from Lieutenant Swetenham, of 
the Eoyal Engineers, that there is an old tope to the 
north-west of Sultanpur, not far from this village. I 
conclude, therefore, that Sultanpur, the ancient Kusa- 
pura, is the same place as the Kasapura of Hwen 
Thsang, and this identification will be made even more 
certain on examination of the recorded distances. 

On leaving Kosambi, the pilgrim proceeded first in 
a north-east direction to the Ganges, after crossing 
which he turned to the north to Kasapura, the whole 
distance being 117 miles. Now, the two great ghats 
on the Ganges to the north-east of Kosam are at Mau- 
Saraya and Pdpa-viau, the former being 40 miles, and 
the latter 43 miles distant. But as these two ghats 
are close together, and almost immediately to the 
north of Allahabad, the total distance to Kasapura will 
be the same whichever place of crossing be taken. 
From Papamau to Sultanpur the direction is due 
north, and the distance 66 miles ; the whole line from 
Kosam to Sultanpur being 109 miles, which is within 8 
miles of the round number of 700 li^ or 116|- miles, as 
given by Hwen Thsang ; while both of the bearings 
are in exact accordance with his statements. From 
Kasapura to VisdkJia the direction followed by the pil- 


grim was to tlie north, and the distance Avas from 170 
to 180 //, or from 28 to 38 miles. Now the present 
city of Ajudhya^ the ancient Ayodhya or Saketa, is 
almost due north from Sidtdnpur, the distance being 
30 miles to the nearest point, or just six miles in ex- 
cess of the distance given by Hwen Thsang. As 
the former of these distances is in default, while the 
latter is in excess, I would suggest, as a possible 
alternative, that our measurements should be taken 
from the village of Mdhmtiilpur, which would make the 
route from Kosam to the Buddhist establishment near 
Kasapura up to 114 miles, or within three miles of the 
number stated by Hwen Thsang, and lessen the subse- 
quent route to Ayodhya from 36 to 31 miles, which is 
■within one mile of the number given by the Chinese 
pilgrim. As all the bearings are in perfect accord- 
ance, and as the names of the two places agree almost 
exactly, I think that there can be little hesitation in 
accepting the identification of Snlldiipur or KiiMipurn 
with the Kasapura of Hwen Thsang. 

KiLsapiira^ or Kii-sfi-filiaiyi/ia-piira, is said to have 
been named after Eama's son, Kusa. Shortly after 
the Muhammadan invasion it belonged to a Bhar 
Eaja Nand Kunwar, who was expelled by Sultan 
Alauddin Gliori (read KhUji). The defences of the 
town wert' strengthened by the conqueror, who built a 
mosque and changed the name of the place to Sultan- 
pur. The site of Kn.^ajjura was, no doubt, selected by 
its founder as a good military position on account of 
its being surrounded on three sides by the river 
Goiiiati or Gumti. The i)lace is at present utterly dc- 
s(_)late ; tlie whole population having been removed to 
the new civil station on the opposite or south bank of 


the river. The ruined fort of Sultanpur now forms a 
large mound, 750 feet square, with brick towers at the 
four corners. On all sides it is surrounded by the 
huts of the ruined town, the whole together covering 
a space of about half a mile square, or about two 
miles in circuit. This estimate of the size of Sultan- 
pur agrees very closely with that of Kusapura given 
by Hwen Thsang, who describes the place as being 10 
/?, or If miles, in circuit. 

Eighteen miles to the south-east of Sultanpur, or 
Kusapura, there is a celebrated place of Hindu pilgri- 
mage called Dhopdpapura. It is situated on the right 
or west bank of the Gomati river, and immediately 
under the walls of Garhft, or 8Mr-ke garhi. The site of 
Dhopdp is evidently one of considerable antiquity, as 
the fields for half a mile all round are covered with 
broken bricks and pottery. 


Much diflEculty has been felt regarding the posi- 
tion of Fa-Hian's " great kingdom of Shachi^'^ and of 
Hwen Thsang's VisdJcha, with its enormous number of 
heretics or Brahmanists ; but I hope to show in the 
most satisfactory manner that these two places are 
identical, and that they are also the same as the Sdketa 
and Ajudhya of the Brahmans. The difficulty has 
arisen chiefly from an erroneous bearing recorded by 
Fa-Hiau, who places She-wei^ or Srdvasti, to the south 
of Shachi, while Hwen Thsang locates it to the north- 
east, and partly from his erroneous distance of 7-|-3 + 
10=20 yojanas^ instead of 30, from the well-known 
city of Sankisa. The bearing is shovm to be erroneous 

2 D 



from the route of a Hindu pilgrim from the banks of 
the Godavari to Seioet or Srdvasti, as recorded in the 
Ceylonese Buddhist works. This pilgrim, after pass- 
ing through Mahissati and Vjani^ or Mahesmati and 
Ujain, reaches Kosambi, and from thence passes 
through Sdketa to Sewet, that is along the very route 
followed by Hwen Thsang.* "We have, therefore, 
two authorities in favour of Setoet being to the north 
of Saket. With regard to the distance, I refer again 
to the Buddhist books of Ceylon, in which it is re- 
corded that from Sakaspura (or Sangkasyapura, now 
Sankisa) to Scwet was a journey of 30 yojanas.^ Now, 
Fa-Hian makes the distance from Sankisa to Kanoj 7 
yojanas, thence to the forest of Holi^ on the Ganges, 3 
yojanas, and thence to Shachi 10 yojanas, or altogether 
only 20 yojanas, or 10 less than the Ceylonese books. 
That Fa-Hian's statement is erroneous is quite clear 
from the fact that his distance would place Shachi in 
the neighbourhood of Lucknow; whereas the other 
distance would place it close to Ajudhya, or Faizabad, 
or in the very position indicated by Hwen Thsang's 
itinerary. Here, again, we have two authorities in 
favour of the longer distance. I have no hesitation, 
therefore, in declaring that Fa-Hian's recorded bear- 
ing of S/te-icei from Slia-cU is wrong, and that "north" 
should be read instead of " south." 

I have noAV to show that Fa-Hian's Sha-chi is the 
same as Hwen Thsang's Visdkha^ and that both are 
identical with Scikefa or Ajudhya. With respect to 
Sha-chi, Fa-Hian relates that " on leaving the town 
by the souiheni gate you find to the east of the road 
the place where Buddha bit a branch of the nettle- 

* Hardy, ' Manual of Buddhism,' p. 334. f md; p. 301. 


tree and planted it in the ground, where it grew to 
the height of seven feet, and never increased or dimi- 
nished in size."* Now, this is precisely the same 
legend that is related of Visdkha by Hwen Thsang, 
who says that "to the soufJt of the capital, and to the 
left of the road (that is, to the east as stated by Fa- 
Hian), there was, amongst other holy objects, an extra- 
ordinary tree 6 or 7 feet high, which always remained 
the same, neither growing nor decreasing, j* This is 
the celebrated tooth-brnsh tree of Buddha, to which 
I shall have occasion to refer presently. Here I need 
only notice the very precise agreement in the two 
descriptions of this famous tree, as to its origin, its 
height, and its position. The perfect correspondence 
of these details appears to me to leave no doubt of the 
identity of Fa-Hian's Sha-chi with the Visakha of 
Hwen Thsang. 

With respect to the identification of Visakha with 
the Saketa of the Hindus, I rest my proofs chiefly on 
the following points : 1st, that Visakha, the most cele- 
brated of all females in Buddhist history, was a resi- 
dent of Saketa before her marriage with Purnna Vard- 
dhana, son of Mrigara, the rich merchant of Srdvasti ; 
— and 2nd, that Buddha is recorded by Hwen Thsang 
to have spent 6 years at VisdkJia, while, by the Pali 
annals of Turnour, he is stated to have lived 16 years 
at 8dlceta.% 

The story of the noble maiden Visakha is related at 
great length in the Ceylonese books.' According to 

* Eemusat, 'Fo-kwe-ki,' c. xix. ; and Seal's 'Fah-Hian,' c.xix. 27. 

t Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii, 292. 

X I take the 6 years of the pilgrim to be a mistake for 16 years, 
as the whole period of Buddha's teaching is carefully accounted for in 
the Ceylonese annals. 

2 D 2 



Hardy,* she erected a Piirvvdrdma at Srdvasti^ which 
is also mentioned by Hwen Thsang. Now, there was 
also a Purvvdrdma at Saketa, and it can hardly be 
doubted that this monastery was likewise built by 
her. She was the daughter of Bhunanja^ a rich mer- 
chant, who had emigrated from Puijagrlha to Saketa. 
Now, amongst the oldest inscribed coins which have 
been discovered only at Ajudhj'a, we find some bear- 
ing the names of Dhana Deva and Visdkha-Daita. I 
mention this because it seems to me to show the pro- 
bability that the family of Dhanauja and VisdJchd was 
of great eminence in Saketa or Ayodhya ; and I infer 
from the recurrence of their ^ames, as well as from 
the great celebrity of the lady, that the city may pos- 
sibly have been called VisdJchd after her 'name. 

The other proof which I derive from the years of 
Buddha's residence is direct and convincing. Accord- 
ing to the Ceylonese annals, Buddha was 35 years of 
age Avhen he attained Buddhahood; he then led a 
houseless life for 20 years, preaching in various places 
in Northern India, all of which are detailed ; and of 
the remaining 25 years of his life he spent 9 in the 
Jetavana monastery at Sravasti, and 16 in the Vubhd- 
rdiiio monastery at Saketapura.f Now, in the Bur- 
mese anualsj these numbers are given as 19 years 
and 6 3-ears, and in the last figure we have the exact 
number rectuded by Hwen Thsang. § Nothing can 
be more complete than this proof. There were only 

* ' IVIanunl of Buddhism,' p. 220. .Julien's 'Hiouen Thsang,' i. 305. 
The rubbiliMUio is also mentioned in the ' Ceylonese Annals ;' see 
Taruour, Journ. Asiat. Soo. Bengal, vii. 790. 

\ Tumour, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vii. 790. 

X 13ii;andet, ' Legend of Burmese Buddha,' p. 142. 

§ Julien's 'Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 292. 


two places at which Buddha resided for any length of 
time, namely, Srdvasti, at which he lived either 9 or 
19 years, and Sdketa, at which he lived either 6 or 
16 years; and as according to Hwcn Thsang he lived 
for 6 years at Yis^kha, which is described as being 
at some distance to the south of Sravasti, it follows of 
necessity that Yisakha and Saketa were one and the 
same place. 

The identity of Saketa and Ayodhya has, I believe, 
always been admitted ; but I am not aArare that any 
proof has yet been offered to establish the fact. Csoma 
de Koros,* in speaking of the place, merely says "/&- 
ketana or Ayodhya," and H. H. Wilson, in his Sans- 
krit Dictionary, calls Saketa " the city Ayodhya." 
But the question would appear to be set at rest by 
several passages of the 'Eamayana' and 'Eaghuvansa,'t 
in which Sdketanagara is generally called the capital 
of Eaja DasaratJia and his sons. But the following 
verse of the 'Eamayana,' which was pointed out to me 
by a Brahman of Lucknow, will be sufficient to esta- 
blish the identity. Aswajita, father of Kaikeyi, offers 
to give his daughter to Dasaratha, Eaja of Sdketa- 
nagara : — 

Saketam nagaram Etija namna Dasaratho bali. 
Tasmai deya maya kaoya Kaikeyi natna to jana. 

The ancient city of Ayodhya or Saketa is described in 
the ' Eamayana' as situated on the bank of the Sarayu or 
Sarju river. It is said to have been 12 yojatias, or nearly 
100 miles in circumference, for which we should pro- 
bably read 12 kos, or 24 miles, — an extent which the 
old city, with all its gardens, might once possibly have 

* ' Asiatic Besearches,' xx. 442. 

t ' Eagliuvausa,' sarg. xiii. slok. 79, aud sarg. xiv. slok. 13. 


covered. The distance from the Guptdr Ghat on the west, 
to the E^m Ghat on the east, is just 6 miles in a direct 
line, and if we suppose that the city with its suburbs 
and gardens formerly occupied the whole intervening 
space to a depth of two miles, its circuit would have 
agreed exactly with the smaller measurement of 12 
kos. At the present day the people point to Earn 
Ghat and Guptar Ghat as the eastern and western 
boundaries of the old city, and the southern boundary 
they extend to B/iaraf-Kund, near JB/iadarsd, a dis- 
tance of 6 kos. But as these limits include all the 
places of pilgrimage, it would seem that the people 
consider them to have been formerly inside the city, 
which was certainly not the case. In the ' Ayin Ak- 
bari,' the old city is said to have measured 148 kos in 
length by 36 kos in breadth,* or, in other words, it 
covered the whole of the province of Oudh to the 
south of the Ghaghra river. The origin of the larger 
number is obvious. The 12 yojanas of the 'Eamayana,' 
which are equal to 48 kos, being considered too small 
for the great city of Eama, the Brahmans simply 
added 100 kos to make the size tally with their own 
extravagant notions. The present city of Ajudhya, 
which is confined to the north-east corner of the old 
site, is just two miles in length by about three quar- 
ters of a mile in breadth ; but not one half of this 
extent is occupied by buildings, and the whole place 
wears a look of decay. There are no high mounds of 
ruins, covered with broken statues and sculptiu'ed 
pillars, such as mark the sites of other ancient cities, 
but only a low irregular mass of rubbish heaps, from 
which all the bricks have been excavated for the 

* Gladwyn's translation, ii. 32. 


houses of the neighbouring city of Faizabad. This 
Muhammadan city, which is two miles and a half in 
length by one mile in breadth, is built chiefly of ma- 
terials extracted from the ruins of Ajudhya. The two 
cities together occupy an area of nearly six square 
miles, or just about one-half of the probable size of 
the ancient capital of Kama. In Faizabad the only 
building of any consequence is the stuccoed brick tomb 
of the old Bhao Begam, whose story was dragged be- 
fore the public during the famous trial of Warren 
Hastings. Faizabad was the capital of the first Na- 
wabs of Oudh, but it was deserted by Asaf-ud-daolah 
in A.D. 1775. 

In the seventh century the city of Visdkha was only 
16 li, or 2|- miles, in circuit, or not more than one-half 
of its present size, although it probably contained a 
greater population, as not above one-third or perhaps 
less of the modern town is inhabited. Hwen Thsang 
assigns to the district a circuit of 4000 li, or 667 
miles, which must be very much exaggerated. But, 
as I have already observed, the estimated dimensions 
of some of the districts in this part of the pilgrim's 
route are so great that it is quite impossible that all 
of them can be correct. I would therefore, in the 
present instance, read 400 li, or 67 miles, and restrict 
the territory of Visdkha to the small tract lying around 
Ajudhya, between the Ghagra and Gomati rivers. 


The ancient territory of Ayodliya, or Oudh, was 
divided by the Sarju or Ghagra river into two great 
provinces ; that to the north being called TJltara Kosala, 
and that to the south Banaodha. Each was again 


subdivided into two districts. In Banaodha these are 
called Pachham-rdt and Purab-rdt, or the western and 
eastern districts ; and in Uttara Kosala they are Gauda 
(vulgarly Gondu) to the south of the Eapti, and Kosala 
to the north of the Eapti, or Rdwati, as it is univer- 
sally called in Oudh. Some of these names are found 
in the Puranas. Thus, in the Yayu Purana, Lava the 
son of Eama is said to have reigned in Uttara Eosala; 
but in the Matsya Linga and Kurma Puranas, Srdvasti 
is stated to be in Gauda. These apparent discrepancies 
are satisfactorily explaiued when we learn that Gauda 
is only a subdivision of Uttara Kosala, and that the 
ruins of Sravasti have actually been discovered in the 
district of Gauda, which is the Gonda of the maps. 
The extent of Gauda is proved by the old name of 
Balrampur on the Eapti, which was formerly Ra7n- 
garli-Gauda. I presume, therefore, that both the 
Gauda Brahnans and the Gauda Tac/as must originally 
have belonged to this district, and not to the medi- 
asval city of Gauda in Bengal. Brahmans of this name 
are still numerous iu Ajudhya and Jahangirabad on 
the right bank of the Ghagra river, in Gonda, Pa- 
khapur, and Jaisni of the Gonda or Gauda district on 
the left bank, and in many parts of the neighbouring 
province of Gorakhpur. Ajiidltya, therefore, was the 
capital of Banaodha, or Oudh to the south of the Gha- 
gra, while Srdvasti was the capital of Uttara Kosala, 
or Oudh to the north of the Ghagra. 

The position of the famous city of Srdvasti, one of 
the most celebrated places in the annals of Buddhism, 
has long puzzled our best scholars. This was owing 
partly to the contradictory statements of the" Chinese 
pilgrims themselves, and partly to the want of a good 


map of the province of Oudli. In my account of Vi- 
sdkJia or Ajudhya, I have compared the bearings and 
distances recorded by Fa-Hian and Hwen Thsang 
with those preserved in the Buddhist annals of Cey- 
lon, and I have shown conclusively that Fa-Hian' s 
distance from Sankisa and his bearing from Shachi 
or Sdket are both erroneous. We know from Hwen 
Thsang and the Buddhist books of Ceylon that Srd- 
vasti was to the north of Sdket or Ajudhya^ or in other 
words that it was in the district of Gauda or TJttara 
Kosala, which is confirmed by the statements of no 
less than four of the Brahmanical Pur^nas. And as 
Fa-Hian also says that Shewei or Sewet was in Kosala, 
there can be no doubt whatever that Sravasti must 
be looked for within a few days' journey to the north- 
ward of Sdket or Ayodliya. According to Fa-Hian 
the distance was 8 yojanas, or 56 miles, which is in- 
creased by Hwen Thsang to 500 U, or 83 miles.* But 
as the latter pilgrim reduced the Indian yojana to 
Chinese measure at the rate of 40 li per yojana^ ve 
may correct his distance by the nearest round number 
of 350 li^ or 58 miles, to bring it into accordance with 
the other. Now, as this is the exact distance from 
Ajudhya of the great ruined city on the south bank 
of the Eapti, called Sdhet-Mdhet, in which I discovered 
a colossal statue of Buddha with an inscription con- 
taining the name of Sravasti itself, I have no hesita- 
tion in correcting Hwen Thsang' s distance from 500 
li to 350 li, as proposed above. 

The ruined city of Sahet-Mahet is situated between 
Akaona and Balrampur, at 5 miles from the former 
and 12 miles from the latter, and at ijiearly equal dis- 

* Beal'a ' Fali-Hian,' p. xx. 73 ; Julien's ' Hiouen Tlisang,' ii. 292. 



tances from Bahraich and Gonda.* In shape it is an 
almost semicircular crescent, with its diameter of one 
mile and a third in length curved inwards and facing 
the north-east, along the old bank of the Eapti river. 
The -western front, which runs due north and south, 
for three-quarters of a mile, is the only straight por- 
tion of the enclosure. The ramparts vary consider- 
ably in height ; those to the west being from 35 to 
40 feet in height, whUe those on the south and east 
are not more than 25 or 30 feet. The highest point 
is the great north-west bastion, which is 50 feet above 
the fields. The north-east face, or shorter curve of 
the crescent, was defended by the Eapti, which still 
flows down its old bed during the annual floods. The 
land ramparts on the longer curve of the crescent 
must once have been defended by a ditch, the remains 
of which yet exist as a swamp, nearly half a mile in 
length, at the south-west corner. Everywhere the 
ramparts are covered with fragments of brick, of the 
large size peculiar to very ancient cities ; and though 
I was unable to trace any remains of walls except in 
one place, yet the very presence of the bricks is quite 
sufficient to show that the earthen ramparts must once 
have been crowned by briclv parapets and battlements. 
The portion of the parapet wall, which I discovered 
still standing in the middle of the river face, was 10 
feet thick. The whole cii'cuit of the old earthen ram- 
parts, according to my survey, is 17,300 feet, or up- 
wards of 3^ miles. Now this is the exact size of 20 
/i, or 3|- miles, which Ilwen Thsang gives to the palace 
alone ; but, as the city was then deserted and in ruins, 
he must have mistaken the city itself for the palace. 

* See Map No. XI. for its position. 


It is certain at least that the suburbs outside the walls 
must have been very limited indeed, as the place is 
almost entirely surrounded with the remains of large 
religious buildings, which would have left but little 
room for any private dwellings. I am therefore quite 
satisfied that the city has been mistaken for the 
palace ; and this mistake is sufiicient to show how 
utterly ruined this once famous city must have been 
at so distant a period as the seventh century, when 
the place was visited by Hwen Thsang. As Fa-Hian 
describes the population as already very inconsider- 
able in A.D. 400, while the Ceylonese annals speak of 
K/iiradhdra^ king of SawaWiipura between a.d. 275 
and 302, the great decline of Sr^vasti must have taken 
place during the fourth century, and we may perhaps 
not be far wrong in connecting it with the fall of the 
Gupta dynasty in a.d. 319. 

Srdvasti is said to have been built by Eaja Sravasta* 
the son of Yuvandswa of the Solar race, and the tenth 
in descent from Surya himself. Its foundation there- 
fore reaches to the fabulous ages of Indian history, 
long anterior to Eama. During this early period it 
most probably formed part of the kingdom of Ayo- 
dhya, as the Yayu Purana assigns it to Lava, the son 
of Eama. When Sravasti next appears in historj^, in 
the time of Buddha, it was the capital of King Pra- 
senajit, the son of Maha Kosala. The king became a 
convert to the new faith, and during the rest of his 
life he was the firm friend and protector of Buddha. 
But his son Virudhaka hated the race of the Sakyas, 
and his invasion of their country and subsequent mas- 
sacre of 500 Sakya maidens, who had been selected for 

* "Wilson, ' Vishnu Purana,' book iv. p. 2 ; Hall's edit., vol. iv. p. 263. 


his harem, brought forth the famous prediction of Bud- 
dha, that within seven days the king would be con- 
sumed by fire. As the story has been preserved by 
Buddhists, the prediction was of course fulfilled, and 
upwards of eleven centuries afterwards, the tank in 
which the king had sought to avoid the flames was 
pointed out to the credulous Hwen Thsang.* 

We hear nothing more of Sravasti until one cen- 
tury after Kanishka, or five centuries after Buddha, 
when, according to Hwen Thsang, Yikramaditya, king 
of Sravasti, became a persecutor of Buddhists, and the 
famous Manorhita, author of the Yibhasha Sastra, being 
worsted in argument by the Brahmans, put himself 
to death. During the reign of his successor, whose 
name is not given, the Brahmans were overcome by 
FasitbainJIiu, the eminent disciple of Manorldta. The 
probable date of these two kings may be set down as 
ranging from a.d. 79 to 120. Por the next two cen- 
turies Sravasti would seem to have been under the 
rule of its own kings, as we find KJuradhura and his 
nephew mentioned as Eajas between a.d. 275 and 
319. t But there can be little doubt that during the 
whole of this time Sravasti was only a dependency of 
the powerful Gupta dynasty of Magadha, as the neigh- 
bouring city of Sakcta is specially said to have be- 
longed to them. "Princes of the Gupta race," says 
the Vayu Purana, "will possess all those countries; 
the banks of the Ganges to Prayaga, and Saketa, and 
Magadha." % From this time Sravasti gradually de- 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Tlisang,' ii. 306. 
t Tumour, ia Jourii. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vi. 865. 
X Quoted in Wilson's ' >'is]mu Purana,' p. 479, note ; and Hall's 
edition, iv. 218. 


elined. In a.d. 400 it contained only 200 families; 
in A.D. 632 it was completely deserted ; and at the 
present day the whole area of the city, excepting only 
a few clearances near the gateways, is a mass of almost 
impenetrable jangal. 

There is a difference in the name of the city, which 
Fa-Hian gives as She-wei., while Hwen Thsang writes 
it, as correctly as is possible in Chinese syllables, 8he- 
lo-fa-si-ti or Srdvasti. But this diiference is more ap- 
parent than real, as there can be little doubt that 
Shewei is only a slight alteration of the abbreviated 
Pali form of Sewet, for SdwatlM, which is found in 
■most of the Ceylonese books. Similarly the modern 
name of SMef is evidently only a variation of the Pali 
Sdwet. The other name of Mdhet I am unable to ex- 
plain ; but it is perhaps only the usual rhyming addi- 
tion of which the Hindus are so fond^ as in ulta-pulfa, 
or " topsy-turvy," which many people say is the true 
meaning of Sdhet-mdhet, in allusion to the utter ruin 
of the whole place. But some say that the name was 
originally Set-met, and as this form seems to be a cor- 
ruption of Seioet, it is probable that Sahd-Mahet is 
only a lengthened pronunciation of Set-met. One man 
alone, a Muhammadan in charge of the tomb of Pir 
Barana close to the ruined city, affirmed that the true 
name was Sdvitri, which is so close to the correct Pali 
form of Sdioatthi as to leave but little doubt that it 
preserves the original name of the place. 

Hwen Thsang assigns to the kingdom of Srdvasti a 
circuit of 4000 li, or 667 miles, which is about double 
the actual size of the territory lying between the 
Ghagra river and the foot of the mountains ; but as he 
assigns the same dimensions to the territory of Nep^l, 


it is probable that in his time the two western districts 
of Malbhum and Khachi, in the hills to the north, may 
at that time have belonged to Sravasti. The territory 
of Sravasti would thus have comprised all the country 
lying between the Himalaya mountains and the 
Ghagra river, from the Karnali river on the west to 
the mountain of Dhaolagiri and Faizabad on the east. 
The circuit of this tract is about 600 miles, or very 
nearly the same as the estimated measurement of 

Hwen Thsang. 

]9. KAPILA. 

From Sravasti both of the Chinese pilgrims pro- 
ceeded direct to Kapila^ which was famous throughout 
India as the birth-place of Buddha. Hwen Thsang 
makes the distance 500 li^ or 83 miles, to the south- 
east ;* but according to the earlier pilgrim Fa-Hian 
the distance was 13 yojanas, or 91 miles, in the same 
direction.f The difference oil yojana, or 7 miles, seems 
to be due to some confusion as to the relative positions 
of Kapila, and the birth-place of Krakuchanda, which 
were just one yojana apart. Fa-Hian reached the latter 
place first before visiting Kapila ; but Hwen Thsang 
went first to Kapila, and afterwards to the birth-place 
of Krakuchanda. As the site of this place may with 
great probability be identified with Kakila, 8 miles to 
the west of Nagar^ which I propose to identify with 
Kajnia-naffara, I am inclined to adopt the narrative of 
Fa-Hian. Now the distance between Sdhet and Nagar 
is rather more than 81^ miles, as I found the road from 
Sahet to Asokpur 42^ miles, and from Asokpur to 

* Julien's ' Iliouen Thsang,' ii. 309. 
t Seal's ' Fali-Hian,' xxi-xxii. 


Nagar the distance is 39 miles measured direct on the 
large map of the Indian Atlas. The actual distance by 
the winding roads of this part of the country cannot 
therefore be less than 85 miles, and is probably about 
90 miles, as stated by Fa-Hian. 

Hwen Thsang estimates the circuit of the district 
at 4000 li, or 667 miles, which agrees very well 
with the size of the tract lying between the Gh^gra 
and the Gandak from Faizabad to the confluence of 
those rivers. The direct measurement is 550 miles, 
which would be upwards of 600 miles in road dis- 

No trace of the name of Kapila has yet been disco- 
vered ; but I believe that the position of the city can be 
fixed within very narrow limits by many concurring 
data. According to the Buddhist chronicles of Tibet, 
Xapilavastu or Kapilanagara was founded by some de- 
scendants of the solar hero Gotama,f on the bank of a 
lake near the river Eohini in Kosala. Now the town 
of Nagar, or Nagar-khds, that is " the city," is situated 
on the eastern bank of the Chando Tal, near a large 
stream named Kohana, a tributary of the Eapti, and in 
the northern division of Oudh beyond the Gh^gra 
river, and therefore in Kosala. Its distance and bear- 
ing from Sravasti have already been noted as agreeing 
most precisely with those stated by the Chinese 
pilgrims. To the west a small stream named Sidh 
falls into the lake. This name, which means the "per- 
'fect or the holy one," is always applied to the sages 
of antiquity, and in the present instance I think that 
it may refer to the sage Kapila, whose hermitage was 

* See Map No. XI. 

t Csoma de Eoros in Joirrn. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, ii. 391. 


also on the bank of the lake opposite the city. The 
Gautamas had at first established themselves near the 
sage's dwelling ; but, as the lowing of their kine had 
disturbed his meditations, they founded their new city 
of Kapilanagara at some distance, that is on the oppo- 
site or eastern end of the lake. 

The position of the Eohini river is more precisely 
indicated by the Chinese pilgrims and Ceylonese 
chronicles. According to Fa-Hian* the royal garden, 
named Lun-ming^ or Lumbini, in which Buddha was 
bom, was situated at 50 /«', or 8-g- miles, to the east of 
Kapila. Hwen Thsangf calls the garden La-fa-ni, and 
places it on the bank of a small stream flowing to the 
south-east which the people called the " River of Oil." 
According to the Ceylonese Chronicles, | the Rohini 
flowed between the cities of Kapila and Koli, the 
latter being the birth-place of May^ Devi, the mother 
of Buddha. It was also called Vydghra-jjura, or 
" Tiger-town. "§ When Maya was near her confine- 
ment she went to pay a visit to her parents at Koli. 
" Between the two cities there was a garden of Sal 
trees called Lumbini. to which the inhabitants of both 
cities were accustomed to resort for recreation." There 
she rested and gave birth to the infant Buddha. In 
another place it is said that during a season of drought 
the inhabitants of Kapila and Koli quarrelled about 
the distribution of the waters of the Eohini for the 
irrigation of their rice-fields. || From all these details 
I infer that the BoJtini was most probably the Kohdna 
river of the present day, which flows in a south-easterly 

* Seal's ' Fah-Hian; xxii. 87. t 'Hiouea Thsang,' ii. 32-2. 

t Hardy's ■ .Manual of Buddhism,' p. 307. 

§ Ihicl., p. 136. II lUd., p. 307. 


course about 6 miles to the eastward of Nagar. It is 
the Kooana and Quana of the maps, and the Koyane of 
Buchanan,* who describes it as " a fine little river, 
which, with its numerous branches, fertilizes all the 
south-eastern parts of the district." It therefore cor- 
responds in all essential particulars with the Eohini of 
the Buddhist chronicles. 

The position of Koli is doubtful ; but it may per- 
haps be referred to the village of Am Kohil, which is 
exactly 11 miles to the east of Naym\ and rather less 
than 3 miles from the nearest point of the Kohana 
river. The road from Nagar to Kolnl crosses the 
Kohana opposite the small town of Mokson^ which may 
probably be the site of the once famous Lumbini 
garden, as it was also called parddi-moJcsha,-\ or 
"supreme beatitude." In later times this appella- 
tion would have been shortened to Moksha or Mokshan^ 
to which I would refer the possible origin of Hwen 
Thsang's name of the " Eiver of Oil," as mrakshan is 
the Sanskrit term for oil. Abul Fazl calls the place of 
Buddha's birth Mokia,X which is perhaps only a mis- 
reading of Moksa. 

Another strong point in favour of the identification 
of Nagar with the ancient Kapila is the fact that the 
present chief of Nagar is a Gautama Rajput, and the 
districts of Nagar and Amorha are the head-quarters 
of the clan, as well as of the Gautamiya Rajputs, who 
are an inferior branch of the Gautamas. Now the 
Sdhyas of Kapilavastu were also Gautama Eajputs, and 
Sakya Muni himself is still known amongst the people 

* ' Eastern India,' ii. 301. 

t ' Fo-hwe-Jci,' c. xxii., note 17, by Klaproth. 

X ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 503. 

2 E 


of Banna as Gautama Buddha, or simply Gaulama. In 
the Vansalata* the Gautamas are said to be descendants 
of ^Irkabandhu, which is one of the names of Buddha 
given in the Amara Kosha of the famous Amara Sinha, 
who was himself a Buddhist. 

I have not visited Nagar myself, but I am iaformed 
that it possesses a khera, or mound of brick ruins, and 
that there are numerous remains of brick buildings in 
the neighbourhood. As Fa-Hian describes Kapila 
in the beginning of the fifth century as " literally a 
vast solitude, in which there was neither king nor 
people," but only a few monks and some ten or twenty 
houses, it is scarcely possible that there would be any 
conspicuous traces of the city which has lain desolate 
for upwards of twelve centuries. In the middle of the 
seventh century Hwen Thsang found the place so 
utterly ruined that it was impossible to ascertain its 
original size, I am therefore quite satisfied that the 
absence of any cxteiisive ruins at the present day 
cannot overthrow the very strong claims which Na^ar 
certainly possesses to be identified with the ancient 
city of Kapila. But this identification is still further 
strengthened by the names of several places in the 
vicinity, which would appear to represent some of the 
more holy spots that were famous in the early history 
of Buddhism. I allude more especially to the birth- 
places of the two previous Buddhas, Krahichanda and 
Kanaka-muni, and the Sara-kupa, or "arrow-fountain," 
which sprang into existence at the stroke of Buddha's 


Fa-Hian names Na-pi-kla as the birthplace of Era- 

* Buchanan, ' Eastern India,' ii. 458. 


kuchanda ; but in the Buddhist chronicles * the city 
is called Kshemacatt aud Khemavati.'\ In the books of 
Ceylon, however, J Krakuchanda is said to have been the 
Puro/nt, or family priest, of Eaja Kshema, of Mekhala. 
According to Fa-Hian, the city was about 1 yojana^ 
or 7 miles, to the west-north-west of Kapila ; but ac- 
cording to Hwen Thsang it was 50 /?', or 8-g- miles, to 
the south of Kapila. Tn the absence of other data, 
it is difficult to say which of these statements may be 
correct ; but as I find a town named Kakiia, exactly 8 
miles to the west of Nagar, I am strongly inclined to 
adopt the account of Fa-Hian, as Kakti is the Pali 
form of Krakti. According to Hwen Thsang's bearing, 
the city should be looked for in the neighbourhood of 
Kalwi,ri Khas, which is 7 miles to the south of Kagar. 

A similar discrepancy is found in the position of 
the birthplace of Kanaka-muni, which, according to Fa- 
Hian, was to the south of Krakuchanda's birthplace, 
but to the north-east of it according to Hwen Thsang. 
They agree exactly as to the distance, which the latter 
makes 30 li, or just 5 miles, while the former calls 
it somewhat less than 1 yojana, that is about 6 or 6 
miles. In the Ceylonese chronicles the town is named 
Sobhavati-nuffara, § which may possibly be repre- 
sented by the village of Subhay-Pursa, at 6^ miles to 
the south-east of Kakiia, and the same distance to the 
south-west of Nagar. 

The same unaccountable difference of bearing is 
found also in the position of the 8ara-Kupa, or the 

* ■ Sapta Buddha Stotra,' quoted by Eemusat in ' Fo-kwe-ki,' c. xxi. 
note 3. 
t Tumour's ' Mahawanso," Introduction, p. 33. 
{ Hardy's ' Manual of Buddhism,' 96. 
§ 'Mahawanso,' Introduction, p. 34. 

2 E 2 


" Arrow Eountaiu," which Fa-Hian places at 30 li, or 5 
miles, to the south-west of Kapila, while Hwen Thsang 
places it at the same distance to the south-east. In this 
instance also I believe that Fa-Hian is right, as Hwen 
Thsang makes the distance from the Sara-Kupa to the 
Luvibini garden from 80 to 90 li, or 13 to 15 miles, 
Avhich, as I have already shown, was on the bank of 
the Eohini or Kohana river, to the east of Kapila. 
Now, if the Arrow Fountain was to the south-east of the 
capital, its distance from the Lumhini garden could not 
have been more than 6 or 7 miles, whereas if it was 
to the south-west, as stated by Fa-Hian, the distance 
would be about 12 or 13 miles. The probable position 
of the Sara-Kiipa^ or Arrow Fountain, may therefore 
be fixed near the village of Sanoanpur, which is ex- 
actly b\ miles to the south-west of Nagar. 

In proposing all these identifications, I have assumed 
that Nagar is the site of the ancient Kapila^ but as I 
have not examined this part of the country myself, 
and as the information which I have been able to 
obtain is necessarily vague, I feel that the final settle- 
ment of this important inquiry can only be satisfac- 
torily determined by an actual examination of Nagar 
itself and the surrounding localities. In the meantime 
I offer the results of the present disquisition as useful 
approximations until the true sites shall be determined 
by actual observation. 


From Kapila both pilgrims proceeded to Lan-mo^ 
which has been identified with the Bdmagrdma of the 
Buddhist chronicles of India. Fa-Hian makes the 
distance 5 gojanas, or 35 miles, to the east,* and Hwen 

* Beal's ' Fah-Hian,' c. xxii. p. 89. 


Thsang gives 200 li, or 33-|- miles, in the same direc- 
tion.* But in spite of their agreement I believe that 
the distance is in excess of the truth. Their subse- 
quent march to the bank of the Jno?na river is said to 
be 3 yojanas or 21 miles by Fa-Hian, and 100 li or 
16§ miles by Hwen Thsang, thus making the total 
distance from Eapila to the Anoma river 8 yojanas, 
or 56 miles, according to the former, and 300 li, or 
50 miles, according to the latter. But in the Indian 
Buddhist scriptures, this distance is said to be only 6 
yojanas, or 42 miles, which I believe to be correct, 
as the Auyni river of the present day, which is most 
probably the Anoma river of the Buddhist books, is just 
40 miles distant from IS^agar in an easterly direction. 
The identification of the Anoma will be discussed 

According to the pilgrims' statements, the position 
of Bdmagrdma must be looked for at about two-thirds 
of the distance between Nagar and the Anoma river, 
that is at 4 yojanas, or 28 miles. In this position I find 
the village of Deokali,f with a mound of ruins, which 
was used as a station for the trigonometrical survey. 
In the ' Mahawanso ' it is stated that the stupa of Eama- 
gamo, which stood on the bank of the Ganges, was de- 
stroyed by the action of the current.J Mr. Laidlay 
has already pointed out that this river could not be 
the Ganges; but might be either the Ghdgra, or 
some other large river in the north. But I am inclined 
to believe that the Ganges is a simple fabrication of 
the Ceylonese chronicler. All the Buddhist scriptures 
agree in stating that the relics of Buddha were divided 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 325. t See Map No. XI. 

X ' Mahawanso,' c. xxxi. p. 185. 



into eight portions, of which one fell to the lot of the 
Xosalas of Bmnagrdvia^ over which they erected a 
stupa. Some years later seven portions of the relics 
were collected together by Ajatasatru, king of Maga- 
dha, and enshrined in a single stupa at Eajagriha ; 
but the eighth portion still remained at Eamagrama. 
According to the Ceylonese clii-onicler, the stupa of 
Eamagrama was washed away by the Ganges, and the 
relic casket, having been carried down the river to the 
ocean, was discovered by the Ndffas, or water gods, 
and presented to their king, 'who built a stupa for its 
reception. During the reign of Dutthagamini of Cey- 
lon, B.C. 161 to 137, the casket was miraculously 
obtained from the Kaga king by the holy monk So- 
nuttaro, and enshrined in the Mahathupo, or " great 
stupa," in the land of Lanka.* 

iSI^ow this story is completely at variance with the 
statements of the Chinese pilgrims, both of whom 
visited Eamagrama many centuries after Duttha- 
gamini, when they found the relic stupa intact, but no 
rivur. Fa-IIian,f in the beginning of the fifth century, 
saw a tank beside the stupa, in which a dragon {Ndffo) 
lived, who continually watched the tower. In the 
middle of the seventh century, Hwen ThsangJ saw the 
same stupa and the same tank of clear water inhabited 
by dragons {Ndgas), who daily transformed themselves 
into men, and paid their devotions to the stupa. § Both 
pilgrims mention the attempt of Asoka to remove these 
relics to his own capital, which was abandoned on the 
expostulation of the Naga king. " If by thy oblations," 
said the Naga, " thou canst excel this, thou mayest 

* ' Mahavvanso,' c. xxxi. f Deal's ' Fah-HiaD,' c. xxiii. p. 90. 

J Julien's ' Hiouen Tlisang,' ii. 326. § Ibid. 



destroy the tower, and I shall not prevent thee." Now 
according to the Ceylonese chronicler, this is the very 
same argument that was used by the N%a king 
to dissuade the priest Sonuttaro from removing the 
relics to Ceylon.* I infer, therefore, that the original 
"tank" of Eamagrama was adroitly changed into a 
river by the Ceylonese author, so that the relics which 
were in charge of the Nagas of the tank, might be 
conveyed to the ocean-palace of the Naga king, from 
whence they could as readily be transferred to Ceylon 
as to any other place. The river was thus a necessity 
in the Ceylonese legend, to convey the relics away 
from Eamagrama to the ocean. But the authority of 
a legend can have no weight against the united testi- 
mony of the two independent pilgrims, who many cen- 
turies later found the stupa still standing, but saw no 
river. I therefore dismiss the Ganges as a fabrication 
of the Ceylonese chroniclers, and accept in its stead 
the Naga tank of the Chinese pilgrims. Having 
thus got rid of the river, I can see no objection to 
the identification of Deokali with the Eamagrama of 
Buddhist history. The town was quite deserted at 
the time of Fa-Hian's visit, in the fifth century, who 
found only a small religious establishment ; this was 
still kept up in the middle of the seventh century, 
but it must have been very near its dissolution, as there 
was only a single srdmanera^ or monk, to conduct 
ihe affairs of the monastery. 

Eiver Jnoma. 
The river Anoma was famous in the history of Bud- 
dhism as the scene of Prince Siddharta's assumption 

* ' Mahawanso,' c. xxxi. p. 188. 


of the dress of an ascetic, where he cut off his hair, 
and dismissed his attendant and his horse. According 
to the Burmese* and Ceylonesef chronicles, the dis- 
tance from Kapila was 30 yojanas, or about 210 miles, — 
a mistake which must have originated in an erroneous 
opinion that the river was exactly halfway between 
Kapila and Eajagriha, as the total distance is said to 
be 60 yojanas. In the Tibetan translation of the Lalita 
J'isfara, J the distance is stated at 6 yojanas^ or 42 
miles. This is somewhat less than the estimates of 
Fa-Hian and Hwcn Thsang, but as the former is made 
up of two distances, given in whole yojanas^ and the 
latter of two distances, given in round hundreds of li^ 
they can only be accepted as approximations. Thus 
Fa-Hian's 5 yojanas, plus 3 yojanas, may have been 
only 4-^ and 2^. yojanas, and Hwen Thsang's 200 U, 
plus 100 li, may have been actually only 180 li, plus 
80 li. The former may thus be reduced to 7 yojanas, 
or 49 miles, and the latter to 260 li, or 43 miles. I 
therefore accept the 6 yojanas, or 42 miles, of the 
Lalita Vislcira as the nearest approach to the real dis- 
tance that could be stated in whole yojanas. 

When Prince Siddharta left Kapila to enter upon 
the life of an ascetic, he took the road by Vaisali to 
Eajagriha. The general direction of his route was 
therefore nearly east-south-east past Deokali to the 
bank of the Aumi river below Sangrilmpur, and above 
the point where it enters the Aumiyar Lake.§ As the 

* Bigandet, ' Legend of the Burmese Buddha,' p. 41. 

t Tumour, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vii. 809. Hardy, ' Manual of 
Buddhism,' p. 160, says 480 miles, from which it is evident that he has 
adopted Turnour's erroneous valuation of the yojana at 16 miles. 

X Foucaux, French translation, p. 214. 

§ ' Eastern India,' ii. 314. Buchanan calls it the Naiear Lake, but 


course of the Aumi is from nortli-west to south-east, 
the distance from Nagar varies from 40 to 45 miles. 
The route could not have crossed the river above San- 
gr^mpur, as the distance would be under 40 miles, 
nor below the Aumiyar Lake, which discharges itself 
by a very short channel into the Eapti. If the data 
are correct, the point of crossing must have been just 
above the head of the Aumiyar Lake. 

Now Aumi^ or in Sanskrit Avami, means " inferior," 
and as the name of a river it would be descriptive of 
its small size as compared with other rivers in its 
neighbourhood. A glance at the map is sufficient to 
show that the Aumi is an old bed of the Eapti, which 
left the present channel near Dumariyaganj. A main 
branch of the Aumi, named the Budh Nali, or " old 
river," which rises in the neighbourhood of Bansi, is 
still supplied from the Eapti during the rainy season 
by a channel called Daldal Nala^ or " Quicksand 
Stream." This fact alone affords a most decisive 
proof that the lower course of the Aumi, below the 
junction of the Budh Nala near Balehar, is an old bed 
of the Eapti. The name of Aumi or Avami Nadi, the 
"inferior" or "lesser river," was therefore an appro- 
priate appellation of the old chamiel to distinguish it 
from the larger or main stream of the Rapti. 

According to the Lalita Vistdra the point where 
Buddha crossed the river was at the town of Money a, 
in the district of Anuvaineya* The name of the town 
is unknown, but that of the district would appear to 
be the same as Anaola, which is the name of the divi- 

iu the Atlas of India and other Government Maps it is named the 
Amij/ar Tal, and the river is called the Ami Nadi. 
* Foucaux, translation from Tibetan, p. 214. 



sion on the western bank of tlie lower course of the 
Aumi river, which includes both Sangrampur and the 
Auniiyar lake. Aimvalneya means the country along 
the Vaineya river, or on the lower course of the Vai- 
neya. The name is probably derived from Venu, a 
"bambu," and if so it would mean "Bambu river," 
and would thus be equivalent to Bdnsi^ which might 
be appropriately applied to it, either on account of the 
hamhus on its banks, or because it flows past the town 
of Bclnsi. 

The Buddhist legends of Barma and Ceylon are 
unanimous in stating that Prince Siddharta, on reach- 
ing the bank of the stream where he dismissed his 
attendants and horse, inquired its name, and on being 
informed that it was called Anoma^ made a remark in 
allusion to the name of the river, which is differently 
rendered by the translators. According to the Bur- 
mese legend* the name of the river was Anauma^ on 
hearing which the prince remarked, " I will not show 
myself umoorllnj of the high dignity I aspire to." 
Then " spurring his horse, the fierce animal leaped at 
once to the opposite bank." Mr. Hardy states the 
occurrence even more briefly :t "On arriving at the 
river he inquired its name from the noble, and when 
he Avas told that it was Anowa^ ' illustrious or honour- 
able,' he received it as another omen in his favour." 
Tumour gives the story at length from the Ceylonese 
AUakalha of the Buddhawanso. % Prince Siddharta 
inquired of Chhando, '"What is the name of this 
river ?' — ' Lord, its name is AnonuV Eeplying, ' Nor 

* ' Legend of the Burmese Buddlia," by Bisliop Bigaudet, p. 41. 
t ' Manual of Buddhism,' p. 160. 


will there be any Anoma (inferiority) in my ordina- 
tion,' lie pressed his heel to the horse and gave him 
the signal to leap." Turnour notes that "this remark 
involves a pun;" but that a pun "is by no means a 
matter of levity in Buddhistical literature." By some 
oversight, Turnour has rendered anoma by " inferi- 
ority," whereas its meaning is exactly the reverse, 
and is correctly given by Hardy and Bishop Bigandet. 
According to the text of the Burmese and Ceylonese 
chronicles, it would appear that the name of the river 
was Jnoma, the "not inferior," that is the "supe- 
rior," and the prince's remark must have been that 
so also would his ordination be anoma, or "superior.'' 
But as the name of the river at the present day is 
Aumi, or " inferior," and as Tumour's translation of 
the word as "inferiority" would seem to show that 
in his copy at least the name was Oma or Auma, I 
cannot help suspecting that this is the true reading ; 
and that when the prince was informed that the name 
of the river was Auma, or "inferior," he remarked 
"My ordination shall be anauma, or "superior." If 
the original name of the stream had been Anoitia, it is 
difficult to understand how it could have been changed 
to Aumi, which has the very opposite meaning. But 
if it was properly Aumi, that is the "inferior" or lesser 
branch of the Rapti, and it was arbitrarily changed 
by the Buddhists to Anauma, a return to the use of 
the original name would have been only a natural 
consequence of the downfall of Buddhism. 

But the identification of the Buddhistical Anoma 
with the modern Aumi is still further confirmed by 
the existence of three significant names on the eastern 
bank of the river, within a short distance of the point 


which I have assigned for the prince's passage of the 
stream. On reaching the opposite bank, the prince 
alighted from his horse and directed his attendant 
Chandaka to return to Kapila.* At this spot there 
stood a stupa called Chandaka-nivarttana, or "Chan- 
daka's return," which in the spoken dialects would 
probably have been shortened to Chanda-bartta. This 
place may, I think, be identified with the village of 
Chandaoli on the eastern bank of the Aumi river, 
near the head of the Aumiyar Lake, and 10 miles to 
the south of Gorakhpur. With his sword the prince 
then cut off his long locks of hair, chvda, which being 
thrown aloft were caught by the gods, who built a 
stupa on the spot called Chuda-pati-ffraha^ or the "heap 
of hair -locks." In the spoken dialects this name 
would have been shortened to Chuda-galia^ which, I 
think, may be identified with the village of Churei/a, 
3 miles to the north of Chandaoli. The prince next 
changed his royal garments, called kdsdya, because 
made of the fine fabrics of Kdsi^ or Banaras, for the 
plain dress of an ascetic ; and on the spot where this 
took place the people erected a stupa, named Kdmya- 
grahan, or " doffed garments." This place I would 
identify A\'ith the village of Kaseijar, 3| miles to the 
south-east of Chandaoli. In favour of these identifi- 
cations I may mention that Hwen Thsang places the 
stupa of the "doffed garments" to the east of that of 
" Chandaka's return ;" but his position of the stupa 
of the " cut hair" at a short distance from that of the 
" doffed garments" is directly opposed to the site that 
I have suggested at Chureya, which is 6 miles to the 
north of Kaseyar. It seems probable, therefore, that 

■■ 'Lalita Vist,:ira.' Fouc.iux, translation from Tibetan, p. 214. 



one of my suggested identifications must be wrong ; 
but as the otber two would appear to agree with the 
relative positions assigned by Hwen Thsang, I think 
that they are probably correct. 


From the Anoma river both of the Chinese pilgrims 
proceeded to visit the stupa that was erected at Pip- 
palawano over the charcoal ashes of the funeral pile of 
Buddha. The Moriyas of this city, having applied too 
late for a share of the relics of the body, were obliged 
to be content with the ashes. Fa-Hian places the 
stupa at 4 yojanas, or 28 miles, to the east of the 
Anoma; but Hwen Thsang makes the distance 180 
to 190 li, or from 30 to 32 miles, and the bearing 
south-east. Fa-Hian does not mention the name of 
the town, but in the Burmese* and Ceylonese chro- 
niclesf it is called Pippali-wano, or the "Pippal-forest;" 
and in the Tibetan Dulva% it is called the town of the 
Nyagrodha^ or Banian-trees. Hwen Thsang also speaks 
of the " forest of Nyagrodha-irees, " as the site of the 
" charcoal stupa," and as he actually visited the 
place, we must accept his testimony in preference to 
that of the distant chroniclers of Ceylon. No place 
of this name is now known ; but in the south-east 
direction indicated by Hwen Thsang, there is a large 
forest which completely surrounds the* ruins of an 
ancient city called SahanJcat. This place is described 
at length by Buchanan, § who found several statues of 
Buddha am<ongst the ruins. It was therefore certainly 

* Bigandet, ' Legend of the Burmese Buddha,' p. 212. 

t Tumour, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vii. 1013. 

X ' Asiatic Eesearches,' Bengal, xx. 

§ ' Eastern India,' ii. 370. See Map No. XI. for its position. 


in existence during the flourisliing period of Bud- 
dhism. It is 20 miles distant from the Chandaoli 
Ghat, on the Aumi, measured in a direct line on the 
map ; but by the road it is not less than 25 miles, 
owing to the numerous streams that intersect the 
route. The position therefore corresponds as nearly 
as possible with that assigned to the C'harcoal Tower 
by Hwen Thsang, but I have no confirmatory evidence 
to offer, unless the name of the village of Srinagar 
Koliia may be connected with Koilj or charcoal, which 
is not very probable. I may add, however, that the 
bearing of Kasia from Sahankat corresponds with the 
north-east direction of Kusinagara from the Charcoal 
Stupa which is recorded by Hwen Thsang. 


Fa-Hian places Kusinagara at 12 yojanas^ or 84 
miles, to the eastward of the Charcoal Stupa, a dis- 
tance which is quite impossible when compared with 
its other recorded distances from Yaisali and Banaras.* 
Unfortunately, Hwen Thsang, contrary to his usual 
custom, has omitted to note the distance, and simply 
states that he travelled in a north-east direction for a 
long time through a vast forest, full of wild bulls and 
wild elephants, and infested with brigands. A portion 
of this forest still exists to the north and east of Sa- 
liankat^ and wild elephants still abound in the Tarai 
forests to the north of Gorakhpur. Wilson first pro- 
posed Kasia as the site of Kusinagara, and the sug- 
gestion has since been generally adopted. * The village 
is situated exactly 35 miles to the east of Gorakh- 
pur, at the crossing of two great thoroughfares.! It 

* Seal's ' Fah-Hian,' xxiy. 93. t See Map No. XI. for its position. 



is 28 miles to tlie north-east of Suhanhd in a direct 
line measured on the map, or about 35 miles by road. 
The distance is therefore only 5 yojanas, instead of 12, 
as noted by Pa-Hian. It cannot be placed further 
to the north-east without increasing its distance from 
Banaras, and lessening its distance from Yaisali. Now 
the former is limited by Hwen Thsang to 700 li, or 
117 miles, and the latter is fixed by Fa-Hian himself 
at 25 yojanas, or 175 miles ; and as both estimates 
agree very closely with the actual position of Kasia, I 
am satisfied that Fa-Hian's 12 yojanas must be a mis- 
take. Anrudhwa, near Kasia, is exactly 111 miles to 
the north-north-east of Banaras, measured in a direct 
line on the map, and cannot, therefore, be less than 
120 miles by road. The distance between Kasia and 
Vaisali, by the route which I marched, is just 140 
miles ; but this was along the new straight lines 
which have been laid out by the British authorities. 
By the old winding native tracks the distance would 
have been much greater, or certainly not less than 
160 miles. 

At the time of Hwen Thsang's visit the walls of 
Kusinagara were in ruins, and the place was almost 
deserted ; but the brick foundations of the old capital 
occupied a circuit of about 12 //, or 2 miles. The 
existing ruins between Anrudhwa and Kasia are scat- 
tered over a much larger space ; but some of these 
were certainly outside the city, and it is now quite 
impossible to ascertain its exact limits. It most pro- 
bably occupied the site of the mound of ruins to the 
north-east of the village of Anrudhwa. The spot 
where Buddha obtained Nirvana would then corre- 
spond with the site of the stupa and ruins now called 


Mdlha-Iatui-ka-kot^ or the "fort of the Dead Prince," 
and the spot -where his body was burned would corre- 
spond with the site of the great stupa now called De- 
vistlmi. The former lies to the north-west of Anrudhwa, 
and to the west of the old channel of the Chota Gandak, 
or Hiramjavati river, which is still occasionally filled 
after heavy rain. The latter lies to the north-east of 
Anrudhwa, and to the east of the old channel of the 
Ilirana, or Chota Gandak. 

The only name now associated with the ruins near 
Kasia is that of Mdthd Kudr^ or the " Dead Prince." 
Mr. Listen gives the name as Mdta, but a Brahman of 
the neighbouring village of Bishanpur, who wrote the 
name for me, spelt it as I have given it, Mdthd. As 
this spelling points to the derivation of the word from 
MaUut^i or Matha, " to kill," I have translated Mdthd 
Knar as the " Dead Prince," which I refer to Buddha 
himself after his death, or, in the language of the 
Buddhists, after his obtainment of Nirvdna. Hwen 
Thsang, when speaking of Sdkyci's assumption of the 
mendicant's dress, calls him Kumdra 'Rd,ja, or the 
" Eoyal Prince ; " but although this title was never, 
I believe, applied to him by the learned after his as- 
sumption of Buddhahood, it does not seem at all im- 
probable that it may have remained in common use 
amongst the people. We know from Hwen Thsang 
that on the spot Avhorc Buddha died there was a brick 
vihdr, or temple monastery, in which Avas enshrined a 
recumbent statue of Buddha on his death-bed, with 
his head towards the north. Now this statue would 
naturally have been the principal object of veneration 
at Ivusinagara, and although amongst the learned it 
might have been called the " statue of the Nirvdna^'' 



yet I can readily believe that its more popular name 
amongst all classes would have been the " statue of 
the Dead Prince." I am therefore of opinion that the 
name of Mdthd Ktidr, which still clings to the ruins 
of Kasia, has a direct reference to the death of Buddha, 
which, according to his followers, took place at Ku- 
sinagara, on the full moon of the Vaisakh, 543 B.C. 
The continuance of this name down to the present 
day is a strong argument in favour of the identifica- 
tion of Kasia as the " death-place " of Buddha. 

K/t ukUundo — KaJiaon . 

On leaving Kusinagara, Hwen Thsang directed his 
steps towards Banaras, and after having travelled 
about 200 /«, or 33 miles, to the south-west, he 
reached a large town where lived a Brahman who 
was devoted to Buddhism.* If we adhere rigidly to 
the south-west bearing, we must identify this large 
town with Sahankat, near Eudrapur. But this place 
has already been identified with Pippalavana, and is 
not upon the high-road to Banaras. As Hwen Thsang 
specially mentions the Brahman's hospitality to travel- 
lers going and coming, it is certain that the large 
town must have been on the high-road between Ku- 
sinagara and Banaras. Now the high-road could never 
have passed through Eudrapur, as it would have en- 
tailed the passage of the Eapti in addition to that of 
the Gh^gra, while Eudrapur itseK is not on the direct 
line to Banaras. It is quite clear that the high-road 
must have crossed the Ghagra somewhere below the 
junction of the Eapti. According to the people, the 
old passage of- the GhS,gra was at Mahili, 4 miles to 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 349. 

2 F 


the south of Kahaon, and 7 miles below the confluence 
of the two rivers. From Kasia to the Mahili Ghat 
the route would have passed through the ancient 
towns of Khuhkundo and KaJiaon^ both of which still 
possess many remains of antiquity. But the former 
is only 28 miles from Kasia, while the latter is 35 
miles. Both are undoubtedly Brahmanical ; but while 
the ruins at Khukhundo are nearly all of middle age, 
those at Kahaon are at least as old as the time of 
Skanda Gupta, who lived several centuries before the 
time of Hwen Thsang. I am inclined, therefore, to 
prefer the claim of Kahaon as the representative of 
Hwen Thsang' s ancient city, partly on account of its 
undoubted antiquity, and partly because its distance 
from Kasia agrees better with the pilgrim's estimate 
than that of the larger town of Khukhundo.* 

Pdwd, or Padraona. 
In the Ceylonese chronicles the town of Pdwd is 
mentioned as the last halting-place of Buddha before 
reaching Kusinagara, where he died. After his death 
it is again mentioned in the account of Kasyapa's 
journey to Kusinagara to attend at the cremation of 
Buddha's corpse. /"««'« was also famous as one of 
the eight cities which obtained a share of the relics of 
Buddha. In the Ceylonese chronicles it is noted as 
being only 12 miles from Kusinagara, f towards the 
Gandak river. Now 12 miles to the north-north-east 
of Kasia there is a considerable village named Pada- 
raona, or Padara-vana, with a large mound covered 
with broken bricks, in which several statues of 

* See Map No. XI. for the positions of both places, 
t Tumour, Journ. Asiat. See. Bengal, viii. 1005 ; note from Bud- 


Buddha have been found. The name of Padara-vana, 
or Padarban, might easily be shortened to Parian, 
Paban] and Pdwd. In the Tibetan ' Kah(/i/ur '* this 
town is called Diffpachan, but as the meaning of the 
name is not given, it is impossible to say whether it 
is an original Indian name or a Tibetan translation. 
Between Paw^ and Kusinagara there was a stream 
called Kuhutlhd, or KahuUd,\ at which Buddha 
stopped to bathe and drink. This must be the pre- 
sent Bddhi, or Barhi, or Bandid Nala, which, after a 
course of 36 miles, joins the Chota Gandak, or Hirana 
river on its left bank, 8 miles below Kasia. 


In the seventh century the kingdom of^se, 
or Fardnasi, was 4000 li, or 667 miles, in circuit, and 
the capital, which was on the western bank of the 
Ganges, was from 18 to 19 li, or 3 miles, in length, 
and from 5 to 6 li, or 1 mile, in breadth. Its probable 
boundaries, with reference to the surrounding king- 
doms, were the Gomati river on the north, a line 
drawn from the Gomati to Allahabad and up the Tons 
to Bilhari on the west, a line drawn from Bilhari to 
Sonhat on the south, and the Eehand Karmmnasa and 
Ganges rivers on the east. "With these limits the 
circuit is 595 miles taken direct on the map, or about 
650 miles in actual road measurement. 

The city of BanS,ras is situated on the left bank of 
the Ganges, between the Barnd Nadi on the north- 
east, and the Asi Ndla on the south-west. The Barnd, 

* Csoraa de Koroa, Bengal ' Asiatic Besearches,' xx. 
t The first name is found in the Ceylonese chronicles, the second in 
the Burmese version. 

2 F 2 


or Faranu, is a considerable rivulet, whicli rises to tlie 
north of Allahabad, and has a course of about 100 
miles. The Asi is a mere brook, of no length, and, 
owing to its insignificant size, it does not appear in 
any of our most detailed maps. It is not entered in 
the Indian Atlas Sheet, No. 88, which is on the scale 
of 4 miles to the inch, nor even in the larger litho- 
graphed map of the district of Banaras, on the double 
scale of 2 miles to the inch. This omission has led 
the learned French academician M. Vivien de Saint- 
Martin to doubt the existence of the Jsi as a tributary 
of the Ganges, and he conjectures that it may be only 
a branch of the Barnd, and that the joint stream called 
the Vardnasi* may have communicated its name to 
the city. The Asi Ndla will, however, be found as 
I have described it, in James Prinsep's map of the 
city of Benares, published by Hullmandel, as well as 
in the small map which I have prepared to illustrate 
this account of the remains at Banaras. The position 
of the Jsi is also accurately described by H. H. 
Wilson in his Sanskrit Dictionary, under the word 
Vardnasi. I may add that the road from Banaras to 
Udmnagar crosses the Asi just outside the city, and 
only a short distance from its confluence with the 
river. The points of junction of both streams with 
the Ganges are considered particularly holy, and ac- 
cordingly temples have been erected both at Barnd 
8a7igam below the city, and at Asi 8angam above the 

* In M. Julien's ' Life and Pilgrimage of Hioueu Thsang,' i. 132, 
and ii. 351, it is stated that " this river is also called Po-lo-ni-se, or 
Vardnasi." But this is a mistake of the translator, as pointed out by 
Dr. Fitzedward Hall. The true name of the river is Po-lo-nie, or 



city. From the joint names of these two streams, 
T7hich bound the city to the north and south, the 
Brahmans derive Fardmsi, or Fdranasi, which is said 
to be the Sanskrit form of the name of Banaras. But 
the more usual derivation amongst the common people 
is from ESja Bandr, who is said to have rebuilt the 
city about 800 years ago. 

Both of these streams are mentioned by Abul Fazl,* 
who says " Bardnasi, commonly called Bandras, is a 
large city situated between two rivers, the Barnd and 
the JsV Bishop Heberf also mentions that he was 
informed by the Eaja of Banaras that the name " had 
anciently been Baranas, from two rivers, Bara and 
Nasa, which here fall into the Ganges." The worthy 
Bishop supposes that they must join the Ganges 
underground, as no such rivers are set down on the 
map ; but two pages afterwards he records that his 
boats arrived " off the mouth of the small river which 
leads to Secrole," that is to the cantonment of Banaras. 
It may perhaps be objected that this was only a report 
from his servants, and that he had not actually seen 
the river ; but as the Bishop lived with Mr. Brooke 
to the north of the Barna, he must have crossed that 
river by the large stone bridge at least twice every 
day during his stay at the holy city of the Hindus. 

Banaras is celebrated amongst the Buddhists as the 
scene where the great teacher first expounded his doc- 
trine, or as they metaphorically express it, where he 
first began " to turn the wheel of the law." This 
is one of the four great events in the life of Buddha, 
and the stupa which was built upon the spot was 
esteemed as one of the four great monuments of 

* ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 28. t ' Journal,' i. 397-399. 


Buddhism. This stupa, now called D/iamek, is situ- 
ated about 3^ miles to the north of the city, amidst 
an extensive mass of ruins, which are surrounded on 
three sides by large artificial lakes. The name of 
BJiamek is most probably only an abbreviation of the 
Sanskrit Dharmmopadesaka, the "Teacher of Dharm- 
ma." This is the common term still in use to desig- 
nate any religious teacher ; but bearing in mind that 
on this spot Buddha first began to " turn the wheel 
of the law " {dharmma-chalcra), the name is peculiarly 
appropriate for the stupa. The term is also used in 
the simpler form of Dharvnnadesaka, which in familiar 
conversation would naturally be shortened to Dham- 
madek and Dhavtek. 

The earliest name of this city was luhi, which is 
still in common use, either alone or joined with the 
later name, as Kasi-Bauaras. It is, perhaps, the 
Kassiduj or Kassidia, of Ptolemy. The name is re- 
ferred to Kdsi-rdja^ who was one of the early progeni- 
tors of the Lunar race. He was succeeded by twenty 
descendants, all Eajas of Kasi, amongst whom was the 
celebrated Divoddsa. 


From Banaras, Hwen Thsang travelled eastward for 
about 300 //, or 50 miles, to the kingdom of Cken-chu, 
which is a Chinese translation of the original name, 
meaning " lord-of-battles." M. Julien proposes Yod- 
hujiati or Yodhardja-pura ; but as the translation alone 
is given, we have a choice of several terms, as Vi(/ra- 
Jictpati, Yudhandfha, Ranaswdmi, etc. The capital 
situated on the Ganges was 10 /e, or 1|- miles, in 
circuit. The place thus described is certainly GJidzi- 


pur^ which is on the Ganges just 50 miles to the east 
of Banaras. The present name was given by the 
Muhammadans, and is said to be only a slight altera- 
tion of the original Hindu name of Garjpur. This is 
most probably the name referred to by Hwen Thsang, 
as Garjan^ which means primarily any roaring noise, 
signifies also "battle," and Garjana-pati is a title of 
the " god of war." Ghazipur is now a large city 
about 2 miles in length, and 5 or 6 miles in circum- 
ference. Hwen Thsang estimates the circuit of the 
district at 2000 li, or 333 miles, which is almost 
exactly the size of the tract lying between the Ghdgra 
on the north and the Gomati on the south, from Tanda 
on the west to the confluence of the Ganges and 

At 200 li, or 33 miles, to the east of the capital, 
Hwen Thsang visited the Aviddhakarna monastery, 
which was adorned with very fine sculptures. Follow- 
ing the bearing and distance, this place should be 
looked for in the neighbourhood of Baliya on the bank 
of the Ganges. Aviddhakarna means the "pierced 
ears," and I think it possible that the name may still 
be preserved in Bikapur, a village 1 mile to the east 
of Baliya-, as Aviddkakarna-pura might easily be 
shortened to Bidkarnpur and Bikanpur. It seems pro- 
bable also that this is the same place that is men- 
tioned by Fa-Hian under the name of the " Vast soli- 
tude,"* which he places between Patna and Banaras, 
at 10 yojanas, or 70 miles, from the former, and 12 
yojanas, or 84 miles, from the latter. The Indian name 
is not given, but as the literal translation of the " vast 

* 'Fo-Jcwe-hi,' chap, xxxiv. The Eev. Mr. Beal in his translation calls 
this Vihar simply 1he " Desert." 


solitude " would be Vrihadaranya or Bidaran, this name 
might easily be altered, either by ignorance or design, 
to Biddhkarn. The two distances from Patna and 
Banaras agree exactly with the position of Baliya^ 
which is 72 miles from the former, and 86 miles from 
the latter. 

From the monastery Hwen Thsang travelled to the 
south-east for 100 //, or 16 miles, to the Ganges, which 
he crossed, and then turning to the south for some un- 
recorded distance he reached the town of, 
or MaJidsdra. This place Avas inhabited by Brahmans 
who had no respect for the faith of Buddha. It has 
been identified by M. Vivien de Saint-Martin with 
the village of Masdr^ 6 miles to the west of Ara 
(Arrah of the maps), near which Buchanan discovered 
some ruined buildings, and a considerable number of 
Brahmanical figures.* The pilgrim then suddenly 
mentions his arrival at the temple of Na-lo-yen, or 
Ndrdyana^ to the north of the Ganges, without stating 
cither its distance or bearing from the last place. But 
with reference to his subsequent route to Vaisali, I 
feel satisfied that he must have crossed the Ganges 
above Mevelyavj^ which is nearly due north from Masdr 
exactly 16 miles, or 100 li. This point, near the 
confluence of the Ganges and Ghagra, is deemed es- 
pecially holy, and numerous temples have been erected 
on the bank of the united streams just above Eevel- 
ganj. Here then I would place the site of Hwen 
Thsang's temple of Narayana or Vishnu, which he de- 
scribes as being two storeys in height, and adorned 
with the most marvellous sculptures in stone. 

At 30 li, or 5 miles, to the east of the temple there 

* ' Eastern India,' i. 143. 


was a famous stupa built by Asoka on the spot where 
Buddha had overcome and converted certain evil 
Demons, who were said to live upon human flesh.* 
The Demons embraced Buddhism, or as it was ex- 
pressed by the ancient Buddhists, sought the refuge or 
asylum of the Three Precious ones, that is, of the Bud- 
dhist Triad, Buddha^ Dharnia, and Sangha. Now Sarana 
is the Sanskrit term for asylum or refuge, and as this 
is also the true name of the district of Sdran, in 
which the conversion of the Demons was said to have 
taken place, I conclude that the monument erected on 
the spot must have been called the Sarana Stupa, or 
Asylum Tope. The stupa must therefore have been 
one of considerable celebrity, as there can be little 
doubt that its name was eventually imposed on the 
district in which it stood. Now 5 miles to the east 
of Eevelganj will bring us to Chapra, the present 
capital of the Sdran district. Unfortunately I cannot 
find any information whatever about Chapra ; but it is 
certain that it must have been a place of considerable 
consequence, otherwise it would not have been selected 
as the British head-quarters of the district. 

From the Asylum stupa the pilgrim proceeded 100 li, 
or 16|- miles, to the south-east to another stupa, which 
was reputed to have been built by the Brahman Drona 
over the vessel with which he measured the relies of 
Buddha. According to the Ceylonese scriptures this 
stupa was built by the Brahman Dono (or Drona), 
over the Kumbhdn or measuring-vessel, and was there- 
fore called the Kumbhdn stupa. + Hardy calls the 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 381. See Map No. 21. 
t Tumour, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vii. 1013. 


Brahman Droha, and the vessel a " golden measure."* 
In the Burmese books the vessel is the same, hut the 
Brahman is named Dauna.^ In the Tibetan account 
the name of Drona is referred to the " measure " of 
the relics, which is certainly wrong, as the Brahman 
did not obtain any of the relics, but only the vessel 
with which he had measured them. This vessel was 
most probably equal to a drona in capacity, as each 
of the eight shares of the relics is said to have mea- 
sured one drona. The stupa may, therefore, have 
been called the Drona stupa, because it held the drona 
measuring-vessel with which the Brahman had divided 
the relics amongst the eight rival claimants. But this 
was not the only name of the monument, as the 
Ceylonese chronicler calls it the Kumbha stupa. Now" 
a kumhha is a water-vessel of large size, which may be 
seen sculptured on many Indian pillars as a round 
wide-mouthed vase full of flowers. I can find no name 
like Kumbha or Drona in the position indicated by 
Ilwen Thsang at 17 miles to the south of east from 
Chapra. But at that spot there is a village named 
Deffhwdra, which, as deffh is the common Hindi name 
of a large metal vessel of exactly the same shape as 
the l-umbha, may possibly be only an altered form of 
the original name. But dec/ is also the Persian term 
for a similar vessel, and I would therefore only refer 
to De^wdra as a convenient name to remember, because 
it has the same signification, and occupies the same 
position us the famous Kumbha stupa of Buddhist his- 

* 'Manual of Buddhism,' p. 351. 

t Bii^andet's ' Legend of Burmese Buddha,' p. 212. 



From the stupa of the measuring-vessel, Hweu 
Thsang proceeded to the north-east for 140 or 150 li, 
or 23 to 25 miles, to Vaisdli. He mentions having 
crossed the Ganges on the road ; but as he was already 
to the north of that river, his notice must certainly 
refer to the GandaJc, which flows within 12 miles of 
Degwara. We must therefore look for Vaisdli to the 
east of the Gandak. Here, accordingly, we find the 
village of Besdrh, with an old ruined fort which is 
still called Baja-Bisal-ka-^arh, orthe fort of Eaja Visala, 
who was the reputed founder of the ancient Yaisali. 
Hwen Thsang states that the Eoyal Palace was between 
4 and 5 li, or from 3500 to 4400 feet in circuit, which 
agrees with the size of the old fort, according to my 
measurement of 1580 feet by 750 feet, or 4600 feet 
in circuit, along the lines of the ruined walls. The place 
is mentioned by Abul Fazl, as Besdr* and it is still a 
considerable village, surrounded with brick ruins. It 
is exactly 23 miles from Degwara^ but the direction is 
north-north-east, instead of north-east. This position 
also agrees with Hwen Thsang's subsequent distance 
and bearing to the bank of the Ganges opposite Pdtali- 
putra, or Patna, which was due south 120 li,-\ or 20 
miles, the actual position of Hdjipur on the north 
bank of the Ganges being 20 miles almost due south. 
The ruined fort of Besdrh thus presents such a per- 
fect coincidence of name, position, and dimensions 
with the ancient city of Vaisdli, that there can be no 
reasonable doubt of their identity. 

* 'Ayin Akbari,' ii. 198. See Map No. XI. for its position. 

f Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 399. 90 li to Swetapura, plus 30 li 
to the Ganges, or together 120 li from Vaiaali. In the pilgrim's life, 
the distance to Swetapura is said to be 100 li; vol. i. p. 137. 


According to Hwen Tlisang's estimate, the king- 
dom of Faisdli was 6000 li, or 833 miles, in circuit,* 
which is certainly too great, unless it included the 
neighbouring kingdom of Vriji^ which he described as 
4000 A", or 667 miles, in circuit. Now the capital of 
Vriji is said to be only 500 //, or 83 miles, to the north- 
east of Vaisali ; and as both of the districts are placed 
between the mountains and the Ganges, it is quite 
certain that there must be some mistake in the esti- 
mated dimensions of one of these. The utmost limit 
that can be assigned to the joint districts, with refer- 
ence to the surrounding States, is not more than 750 
or 800 miles in circuit, from the foot of the mountains 
to the Ganges on the south, and from the Gandak on 
the west to the Mahanadi on the east. I conclude, 
therefore, either that there is some mistake or exag- 
geration in the estimated size of one or both of the 
districts, or that the two districts are the same king- 
dom under different names. That the latter was actually 
the case, I will now endeavour to show. 

In one of the Buddhist legends, quoted by Burnouf, f 
Buddha proceeds with Ananda to the Chdpdla stupa, 
and seating himself under a tree, thus addresses his 
disciple : " How beautiful, O Ananda, is the city of 
Vakdli, the land of the Vrijis,''^ etc. In the time of 
Buddha, and for many centuries afterwards, the people 
of Yaisali were called Lichhavlv ; and in the Trikanda- 
sesha^ the names of LichJiavi, Vaideha, and Tirabhukti, 
are given as synonymous. Vaideha is well known to 
the readers of the Eamayava as a common name of 
MilJdla, the country of Eaja Janaka, whose daughter 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 384. 

t Introduction a I'Hist. du Buddk. Ind. p. 74. 


Sita is also named Faidehi. Tirabhukti is the present 
Tirahuti, or Tirlmt. Now, the modern town of Janak- 
pur., in the' Mit/iari district, is acknowledged by the 
universal consent of the natives of the country, to be 
the same place as the ancient Janakpur, the capital of 
MitJdla. It also corresponds exactly with the position 
assigned by Hwen Thsang to Chen-shu-na, the capital 
of Vriji. M. Yivien de Saint-Martin reads the Chinese 
name as Che-thu-na, but M. Stanislas Julien renders 
it by C/iha-su-na, and points out that the second cha- 
racter is found in Sukra, and I may add also in Sudra. 
The correct rendering of the name is doubtful ; but if 
the bearing and distance recorded by the Chinese 
pilgrims are correct, it is almost certain that the capi- 
tal of V7-iji in the seventh century must have been 
at Janakpur. 

Hwen Thsang gives the name of the country in its 
Sanskrit form, as Fo-li-shi, or Friji ; but it is also 
stated that the people of the north called the country 
San-fa-shi, or Samvaji, * which is the Pali form of 
Samvriji, or the "United Frijis." From this name, I 
infer that the Vrijis were a large tribe which was 
divided into several branches, namely, the Lichhavis 
of Yaisali, the Vaidehis of Mithila, the TirahhuMis 
of Tirhut, etc. Either of these divisions separately 
might therefore be called Frijis, or any two together 
might be called Frijis, as well as Samvrijis, or the 
"United Frijis.''^ "We have a parallel case in the 
warlike tribe of the Bd^ris, or Samhdgris of the Satlej, 
which consisted of three separate divisions. I con- 
clude therefore that Faisdli was a single district in the 
territories of the United Frijis, or Wajjis^ and there- 

* ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 402 ; note by M. Stanislas Julien. 


fore that the estimated size of Vaisali proper, as re- 
corded by Hwen Thsang, is a simple mistake. Perhaps 
we should read 1500 li, or 250 miles, instead of 5000 
li, or 833 miles. In this case the district of Yaisali 
would be limited to the south-west corner of the 
country of the Yrijis, to the westward of the little 
Gandak river. 

To the north-west of Yaisali, at somewhat less than 
200 li, or 33 miles, Hwen Thsang places the ruins of 
an ancient town, which had been deserted for many 
ages. There Buddha was said to have reigned in a 
previous existence, as a Chakravartti Raja, or supreme 
ruler, named Mahadeva, and a stupa still existed to 
commemorate the fact. The name of the place is not 
given, but the bearing and distance point to Kesariya, 
an old ruined town, just 30 miles to the north-north- 
west of Yaisali. The place possesses a mound of ruins 
with a lofty stupa on the top, which the people attri- 
bute to Raja Vena Chakravartti. In the Purdnas also, 
Eaja Yena is called a Chakravartti, or supreme mo- 
narch ; and I have found his name as widely spread 
through northern India as that of Eama, or the 
five Pandus. This monument stands at the point of 
crossing of the two great thoroughfares of the district, 
namely, that from Patna northward to Bettiah, and 
that from Chapra across the Gandak to Nepal. It is 
a curious illustration of this fact that Buddha him- 
self, according to the Ceylonese chronicles, informed 
Ananda,* that "for a Chakravartti Raja they build 
the thiipo at a spot where four principal roads meet." 
I have little doubt therefore that this is the identical 
place indicated by the Chinese pilgrim. 

* Tumour, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vii. 1006. 


24. TEIJI. 

From Vaisali, Hwen Thsang proceeded to the north- 
east for 500 li, or 83 miles, to Fo-li-sM, or Friji, which 
has already been identified as the territory of the 
powerful tribe of Wajji, or Vriji. In the time of 
Buddha, the Vrijis were divided into several clans, as 
the Lichhavis, the Vaidehis, the TirabhuMis, and others, 
whose names are unknown. The exact number of 
their clans would appear to have been eight, as crimi- 
nals were arraigned before the atthakulaka, * or " eight 
clans," which would appear to have been a jury com- 
posed of one member from each of the separate divisions 
of the tribe. Hwen Thsang mentions that the people 
of the north called them San-fa-sJd, or Samvajji^ that 
is the "United Yajjis," — and the same name is re- 
ferred to in the long and interesting account of the 
people of Wajji, which is given by Turnour from the 
Pali chronicles of Ceylon, f The great monarch 
Jjafasatru, of Magadha, wishing to subdue the " great 
and powerful " people of "Wajji, sent his minister to 
consult Buddha as to the best means of accomplishing 
his object. The Eaja is informed that so long as the 
people of Wajji remained "united," they would be 
invincible. The Eaja, by a stratagem of his minister, 
,,in the course of three years, so completely disunited 
their rulers, one from another, that no two would walk 
the same road together," and they were accordingly 
subdued without making any resistance. According 
to Turnour, " the union of the Wajjian states con- 
sisted of a confederation of chiefs."J The name of 

* Turnour, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vii. 993, and note, 
t Ihid. vii. 992. % Ibid. vii. 992, note. 


Sam-vrlji^ or tlie "United Vrijis,'''' was therefore a de- 
scriptive title of the whole nation of eight clans, who, 
as Buddha remarked, were accustomed to hold frequent 
meetings, to act in concert, and to uphold the ancient 
Wajjian, institutions. No king is mentioned, but the 
people are stated to have respected and obeyed the 
orders of their elders. 

According to Hwen Thsang the country of the 
Vrijis was long from east to west, and narrow from 
north to south.* This description corresponds ex- 
actly with the tract of country lying between the 
Gandak and Mahanadi rivers, which is 300 miles in 
length by 100 miles in breadth. "Within these limits 
there are several ancient cities, some of which may pos- 
sibly have been the capitals of the eight different clans 
(flT the Vrijis. Of these Vaisdll^ Kesarii/a, and Janakpur 
have already been noticed; the others are Navand- 
garh^ Slmrun, Darhanga^ Puraniga, and Moti/idri. The 
last three are still inhabited and are well known ; but 
Simrihi has been deserted for upwards of 550 years, 
while Navandgarh has probably been abandoned for 
at least fifteen centuries. Simrun has been described 
by Mr. Hodgson,t but its ruins still require to be 
carefully surveyed before we can form an opinion as 
to its probable antiquity. I visited Navandgarh my- 
self in 1862, and found it one of the oldest and most 
interesting places in northern India. 

Navandgarh or Naonadgarh is a ruined fort from 
2-30 to 300 feet square at top and 80 feet in height. 
It is situated close to the large village of Lauriga, 15 
miles to the north-north-west of I3ettiah and 10 miles 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 403. See Map No. XI. 
t See Map No. XI. 


from the nearest point of the Gandak river.* The 
ancient remains consist of a handsome stone pillar, 
surmounted by a lion and inscribed with Asoka's 
edicts, and of three rows of earthen barrows or co- 
nical mounds of earth, of which two rows lie from 
north to south, and the third from east to west. Now 
the stupas usually met with are built either of stone 
or of brick ; but the earliest stupas were mere mounds 
of earth, of which these are the most remarkable spe- 
cimens that I have seen. I believe that they are the 
sepulchral monuments of the early kings of the coun- 
try prior to the rise of Buddhism, and that their date 
may be assumed as ranging from 600 to 1500 B.C. 
Every one of these barrows is called simply bliisu^ or 
"mound," but the whole are said to have been the 
kots or fortified dwellings of the ministers and nobles 
of Eaja Uttdnpat^ while the fort of ITavandgarh was 
the king's own residence. The word stupa meant 
originally only a "mound of earth," and this is the 
meaning given to it by Colebrooke, in his translation 
of the ' Amara Kosha.' I believe that these earthen 
stupas or chaityas of Navandgarh must form part of 
those alluded to by Buddha himself in his sixth ques- 
tion addressed to Ananda about the people of Vriji:t 
" Anando ! hast thou heard that the Wajjians, what- 
ever the number may be of the Wajjian clietiydni be- 
longing to the Wajjian (rulers), whether situated 
within or without (the city), they maintain, respect, 
reverence, and make offerings to them ; and that they 
keep up without diminution the ancient offerings, the an- 
cient observances, and the ancient sacrifices righteously 

* See Map No. XI. ' 

t Tumour, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vii. 991. 

2 G 


made?" Now these chetiydni could not have been 
Buddhist stupas, as Buddha himself put the question 
during his lifetime. Accordingly, the author of the 
Ceylonese ' Atthakatha ' explains that they are yaJc- 
hatthdnmii^ or edifices belonging to Yakha, or demon 
worship. The Yakhas, in Sanskrit Yaksha and Jaksha, 
were the attendants of Kuvera, the God of Eiches, and 
the guardians of his treasures, and their chief resi- 
dence was called Alakajmra. Now somewhere in the 
neighbourhood of the Gandak there was a city named 
Alakappo^ inhabited by a people named Balaya or 
Bi/hika, who obtained a share of Buddha's relics. It 
is probable, therefore, that this city of Alakappo may 
have been connected with the early Yaksha worship, 
and that the pre-Buddhistical stupas of Navandgarh 
*may bo some of the ancient chaifi/as of the Vrijis that 
were referred to by Buddha. If so, the Balayas or 
Bidukds of Alakappo must have been one of the eight 
clans of the J'rijis, a conclusion Avhich is rendered still 
more probable by the vicinity of Alakappo to the 
Gandak river. 

25. NEPALA. 

From Vriji the Chinese pilgrim visited Nipo.lo^ or 
Nepala, which he places to the north-west at 1400 or 
1500 U, or 233 to 250 miles.* From Janakpur there 
are two routes to Nepal, one by the Kamald river, 
and the other by the Blutgmati or Bhdgavati river ; 
but the distance is not more than 150 miles by either 
of them. The circuit of the country is said to be 
4000 //, or 667 miles, which is much too small, unless 
the estimate refers to the district of Nepal Proper on 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 407. 


the 8ajAa Kausiki^ or seven streams of the Kosi river. 
But in this case the hill country on the Gandak river 
must have been a separate territory, which is very 
improbable. I would therefore assign to Nepal the 
basins of both rivers, and alter Hwen Thsang's esti- 
mate to 6000 A', or 1000 miles, which is about the 
actual size of the two valleys. 

The Eaja of Nepal was a Kshatriya of the race of 
Lichhavi named Ansu-Varmnia, who is probably the 
Anghu Varynma of the native histories, as he belonged 
to the Ncwarit or Ncwar dynasty of conquerors. As 
a Lichhavi, Ansu Varmma must also have been a fo- 
reigner, that is one of the Vrijis of Vaisali. The 
dates likewise correspond, as Angliu Varmma is the 
fifteenth ruler prior to Eaghava Deva, who esta- 
blished the Newar era in a.d. 880. Allowing seven- 
teen years to each reign, the accession of Anghu 
Varmma will be fixed in a.d. 625, and Ilwen Thsang's 
visit in a.d. 637 will fall towards the end of his 

It is curious that the kings of Tibet and Lad^k 
also trace their descent from the Lichhavis. But if 
their claims are well founded they must have been 
off'shoots from the Nepal branch of the family. Now 
the Lichhavi conquest of Nepal is assigned to Ne- 
warit, who preceded Anghu Varmma by 37 reigns, 
which at 17 years each, will give a period of 629 
years, equivalent to B.C. 4 for his accession. The 
Tibetan history begins with the accession of Ni/ah- 
Jchri-Tsanpo^ whose date is roughly fixed at 500 years 
prior to Lha-Thothori in A.D. 407, or about 93 b.c. 
But as Lha-Thothori' s fifth successor was born in a.d. 
627, there must be an error of about one century and 

2 G 2 


a half in the date of 407. Applying this correction 
to the date of the first king, thfe Lichhavi conquest 
cannot be fixed earlier than a.d. 50, or about two 
generations after the conquest of Nep^l. 

26. magadha. 

From Nepal, Hwen Thsang returned to Vaisali, and 
then proceeding to the south, crossed the Ganges and 
entered the capital of Magadha. He notes that the city 
was originally called Kusumapura, that it had been de- 
serted for a long time, and was then in ruins. It was 
70 /«', or 11| miles, in circuit, exclusive of the new 
town of Pdtallputra-pura. This name the Greeks 
slightly altered to Palibothra on the authority of Me- 
gasthenes, whose account is preserved by Arrian.* 
" The capital city of India is Palibothra, in the con- 
fines of the Prasii, near the confluence of the two 
great rivers Erannoboas and Ganges. Erannoboas is 
reckoned the third rivc>r throughout all India, and is 
inferior to none but the Indus and the Ganges, into 
the last of which it discharges its waters. Megas- 
thenes assures us that the length of this city is 80 
stadia, the breadth 15; that it is surrounded with a 
ditch, which takes up 6 acres of ground and is 30 
cubits deep ; that the walls are adorned with 570 towers 
and 64 gates." According to this account the capital 
of Magadha in the time of Seleukos Nikator was 220 
stadia, or 25|- miles, in circuit. This is about the size 
of the modern city of Patna, which when surveyed by 
Buchanan was 9 miles in length by 2^ miles in 
breadth, t or 22-| miles, in circumference. In the 

* ' Indica,' x. Strabo, xv. 1. 36, gives exactly the same account, 
t Gazetteer in v. Patna ; he gives the area as 20 square miles. 


seventh century, therefore, we may readily admit that 
the old city, of Kusumapura may have been about 
half this size, or 11 miles in circuit, as stated by Ilwen 

Diodorus* attributes the foundation of the city to 
Herakles, by whom he may perhaps mean Bala-Eama, 
the brother of Krishna, but this early origin is not 
countenanced by the native authorities. According to 
the Vayu Pur^naf the city of Kusumapura or Pdfali- 
putra was founded by Eaja Uday^swa, the grandson of 
Ajatasatru, who was the well-known contemporary of 
Buddha ; but the ' Mahawanso ' makes TJdaya the son of 
Ajatasatru. According to the Buddhist accounts,^ 
when Buddha crossed the Ganges, on his last journey 
from E^jagriha to Vais^li, the two ministers of Ajata- 
satru, king of Magadha, were engaged in building a 
fort at the village of Patali as a check upon the 
JFajjians, or people of Vriji. Buddha then predicted 
that it would become a great city. From these con- 
curring authorities I conclude that the building of 
the city of Pdtaliputra was actually begun in the 
reign of Ajatasatru, but was not finished until the 
reign of his son, or grandson, IJdaya, about B.C. 450. 

The position of the city at the junction of the 
Ganges and Erannoboas was formerly supposed to re- 
fer to the confluence of the Gandak or Hiranyavati^ 
which joins the Ganges immediately opposite Patna. 
But it has been conclusively shown by Mr. Eaven- 
shaw§ that the Bon river formerly joined the Ganges 

* Hist. Univers., ii. 24. 
t Wilson's ' Vishnu Purana,' p. 467, note 45. 
J Turnour, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vii. 998. 
§ Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, xiv. 137. 


just above the city of Patna. As the Soiia, or " golden " 
river, is also called the Hiranya-bdha , ox the golden, 
on account of its broad yellow sands, its identifica- 
tion vith the Erannoboas is complete both as to name 
and position. 

Strabo and Pliny agree with Arrian in calling the 
people of Palibothra by the name of Prosit, which 
modern writers have unanimously referred to the 
Sanskrit prdc/ij/a, or " eastern." But it seems to me 
that Prasii is only the Greek form of Paldsiya or 
Pardsiya, a "man of Paldsa or Pardsa,^'' which is an 
actual and well-known name of Magadlta, of which 
Palibothra was the capital. It obtained this name 
from the Paldsa, or Butea frondosa, which still grows 
as luxuriantly in the province as in the time of Hwen 
Thsang.* The common form of the name is Paras, or 
when quickly pronounced Prds, which I take to be the 
true original of the Greek Prasii. This derivation is 
supported by the spelling of the name given by Cur- 
tius,-f" who calls the people Pharrasii, which is an 
almost exact transcript of the Indian name Pardsiya. 
The Praxiakos of ^lian is only the derivative form 

According to Hwen Thsang's estimate the province of 
Magadha was about 5000 //, or 833 miles, in circuit. J It 
was bounded by the Gauges on the north, by the district 
of Banaras on the west, by Hiranya Parvata, or Mongir, 
on the east, and by Kirana Suvarna, or Singbhum on 
the south. It must, therefore, have extended to the 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 151 : ' 9a et li de beaux Me-ni, ou 
kanaka (Butca frondosa), laissaient pendre leurs ileurs d'un rouge 
(iblouissant.' I ' Vita Alexandri,' ix. 2. 

X Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 409. 


Karmnasa river on the ^xest, and to tlie sources of the 
Damtida river on the south. The circuit of these limits 
is 700 miles measured direct on the map, or about 800 
miles by road-distance. 

As Magadha was the scene of Buddha's early career 
as a religious reformer, it possesses a greater number 
of holy places connected with Buddhism than any 
other province of India. The chief places are. Buddha- 
Gaya, Kukhutapada^ Mdjagriha^ Kusdgdrapura^ Ndlanda, 
Indrasilaguha, and the Kapotika monastery, all of 
which will be described separately, whilst the smaller 
places will be noticed in the account of Hwen Thsang's 
route to the more important localities. 

Bauddha Gaya. 

On leaving Pdtaliputra the Chinese pilgrim started 
from the south-west corner of the city, and proceeded 
for 100 /«, or 16f miles, to the south-west to the mo- 
nastery of Ti-lo-shi-kia or Ti-lo-tse-kia, from whence he 
continued his route in the same direction for 90 li, or 
15 miles, to a lofty mountain from the summit of 
which Buddha had contemplated the kingdom of 
Magadha.* He then turned to the north-west for 30 
li^ or 5 miles, to visit a very large monastery on 
the slope of a hill, where Gunamati had worsted a 
heretic in argument. Then resuming his south-west 
route for 20 li, or 3-|^ miles, he visited an isolated hill, 
and the monastery of Silabhadra^ and continuing in 
the same direction for 40 or 50 li, 7 or 8 miles, he 
crossed the river Ni-lien-shen, or Nairanjan^ and en- 
tered the town of Kia-ye, or Gaya.^\ 

Before attempting to identify any of the places 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang.'ii. 439, 40, 41. f Ibid., ii. 455 


noted in this route, I must remark that there are 
several errors both in the bearings and distances 
that require to be corrected. As the direction of Gaya 
is very nearly due south from Patna, the several south- 
west bearings should certainly be altered to south. The 
several distances also when added together amount to 
only 230 //, or 38 miles, while the actual distance be- 
tween the cities of Patna and Gaya is 60 miles by the 
high-road, and must have been about 70 miles by the 
route followed by Hwen Thsang. The sum of his dis- 
tances is, therefore, about 200 li, or 33 miles, short of 
the distance actually travelled. This amount I would 
divide into two even sums of 100 //, and add one to 
each of the first two distances recorded by the pil- 

By adopting this double correction of bearing and 
distance the position of the monastery of Ti-lo-tse- 
kia, or TiladaJca, will be fixed at 200 li, or 33 miles, to 
the south of the south-west corner of the city of Patna, 
or as nearly as possible on the site of the town of 
Tilldi-a, on the eastern bank of the Phalgu river. That 
this was nearly the true position of Tiladaka is proved 
by a later mention of the same place by the pilgrim. 
When leaving the Nalanda monastery on his return to 
China, he went direct to jKladaka, which he places at 
3 yojanax^ or 21 miles, to the west of Nalanda.* Now 
the position of Nalanda, as I will hereafter show, was 
at the village of Baragaon, 6 miles to the north of 
Eajgir ; and from Baragaon to Tillara the distance is 
17 miles in a direct line to the north of west, or about 
20 miles by road. 

The next place visited by Hwen Thsang, was the 

* Julicn's ' Hioueu Thsang,' i. 211. See Map No. XII. 


lofty mountaiu from which Buddha had contemplated 
the country of Magadha. Following my proposed 
corrections, this mountain should be looked for at 190 
li^ or 32 miles, to the south of Tiladaka or Till^ra, 
and at 70 li to the north-east of Gaya. These bear- 
ings and distances fix the position of Buddha's Moun- 
tain in the lofty range of hills lying between Giryek 
and Gaya, somewhere about 3 miles to the north-west 
of Yazirganj, and about the same distance to the west 
of Amethi. This mention of hills is very fortunate, as 
it proves the necessity of applying the correction in 
distance to the first part of the route as the nearest 
hill is upwards of 50 miles from Patna. 

From Buddha's Mountain the pilgrim proceeded 30 
/'/, or 5 miles, to the north-west to the large monastery 
of Gunamati, which was situated on a slope in a pass 
of the mountains. The bearing and distance point to 
the low range of hills on the eastern bank of the 
Pewar Nadi, near Nidawat. From the Gunamati 
monastery Hwen Thsang travelled 20 li, or 3^ miles, 
to the south-west to the Silabhadra monastery, which 
was situated on an isolated hill. This position may, 
I think, be identified with Bithdwa, an isolated hill, 
which is also on the eastern bank of the Pewar Nadi, 
3 miles to the south-west of Nidawat. The name of 
Bithd, which means an artificial mound, may perhaps 
refer to the ruined monastery of Silabhadra. 

From this place the pilgrim proceeded for about 40 
or 50 li, about 7 or 8 miles, to the south-west, and 
crossing the Nairanjan river, entered the town of 
Gaya. The river is now called Phalgu, opposite Gaya, 
and the name of Lildjan, or Nildjan, is restricted to 
the western branch, which joins the Mohdni 5 miles 


above Gaya. The town was tliiiily peopled, but it 
contained about 1000 families of Brahmans. The city 
is still called Brahm-Gaya, to distinguish it from 
Bauddh- Gaya. 

At 5 or 6 /?', or 1 mile, to the south-west of the 
town stood the mountain of Gaya., which was known 
amongst the people of India as the divine mountain. 
This hill is now called B7-alim-jii'in, or Bralmd-yord, 
and a small temple now occupies the site of Asoka's 
stupa. To the south-east of the hill there were stupas 
of the three Kasyapas, and to the east of them, across 
a great river (the Phalgu), there was a mountain 
named Po.loJci.pu.ti, or Prdgbodld^ which Buddha as- 
cended for the purpose of dwelling in silent solitude 
upon its summit. He had previously spent six years 
in silent abstraction, but having afterwards renounced 
his austerities, he accepted some rice and milk, and 
going towards the north-east, he saw this mountain, 
and ascended it for the purpose of resuming his aus- 
terities ; but he was disturbed by the tremblings 
caused by the fright of the god of the mountain, and 
descended on the south-west side, from whence he 
reached the famous Pippal-ixce at Bauddha Gaya, at 
15 li, or 2-| miles, to the south-west. The last dis- 
tance and bearing show that the Prdybodhi mountain 
is the 31ora Pahar of the present day, as its south- 
west end is exactly 2^ miles to the north-east of 
Bauddha Gaya. INlidway in the descent there was a 
cave, in which Buddha rested, and sat with his legs 
crossed. Fa-Hian* mentions this cave, which he places 
at half a yojana, or 3^ miles, to the north-east of the 
Bodhi-tree. It was therefore about one mile from the 

* Seal's ' Fah-Hian,' c. xxxi. 121. 


southern end of the mountain. I was informed that a 
cave still exists on the western face. 

Hwen Thsang has omitted to mention the distance 
of this eastern mountain from that of Gay^, or Brahm- 
juin, which is about 4 miles, or 24 li. The account 
of the earlier pilgrim, Fa-Hian, is of no assistance in 
this place, as he makes the distance from Kia-ye^ or 
Gaya, to the neighbourhood of the Bodhi-tree only 
20 li^ or 3^ miles, the actual distance being upwards 
of 5 miles, or more than 30 li. 

Bauddha-Gaya was famous for its possession of the 
holy Pippal-ix&e under which Sakya Sinha sat for five 
years in mental abstraction, until he obtained Buddha- 
hood. The CQ\e\)Xdi.i%^ Bodhi-drum, or " Tree of "Wis- 
dom," still exists, but it is very much decayed. Imme- 
diately to the east of the tree there is a massive brick 
temple, nearly 50 feet square at base, and 160 feet in 
height. This is beyond all doubt the Vihdr that was 
seen by Hwen Thsang in the seventh century, as he 
places it to the east of the Bodhi-tree, and describes it 
as 20 paces square at base, and from 160 to 170 feet 
in height. 


From the Bodhi-drum Hwen Thsang crossed the 
river Nairanjan, and visited a stupa named Gandha- 
Iiasti, or the " Scented Elephant," near which there 
was a tank and a stone pillar.* The ruins of the 
stupa and the lower portion of the shaft of the pillar 
still exist at Bakror, on the eastern bank of the LilSjan 
river, about 1 mile to the south-east of Bauddha-Gaya. 

Travelling eastward, the pilgrim crossed the river 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Tksang,' iii. 1. See Map No. XII. 


]\Io-ho^ or Mohana Nadi, and entered a large forest, 
where lie saw another stone pillar. Then proceeding 
to the north-east for 100 li, or nearly 17 miles, he 
reached the mountain of Kiu-kiu-cha-po-fho, or Kukku- 
t/qjada, or " Cock's-foot," which was remarkable for 
three bold peaks. According to Fa-Hian's account, 
the Hill of the Cock's-foot was 3 li, or half a mile, to 
the south of the holy tree of Bauddha-Gaya. For 3 li 
we should no doubt read 3 yojanas^ or 21 miles, which 
agrees very closely with Hwen Thsang's distance of 
17 miles, plus about two miles for the crossings of the 
two rivers, or altogether 19 miles. 

I have already identified this place with the present 
Kurkilidr, which, though omitted in the maps, is per- 
haps the largest place between the cities of Gaya and 
Bihar. It is situated 3 miles to the north-east of 
Yazirganj, 16 miles to the north-north-east of Gaya, 
and 20 miles to the north-east of Bauddha-Gaya.* 
The true name of Knrkihdr is said to be Kuralc-vlhar^ 
Avhich I believe to be only a contracted form of Kuk- 
katapada-Vilidra^ or "Cock's-foot Temple," as the Sans- 
krit Kuld-idn is the same word as the Hindi Kukkar, 
or Kurak, a " cock." The present Knrkihdr therefore 
corresponds both in name and in position with the 
famous " Cock's-foot Hill " of the Buddhists. There 
is, however, no three-peaked hill in its neighbourhood ; 
but about half a mile to the north of the village three 
rugged hills rise boldly out of the plain, which, as 
they stand so close together that their bases meet, 
may fairly be identified with the three-peaked hill of 
Tlwcn Thsang. This identification is confirmed by 
tlie presence of several ruined mounds, in which nu- 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Tlisang,' iii. 6. See Map No. XII. 


merous Buddhist statues und-votive stupas liave been 


From the " Cock's-foot Hill " the pilgrim proceeded 
to the north-east for 100 li, or 17 miles, to a mountain 
called Fo-tho-fa-na, or Buddhavana.* The bearing and 
distance point to the lofty hill now called Buddhain, 
which, on account of its commanding position, was 
made one of the stations of the great trigonometrical 
survey. Its distance in a direct line is not more than 
10 miles, but as the whole route is hilly and winding, 
the actual length cannot be less than 15 or 16 miles. 
At 30 li, or 5 miles, to the east, he visited the famous 
Yasldivana, or " Bambu-forest."f This name is still 
well known as JaJchti-ban, which is only the Hindi 
form of the Sanskrit word. The place lies to the east 
of the Buddhain hill, on the route to the old ruined city 
of Kusdffdrapura, and is still frequented by the people 
for the purpose of cutting Bambus. About 10 li, or 
nearly 2 miles, to the south-west of the Bambu-forest, 
the pilgrim visited two hot springs, to the south of a 
high mountain, in which Buddha was said to have 
bathed. These springs still exist about two miles to 
the south of JaJchtiban, at a place called Tapoban, 
which name is a common contraction of Tapta-pdni, 
or the " Hot "Water." To the south-east of the Bam- 
bu-forest, at 6 or 7 li, upwards of 1 mile, there was a 
high mountain, with a stone embankment, built by 
King Bimbisara. This mountain corresponds with 
the lofty hill of Handia, 1463 feet in height, which 
was one of the stations of the great trigonometrical 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Tksang,' iii. 10. f Ihid., iii. 11. 


survey. At 3 or 4 //, or upwards of half a mile, to 
the north, there was an isolated hill, on which still 
existed the ruins of a house in which the holy sage 
Vydsa had formerly dwelt. At 4 or 5 /^, or f of a 
mile, to the north-east, there was a small hill with a 
chamber hewn out of the rock, and beside it a stone 
on which the gods Indra and Brahma had pounded the 
sandal-wood called Gosiras for the rubbing of Buddha's 
body. These two places have not been identified, but 
a careful search would certainly discover the sandal- 
wood stone, as there was close to it a very large cave, 
which the people called the " Palace of the Asuras." 
About 60 li, or 10 miles, to the east of this place, the 
pilgrim reached Kiu-she-kie-lo-pu-lo, or Kusdydra^ura, 
that is the " town of the Kusa Grass."* 

Kusdgdrapura was the original capital of Magadha, 
which was called Udjagriha^ or the " Koyal Eesi- 
dence.'' It was also named Girivraja, or the "hill- 
surrounded," which agrees with Hwen Thsang's de- 
scription of it as a town " surrounded by moun- 
tains." Girivraja-f is the name given in both the 
Eamayana and the Mahabharata to the old capital 
of Jarasandha, king of Magadha, who was one of 
the principal actors in the Great War, about 1426 
B.C. The Chinese pilgrim Fa-HianJ describes the 
city as situated in a valley between five hills, at 
4 //, or two-thirds of a mile, to the south of the new 
town of Eajagriha. The same position and about the 
same distance are given by Hwen Thsang, who also 
mentions some hot springs, which still exist. Fa- 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 15. 
-|- Lassen, Ind. Alterthum, i. 604. 
J Beal's ' Eah-Hian,' c. xxviii. 112. 


Hian furtlier states that the " five hills form a girdle 
like the walls of a town," which is an exact descrip- 
tion of Old ESjagriha, or Piirdna Rajgir, as it is now 
called by the people. A similar description is given 
by Tumour from the Pali annals of Ceylon, where 
the five hills are named Gijjhakuio^ Isigili, WebMro, 
JFepuUo, and Pandawo* In the Mahabharata the 
five hills are named Vaihdra, Vardha, Vrishabha, EisJti- 
giri, and ChaUyaka ;f but at present they are called 
Baihhdr-giri^ Vipula-yiri, Ratna-c/iri, JJdaya-giri^ and 

In the inscriptions of the Jain temples on Mount 
Baibhdr, the name is sometimes written Baibhara, and 
sometimes Vyavahdra. It is beyond all doubt the 
Webhdro Mountain of the Pali annals, on whose side 
was situated the far-famed Sattapanni Cave, in front 
of which was held the first Buddhist synod, in 543 b.c. 
This cave, I believe, still exists under the name of 
Son Bhandar, or " Treasury of gold," in the southern 
face of the mountain ; but following Hwen Thsang's 
description, it should rather be looked for in the 
northern face. In the Tibetan Dulva it is called the 
" Cave of the NyagrodhaP or Banian-tree.^ 

Eatnagiri is due east, one mile distant from the Son 
Bhandar Cave. This situation corresjponds exactly 
with Fa-Hian's position of the " Pippal-tree Cave,'' 
in which Buddha after his meals was accustomed to 
meditate. It was situated at 5 or 6 li (about one 
mile) to the east of the cave of the first Synod. The 
hill of Eatna-giri is therefore identical with the Fan- 

+ Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal 1838, p. 996. 

t Lassen, Ind. Alterthum, ii. 79. The five hills are all shown in 
Map No. XII. 

% Csoma de Koros in Bengal ' Asiatic Researches,' xx. 91. 


dao Mountain of the Pali annals, in which Buddha 
dwelt, and which in the Lalita-Yistara is always 
styled the "King of Mountains." A paved zigzag 
road now leads from the eastern side of old Eajagriha 
to a small Jain temple on the top of Eatna-giri, which 
is frequently visited by Jains. I would identify it 
with the Eishigiri of the Mahabharata. 

Mount Vipula is clearly identical with the WepuUo 
of the Pali annals ; and as its summit is now crowned 
with the ruins of a lofty stupa or chaitya, which is 
noticed by Hwen Thsang, I would identify it with 
the Chaityaka of the Mahabharata. Eegarding the 
other two mountains, I have nothing at present to 
offer, but I may mention that they are also crowned 
with small Jain temples. 

The old city between the hills is described by Fa- 
Hian to be 5 or 6 li from east to west, and 7 or 8 li 
from north to south, that is, from 24 to 28 /? or i\ 
miles, in circuit. Hwen Thsang makes it 30 li, or 5 
miles, in circuit, with its greatest length from east to 
west. My survey of the ancient ramparts gives a 
circuit of 24,500 ffct, or 4fth miles, which is between 
the two statements of the Chinese pilgrims. The 
greatest length is from north-west to south-east, so that 
there is no real discrepancy between the two state- 
ments as to the direction of the greatest length of the 
old city. Each of them must have taken his measure- 
ment from the Nekpai embankment on the east (which 
has been described by Major Kittoe) to some point 
on the north-west. If token to the Panch-Paudu angle 
of the ramparts, the direction would be west-north- 
west, and the length upwards of 8000 feet ; but if 
taken to the temple of Torha Devi, the direction would 


be nortli-north-west, and the distance upwards of 9000 

I have abeady quoted Fa-Hian's statement that the 
" five hills form a girdle like the walls of a town." 
This agrees with Hwen Thsang's description, who 
says that " high mountains surround it on four sides, 
and form its exterior walls, which have a circuit of 
150 K or 25 miles." For this number I propose to 
read 50 li or 8;g- miles, a correction which is absolutely 
necessary to make the statement tally with the mea- 
surements of my survey. The following are the direct 
distances between the hills : — 

1. From Baibhar to Vipula . . . 12,000 feet. 

2. ,, Yipula to Eatna . . . 4,500 ,, 

3. ,, Eatna to Udaya .... 8,600 ,, 

4. „ Udaya to Sona .... 7,000 ,, 

5. ,, Sona to Baibhar .... 9,000 ,, 

Total . . 41,000 feet. 
This is somewhat less than 8 miles, but if the as- 
cents and descents are taken into account, the actual 
length will correspond very closely with the state- 
ment of Hwen Thsang when corrected to 50 li. The 
old walls forming this exterior line of rampart are 
still to be seen in many places. " I traced them from 
Yipulagiri over Eatna-giri to the Nekpai embank- 
ment, and thence onwards over Udaya-giri, and across 
the southern outlet of the valley to Sona-giri. Across 
this outlet, the walls, which are still in good order, 
are 13 feet thick. To obtain a circuit of 25 miles, 
as given in Hwen Thsang's text, it would be neces- 
sary to carry these ramparts as far as Giryek on the 
east. As similar ramparts exist on the Giryek Hill, 

2 H 


it is perhaps possible tliat Hwen Thsang intended to 
include it in the circuit of his outer walls. But this 
immense circuit would not at all agree with his state- 
ment that "high mountains surround the city on four 
sides," for the distant hill of Giryek cannot in any 
way be said to form one of the sides of old R^ja- 

The hot springs of Eajagriha are found on both 
banks of the Sarsuti rivulet ; one-half of them at the 
eastern foot of Mount Baibhar, and the other half at 
the western foot of Mount Vipula. The former are 
named as follows: — 1. Ganga-Jumna; 2. Anant Eikhi; 
3. Sapt Eikhi ; 4. Brahm-kund ; 5. Kasyapa Eikhi ; 
6. Byas-kund ; and 7. Markand-kund. The hottest 
of these are the springs of the Sapt Eikhi. The hot 
springs of Mount Vipula are named as follows: — 1. 
Sita-kund; 2. Suraj-kund; 3. Ganes-kund; 4. Chan- 
drama-kund ; 5. Ram-kund ; and 6. Sringgi-Eikhi- 
kund. The last spring has been appropriated by 
the Musalmans, by whom it is called MaJchdum- 
kiliid^ after a celebrated saint named Chillali Shah^ 
whose tomb is close to the spring. It is said that 
Chilla was originally called Chilwa, and that he was 
an Ahir. He must therefore have been a converted 

To the north-east of the old town, at a distance of 
15 Hj or 2^ miles, Hwen Thsang places the celebrated 
hill of Gridhra-kuta^ or the "Vulture's Peak." Accord- 
ing to Fa-Hian* it was 15 //, or 2\ miles, to the south- 
east of the new town. Both of our authorities, there- 
fore, agree in fixing the Vulture's Peak on the lofty 
hill now called Saila-ffiri, or the " Eocky-Mountain ;" 

* Seal's 'Fah-Hian,' c. xxix. 


but I could not hear of the existence of any caA'e in 
this hill. Fa-Hian calls it "Hill of the Vulture's 
Cave," and notes that there were also several hun- 
dreds of caves of the Arlians in which they sat to 
meditate. I presume that these were small rooms 
built against the cliff, and that the walls having fallen 
down, the names have been forgotten. The joint 
authority of the two pilgrims is too strong to be 
doubted; and future research will perhaps discover 
some remains of these once holy cave-dwellings. 


The new town of Rdjagriha is placed by Fa-Hian 
at 4 li^ or two-thirds of a mile, to the north of the old 
town, which agrees exactly with the position of the 
ruined fortress now called Bdjc/ir. 

The new town of E^jagriha is said to have been 
built by King Srenika^ otherwise called Bimbisdra^ the 
father of Ajdtasatru, the contemporary of Buddha. Its 
foundation cannot therefore be placed later than 560 
B.C. according to Buddhist chronology. In Hwen 
Thsang's time (a.d. 629-642), the outer walls had 
already become ruinous, but the inner walls were still 
standing and occupied a circuit of 20 li (3-g- miles). 
This statement corresponds tolerably well with the 
measurements of my survey, which make the circuit 
of the ramparts somewhat less than 3 miles. Buchanan 
calls new Eg,jagriha an irregular pentagon of 12,000 
yards in diameter. This is clearly a misprint for 
1200 yards, which would give a circuit of 11,300 
feet, or 2|- miles ; but this was probably the interior 
measurement, which, according to my survey, is 13,000 
feet. The plan of new E^jagriha I make out to be 

2 h2 


an irregular pentagon of one long side and four nearly 
equal sides, the wliole circuit being 14,260 feet out- 
side tlie ditches, or rather less than 3 miles. 

On the south side towards the hills a portion of the 
interior, 2000 feet long and 1500 feet broad, has been 
cut off to form a citadel. The stone walls retaining 
the earthen ramparts of this work are still in good 
order in many places. It is possible that this work 
may be of later date, as suggested by Buchanan, but 
I am of opinion that it was simply the citadel of the 
new town, and that its walls have suffered less from 
the effects of time, owing partly to their having been 
more carefully and more massively built than the less 
important ramparts of the town, and partly to their 
having been occasionally repaired as a military posi- 
tion by the authorities, while the repairs of the town 
walls were neglected as being either unnecessary or 
too costly. 


Due north from Eajgir and 7 miles distant lies the 
village of Baragaon, which is quite surrounded by 
ancient tanks and ruined mounds, and which pos- 
sesses finer and more numerous specimens of sculpture 
than any other place that I visited. The ruins of 
Baragaon are so immense, that Dr. Buchanan was con- 
vinced it must have been the usual residence of the 
Iving ; and he was informed by a Jain priest at Bihar, 
that it was the residence of Eaja Srenika and his an- 
cestors. By the Brahmans these ruins are said to be 
the remains of KiiiKli/jjnr, a city famed as the birthplace 
of Rukmini, one of the wives of Krishna. But as 
Eukmini was the daughter of Raja Bhishma, of Yidar- 


bha, or Berar, it seems probable that the Brahmans 
have mistaken Berar for BihS,r, which is only 7 miles 
distant from Baragaon. I therefore doubt the truth of 
this Brahmanical tradition, more especially as I can 
show beyond all doubt that the remains at Baragaon 
are the ruins of Nalanda, the most famous seat of 
Buddhist learning in all India. 

Fa-Hian places the hamlet of Walo at 1 yojana^ or 7 
miles, from the Hill of the Isolated Eock, that is from 
Giryek, and also the same distance from new Euja- 
griha.* This account agrees exactly with the position 
of Baragaon, with respect to Giryek and Eajgir. In 
the Pali annals of Ceylon also, N^landa is stated to be 
1 yojuna distant fron Rajagriha. Again, Hwen Thsang 
describes Nalanda as being 7 yojanas, or 49 miles, dis- 
tant from the holy Pipal-tree at Buddha Gaya,f which 
is correct if measured by the road, the direct distance 
measured on the map being 40 miles. He also de- 
scribes it as being about 30 //, or 5 miles, to the north 
of new Eajagriha. This distance and direction also cor- 
respond with the position of Baragaon, if the distance 
be measured from the most northerly point of the old 
ramparts. Lastly, in two inscriptions, which I disco- 
vered on the spot, the place itself is called Nalanda. 

Fa-Hian makes Nalanda the birthplace of Sariputra, 
who was the right-hand disciple of Buddha ; but this 
statement is not quite correct, as we learn from the more 
detailed account of Hwen Thsang that Sariputra was 
born at Kalapindka^ about halfway between Ndlanda 
and Indra-Sila-Guha, or about 4 miles to the south- 
east of the former place. Nalanda has also been called 

* Beal'a 'Fah-Hian,' c. xxviii. p. 111. 
t Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 143. 


the birthplace of Maha Mogalana, who was the left- 
hand disciple of Buddha ; but this is not quite correct, 
as the great Mogalana, according to Hwen Thsang, was 
born at KuUJca, 8 or 9 li (less than 1\ mile) to the 
south-west of Nalanda. This place I was able to 
identify with a ruined mound near Jagdispur, at 13- 
mile to the south-west of the ruins of Baragaon. 

The remains at Baragaon consist of numerous masses 
of brick ruins, amongst which the most conspicuous 
is a row of lofty conical mounds running north and 
south. These high mounds are the remains of gigantic 
temples attached to the famous monastery of Nalanda. 
The great monastery itself can be readily traced by the 
square patches of cultivation, amongst a long mass of 
brick ruins, 1600 feet by 400 feet. These open spaces 
show the positions of the courtj^ards of the six smaller 
monasteries which are described by Hwen Thsang as 
being situated within one enclosm-e forming altogether 
eight courts. Five of the six monasteries were built 
by five consecutive princes of the same family, and 
the sixth by their successor, who is called king of 
Central India. 

To the south of the monastery there was a tank in 
which the dragon or Ndr/a, Nalanda, was said to dwell, 
and the place was accordingly named after him, Na- 
landa. There still exists to the south of the ruined 
monastery a small tank called Kargidya PoJchar, that 
answers exactly to the position of the Nulanda tank, 
and which is therefore, in all probability, the identical 
pool of the Ndga. 

I cannot close this account of the ancient Ndlanda 
without mentioning the noble tanks which surrounded 
the ruins on all sides. To the north-east are the Gidi 



Pokhar and the Pansokar Pokhar, each nearly one 
mile in length; while to the south there is the Indra 
Pokhar^ which is nearly half a mile in length. The 
remaining tanks are much smaller in size, and do not 
require any special notice. 

Indra-Sila- Guha. 

From the neighbourhood of Gaya two parallel ranges 
of hills stretch towards the north-east for about 36 
miles to the bank of the Panchana river, just opposite 
the village of Giryek. The eastern end of the southern 
range is much depressed, but the northern range main- 
tains its height, and ends abruptly in two lofty peaks 
overhanging the Panchana river. The lower peak 
on the east is crowned with a solid tower of brick- 
work, well known as, Jarasandha-ka-baithak, or " Jara- 
sandha's throne,'' while the higher peak on the west, 
to which the name of Giryek peculiarly belongs, bears 
an oblong terrace covered with the ruins of several 
buildings. The principal ruin would appear to have 
been a vi/tdr, or temple, on the highest point of the 
terrace, which was approached by a steep flight of 
steps leading through pillared rooms. 

The two peaks are connected by a steep pavement, 
which was formerly continued down to the foot of the 
hill opposite the village of Giryek. At all the com- 
manding points and bends of this road are still to be 
seen the stone foundations of small brick stupas from 
5 and 6 feet to upwards of 1 2 feet in diameter. At 
the foot of the upper slope, and within 50 feet of Ja- 
rasandha's Tower, a tank 100 feet square has been 
formed, partly by excavation, and partly by building 
up. There is a second tank, at a short distance to 


the north, formed by the excavation of the rock for 
building materials. Both of these tanks are now dry. 

At 2 miles to the south-west of the village of Giryek, 
and 1 mile from Jarasandha's Tower, there is a na- 
tural cavern in the southern face of the mountain, about 
250 feet above the bed of the Banganga rivulet. This 
cave, called Gidha-dwar, is generally believed to com- 
municate with Jarasandha's Tower; but an examination 
with torches proved it to be a natural fissure running 
upwards in the direction of the tower, but only 98 feet 
in length. The mouth of the cavern is 10 feet broad 
and 17 feet high; but its height diminishes rapidly 
towards the end. The cave is filled with bats, and the 
air is oppressively warm and disagreeable, which alone 
is sufiicient to prove that there is no exit to the cavern, 
otherwise there would be a draught of air right 
through it. Yultures swarm about the precipitous 
clifi's of pale grey horn stone, and I picked up their 
feathers in the mouth of the cave. 

The remains at Giryek, which I have just described, 
appear to me to correspond exactly with the accounts 
given by Fa-Hian of the " Hill of the Isolated Rock," 
Avhere Indra questioned Buddha on forty-two points ; 
and with that given by Hwen Thsang of Indra-sila- 
(juha^ which refers to the same story. 

The position of Giryek corresponds so exactly, both 
in bearing and distance, with that of the hill of Indra- 
sUa-guha^ that I feel quite satisfied of their identity. 
No etymology has yet been proposed for the name of 
Giryek ; but it seems to me not unlikely that it is 
nothing more than Giri + eka^ " one hill," that is, the 
hill of the isolated rock of Fa-Hian. 

Both of the pilgrims mention the cave in the 


soutlierii face of the mountain, which corresponds 
exactly with the natural cavern Giclha-dwar, which I 
have already described. Gidlia-dwar, in Sanskrit Gri- 
dhradwdra, means the "Vulture's pass, or opening. By 
Hwen Thsang the cave is called Indra-sila-^uha, or 
" the cave of Indra's stone," being thus named after a 
stone on which were delineated the 42 points on which 
Indra had questioned Buddha. Fa-Hian adds that 
Indra himself drew the marks upon the stone with his 

According to Fa-Hian the hill of the " Isolated 
Eock " was ^yojanasy or 56 miles, to the south-west of 
Pdtali-putra, the capital of Magadha, and 1 yojana, or 
7 miles, to the east of Nalanda. Hwen Thsang visited 
several places on his route from Nalanda ; but the re- 
sult of his different bearings and distances places 
Indra-sila-gulia at 46 li^ or 7-| miles, to the east-south- 
east of Nalanda. The actual distance between Bara- 
gaou and Giryek is about 9 miles, and the direction is 
somewhat to the west of south-west. If we read his 
south-east and east bearings as south-south-east and 
east-south-east the general direction wUl be south-east, 
and the distance will be increased to 8 miles, which is 
sufficiently near the truth to warrant the proposed 


To the north-east of the isolated mountain of Giryek 
the Chinese pilgrim travelled from 150 to 160 /«', or 
from 25 to 27 miles, to the Kapoiika, or " Pigeon 
Monastery." Half a mile to the south there was a 
high solitary hill, on which stood a large Fihdra of 
AvaloMteswara, surrounded by a multitude of sculptured 
buildings. This place I would identify with Bihdr, 


11 miles to the north-north-east of Giryek, by reading 
60 //, or 10 miles, instead of the 160 li of the text.* 
In our maps the name is spelt BeJiar, but by the 
people it is written and pronounced Bihdr^ which is 
sufficient to show that it must once have been the site 
of some famous Buddhist Vihar. For this reason I am 
strongly inclined to identify the great Vihdra of Ava- 
loJciteswara^ which stood on the top of a hill, with the 
present Bihar, and its great isolated mountain coTercd 
with ruins. The hill stands to the north-west of the 
city of Bihar, ^ndth a precipitously steep cliff on its 
northern face, and an easy slope of successive ledges 
of rock on the southern face. The summit is now 
crowned by some Muhammadan buildings; but I dis- 
covered amongst the ruins some fragments of Bud- 
dhist statues and votive stupas. 

To the south-east of the Pigeon Monastery the 
pilgrim travelled for 40 /■/, or nearly 7 miles, to another 
monastery, which stood on an isolated hiU. The bear- 
ing and distance point to the great ruined mound of 
Titardwa, which is exactly 7 miles to the south-east of 
Bihar. Titardwa means " Partridge Mound," that is, 
the francolin or grey partridge. At Titarawa there 
is a fine large tank, ll^OO feet in length, with a consi- 
derable mound of brick ruins to the north, which from 
its square form has all the appearance of being the re- 
mains of a monastery. 

From this place II wen Thsang resumed his north- 
easterly route, and at 70 //, or nearly 12 miles, he 
reached a large village on the south bank of the 

* M. Vivien de Saint-Martia has already noted his suspicion that 
the 150 to 160 li of the text should be 50 or 60 li. ' Hiouen Thsang," 
iii. 385, note. • See Map No. XII. 


Ganges. But as the nearest point of the river is 25 
miles distant, we must read 170 li, or 29 miles, by- 
adding the round number of 100 li, wbicli was de- 
ducted from the previous journey between Giryek 
and the Pigeon Monastery. 

I have considered these two corrections necessary, 
because Hwen Thsang specially notices the great 
height of the hill near the Kapoiika monastery ; and 
as I am not aware of the existence of any hills to the 
north or north-east of Bihar and Titardwa, I am 
obliged to shorten the one distance and lengthen the 
other to make Hwen Thsang' s account of his route 
tally with the actual features of the country. There 
is a hill at Shekhpura, about 25 miles to the east-north- 
east of Giryek, 665 feet in height, which might per- 
haps be the true position of the Pigeon Monastery ; 
but the adoption of this position would involve an 
alteration in the subsequent direction of the route, as 
well as in the distance, as Shekhpura is 20 miles from 
the Ganges. For these reasons I think that the iden- 
tification with Bihar is preferable. In either case the 
village on the Ganges must be looked for near Dary^- 
pur, which is 34 miles due west fi-om Mongir in a di- 
rect line. 

The pilgrim then proceeded to the east for 100 //, 
or nearly 17 miles, to the monastery and village of Lo- 
in-ni-lo, which M. Yivien de Saint-Martin has identified 
with EoJiinila* or RoUnala, on the Ganges. The actual 
bearing is nearly south-east ; but as the pilgrim fol- 
lowed the course of the river, there must be a mistake 
in his text. 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 385. 




At 200 li, or 33 miles, to the east of Eohinala, Hwen 
Thsang reached the capital of the kingdom of I-lan- 
na-po-fa-ta, or Hirnnya-I'arvata^ that is, the "Golden 
Mountain." Close to the city stood Mount Hiranya, 
" from which issued smoke and vapours that darkened 
the sun and moon."* The position of this hill is de- 
termined, from its proximity to the Ganges, and from 
its bearings and distances from Eohinala and Champa, 
to be Mongir. No smoke now issues from the hill, 
but the numerous hot springs in the neighbouring hills 
show that volcanic action still exists within a few 
miles of Monyir. These hot springs are mentioned by 
Hwen Thsang. 

The advantageous position of this isolated hill on 
the bank of the Ganges, which commanded the land 
route between the hills and the river, as well as the 
water route by the Ganges, must have led to its occu- 
pation at a very early date. Accordingly it is men- 
tioned in the Mahabharata as Aloddyiri, which was the 
capital of a kingdom in eastern India, near Banya and 
Tchirnlipla, or Bengal and Tamluk. At the time of 
Ilwen Thsang's visit the king had been lately ejected 
by the Eaja of a neighbouring state. The kingdom 
was bounded by the Ganges on the north, and by great 
forest-clad mountains on the south ; and as its cir- 
cuit is (jstimatcd at 3000 li, or 500 miles, it must have 
extended to the south as far as the famous mountain 
of Pdrasndth, which has an elevation of 4478 feet. 
I would therefore fix its limits as extending from 
Lakhi Sarai to Sultanganj on the Ganges in the north, 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 65-66. 


and from the western end of the Parasnath hill to the 
junction of the Barakar and Damuda rivers in the 
south. The circuit of this tract is 350 miles, mea- 
sured direct on the map, or upwards of 420 miles by- 
road distance following the windings of the two 

28. CHAMPA. 

From Mongir, Hwen Thsang travelled eastward for 
300 U, or 60 miles, to Chen-po, or Chamjjd, which is an 
old name of the district of Bhdgalpur. The capital 
was situated on the Ganges, at from 140 to 150 /«, or 
23 to 25 miles, to the west of a rocky hill that was 
completely surrounded by the river. On its summit 
there was a Brahmanical temple. From this descrip- 
tion it is easy to recognize the picturesque rocky- 
island opposite Patharghdta with its temple-cro-^vned 
summit. As Patharghata is exactly 24 miles to the 
east of Bhdgalpur, I conclude that the capital of 
Champ& must have stood either on the same site, or in 
its immediate vicinity. Close by, on the west side, 
there still exists a large village named Champanagar, 
and a smaller one named Champapur, which most pro- 
bably represent the actual site of the ancient capital 
of Champa.t 

The pilgrim estimates the circuit of Champa at 
4000 li^ or 667 miles ; and as it was bounded by the 
Granges on the north, and by Hiranya-Parvata^ or 
Mongir, on the west, it must have extended to the 
Bhagirathi branch of the Ganges on the east and to 
the Daumda river on the south. Taking the two 
northern points at Jdngira and Teliagali on the 

* See Map No. I. f lUA. 


Ganges, and the two southern points at Pcicldt on the 
Damuda and Kalna on the Bhagirathi, the length of 
the boundary line will be 420 miles measured direct, 
or about 500 miles by road distance. This is so much 
less than the size estimated by Hwen Thsang that I 
think there must either be some mistake in the text 
or some confusion between the geographical limits of 
the original district of Champa, and its actual political 
boundary at the time of the pilgrim's- visit. We know 
from his journal that the king of Mongir, on the west 
of Champa, had been dethroned by a neighbouring 
raja, and that the district of Kankjol on the east of 
Champa was then a dependency of the neighbouring 
kingdom. As Champa lies between these two dis- 
tricts, I infer that the raja of Champa was most pro- 
bably the king who conquered them, and therefore 
that the large estimates of Hwen Thsang must include 
these two states to the east and west of the original 
Champa. Under this view, the political boundaries 
may be stated as extending from Lakhiterai to Eaj- 
mahal on the Ganges, and from the Parasnath Hill 
along the Daumda river to Kalna on the Bhagirathi. 
With these boundaries the circuit of Champa will be 
about 550 miles measured direct, or 650 miles by 
road distance. 


Prom Champa the pilgrim travelled to the eastward 
for 400 //, or 67 miles, to a small district named Kie- 
cfiu-u-l-hi-Io, or Kle-ching-lde-lo* The distance and 
Loaring bring us to the district of lidjmahal, which 
was originally called Kdnkjol, after a town of that 

* Julicn's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 73. See Map No. I. 


name which still exists 18 miles to the south of Eaj- 
mahal. Following the river route via Kahalgaon 
(Colgong) and Rajmahal, the distance from Bhagalpur 
is just 90 miles ; but by the direct route through the 
hills, vi^ Mangaon and Bharhat, the distance is under 
70 miles. As this position agrees with that of the 
place indicated by Hwen Thsang, I suspect that there 
may have been a transposition of two syllables in the 
Chinese name, and that we should read Kie-Jde-chu-lo, 
which is a literal transcript of Kdnkjol. In Glad- 
wyn's translation of the ' Ayin Akbari'* the name is 
read as Gungjook^ but as all the names are given alpha- 
betically in the original, it is certain that the first 
letter is a ^; I conclude, therefore, that the true 
name is Kdnkjol, as the final I might easily be misread 
as a k. In his Gazetteer, Hamiltonf calls the place 
Caukjole, which is probably a misprint for Cankjole. 
He notes that the district of Eajmahal was formerly 
"named Akbarnagar from its capital, and in the reve- 
nue records Caukjole, as being the chief military 

Hwen Thsang estimates the size of the district at 
2000 /i, or 333 miles, in circuit ; but as it was a de- 
pendency of one of the neighbouring kingdoms* it was 
probably included, as I have already noted, in the 
area of the dominant state. When independent, the 
petty state of Kdnkjol most probably comprised the 
whole of the hill country to the south and west of 
Eajmahal, with the plains lying between the hills and 
the Bhagirathi river as far south as Murshidabad. 
The circuit of this tract would be about 300 miles, as 
stated by Hwen Thsang. 

* 'Ayin Akbari,' ii. 178. t 'Gazetteer of India,' in v. EajamahaL 



From Kankjol th.e pilgrim crossed the Ganges, and 
travelling east^Yard for 600 li, or 100 miles, lie reached 
the kingdom of Pun-na-fa-tan-na* This name M. 
Stanislas Julien renders as Paundra- Varddhana, and M. 
Yivien de Saint-Martin identifies it with Bardwan. 
But Bardwan is to the south of the last station, and 
on the same side of the Ganges, besides which its Sans- 
krit name is Varddhamdna. The difference in the di- 
rection of the route might be a mistake, as we have 
found in several previous instances ; but the other 
differences are, I think, absolutely fatal to the identi- 
fication of Bardwan with the place noted by Hwen 
Thsang. I would propose Pubna, which is just 100 
miles from Kankjol^ and on the opposite bank of the 
Gauges, but its direction is nearly south-east instead 
of east. The Chinese syllables may represent either 
Funya J^arddhana, or Paundra Varddhana ; but the 
latter must be the true name, as it is mentioned in 
the native history of Kashmirf as the capital of Jay- 
anta, Eaja of Gau., who reigned from a.d. 782 to 813. 
In the spoken dialects the name would be shortened 
from Po7i-bardhan to Pohadlian^ from which it is an 
easy step to Pubna, or Pobna^ as some of the people 
now pronounce it. Hwen Thsang estimates the cir- 
cuit of the kingdom at 4000 //, or 667 miles, which 
agrees exactly with the dimensions of the tract of 
country bounded by the Mahanadi on the west, the 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 74. See Map JSTo. I. 

t ' BajaTarangini,' iy. 421. See also the Quart. Orient, ilag. ii. 188, 
for an account of Pundra-desa, taken by H. H Wilson from the Brah- 
mauda section of the Bhavishya Purana. The greater part of the 
province was to the north of the Ganges, including Gauda, Pubna, etc. 


Tista and Brahmaputra on the east, and the Ganges 
on the south. 


Hwen Thsang places the kingdom of CJii-chi-to at 
1000 li, or 167 miles, to the north-east of TJjain. As 
the first and second syllables of this name are repre- 
sented by different Chinese characters,* it is certain 
that the pilgrim must have intended them to be the 
eqiiivalents of two distinct Indian characters. This 
requirement is fully met by identifying CJd-chi-fo 
with the kingdom of Jajhoti^ or Jajhaoti, mentioned 
by Abu Eiht,n, who calls the capital KajurdhaJi ,'\ and 
places it at 30 parasangs, or about 90 miles, to the 
south-east of Kanoj. The true direction, however, is 
almost due south, and the distance about twice 30 
parasangs, or 180 miles. This capital was actually 
visited by Ibn Batuta in a.d. 1335, who calls it Ka- 
JAra,l and describes it as possessing a lake about 1 
mile in length, which was surrounded by idol temples. 
These are still standing at Khajurdho, and they form 
perhaps the most magnificent group of Hindu temples 
that is now to be found in northern India. 

From these accounts of Abu Eihan and Ibn Ba- 
tuta, it is evident that the province of Jajhoti corre- 
sponded with the modern district of Bundelkhand. 
The Chinese pilgrim estimates the circuit of Chichito 
at 4000 /?, or 667 miles, which would form a square 
of about 167 miles to each side. Now, Bundelkhand 
in its widest extent is said to have comprised all 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' Index, iii. 530, 408. See Map No. I. 
t Eeinaud, 'Fragments Arabes,' etc., p. 106. 

% Dr. Lee's translation, p. 162; where the name is read as KajwarA, 
hut the original Persian characters read KaiurA. 

2 I 



the countiy to the south of the Jumna and Ganges, 
from the Betwa river on the west to the temple 
of Vindhya-vddni-Devi on the east, including the 
districts of Chdnderi, Sagar^ and Bilhari near the 
sources of the Narbada on the south. But these are 
also the limits of the ancient country of the Jajhotiya 
Brahmans, which, according to Buchanan's informa- 
tion,* extended from the Jumna on the north to the 
Narbada on the south, and from Urcha on the Betwa 
river in the west, to the Bundela ISTala on the east. 
The last is said to be a small stream which falls into 
the Ganges near Banaras, and within two stages of 
Mirzapur. During the last twenty -five years I have 
traversed this tract of country repeatedly in all direc- 
tions, and I have found the Jajhotiya Brahmans dis- 
tributed over the whole province, but not a single 
family to the north of the Jumna or to the west of the 
Betwa. I have found them at Barwa Sagar near 
Urcha on the Betwa, at Mohda near Hamirpoor on 
the Jumna, at Eajnagar and Khajui'aho near the Kane 
river, and at Udaipoor, Pathari and Eran, between 
Chanderi and Bhilsa. In Chanderi itself there are 
also Jajhotiya Baniyas, which alone is almost suffi- 
cient to show that the name is not a common family 
designation, but a descriptive term of more general 
acceptance. The Brahmans derive the name of Jajho- 
tiya from Yajur-hota, an observance of the Yajur-ved; 
but as the name is applied to the Baniyas, or grain- 
dealers, as well as to the Brahmans, I think it almost 
certain that it must be a mere geographical designa- 
tion derived from the name of their country, Jajhoti. 
This opinion is confirmed by other well-known names 

* ' Eastern India,' it. 452. 


of the Bralimanical tribes, as Kanojiya from Kanoj ; 
Gaur from Gaur ; 8arwanya or Sarjupdria from Sarju- 
par, the opposite bank of the Sarju river ; Bravira 
from Dravira in the Dakhan, MaitJiila from Mithila, 
etc. These examples are sufficient to show the preva- 
lence of geographical names amongst the divisions of 
the Bralimanical tribes, and as each division is found 
most numerously in the province from which it de- 
rives its name, I conclude with some certainty that 
the country in which the Jajhotiya Brahmans prepon- 
derate must be the actual proviuce of Jajhoti. 

Khajwuho is a small village of 162 houses, contain- 
ing rather less than 1000 inhabitants. Amongst these 
there are single houses of seven different divisions of 
the Jajhotiya Brahmans, and eleven houses of Chandel 
Eajputs, the chief of whom claim descent from Eaja 
Parami,! Deo, the antagonist of the famous Prithi Eaj. 
The village is surrounded on all sides by temples and 
ruins ; but these are more thickly grouped in three 
separate spots on the west, north, and south-east. The 
western group, which consists entirely of Brahmanical 
temples, is situated on the banks of the Sib-sS,gar, a 
narrow sheet of water, about three-quarters of a mile 
in length from north to south in the rainy season, but 
not more than 600 feet square during the dry season. 
It is three-quarters of a mile from the village, and the 
same distance from the northern group of ruins, and a 
full mile from the south-eastern group of Jain temples. 
Altogether, the ruins cover about one square mile ; 
but as there are no remains of any kind between the 
western group and the Khajur S^gar, the boundary of 
the ancient city could not have extended beyond the 
west bank of the lake. On the other three sides of 

2 I 2 


the lake, the ruins are all continuous, extending over 
an oblong space 4500 feet in length from north to 
south, and 2500 feet in breadth from east to west, 
with a circuit of 14,000 feet, or nearly 3f miles. 
This corresponds almost exactly with the size of the 
capital as recorded by Hwen Thsang in a.d. 641, but 
at some later period the city of Khajuraho was ex- 
tended to the east and south as far as the Kurar ISTala, 
when it had a circuit of not less than 3|- miles. As 
Mahoba must have been abotit the same size as Kha- 
juraho, it is doubtful which of the two was the capital 
at the time of Hwen Thsang' s visit. But as the very 
name of Mahoba, or Mahotsava-nagara, the " City of 
the great Jubilee," is specially connected with the 
rise of the Chandel dynasty, I think it most probable 
that Khajuraho must have been the capital of the 
earlier dynasty of Jajhotiya Brahmans ; and there- 
fore it must have been the capital of JajJioti at 
the time of Hwen Thsang's visit. But as it is up- 
wards of 300 miles from Ujain, or just double the dis- 
tance mentioned by the pilgrim, his 1000 li must be 
increased to 2000 li, or 333 miles, to make it accord 
with the actual measui'ement. It is a curious fact 
that Abu Eihan's distance from Kanoj is also in defect 
in the same proportion ; and this agreement suggests 
that the probable cause of both errors must be the 
same, namely, the excessive length of the kos of Bun- 
delkhand, which is a little over 4 miles, or exactly 
double the ordinary kos of northern India. 

HAven Thsang estimates the circuit of the kingdom 
of Jajhoti at 4000 //, or 667 miles. To meet these large 
dimensions it must have comprised the whole tract 
of country lying between the Sindh and the Tons, 


from the Ganges on the north to Nya Sarai and Bilhari 
on the south. This tract includes the famous fort of 
Kalinjar, which became the permanent capital of the 
Ch^ndel Eajas after the occupation of Mahoba by the 
Muhammadans, and the strong fortress of Chanderi, 
which became the Muhammadan capital of eastern Mal- 
wa, after the desertion of the old city of Buri Chanderi. 


The ancient city of Mahoba is situated at the foot 
of a low granite hill, 54 miles to the south of Hamir- 
pur, at the junction of the Betwa and Jumna, 34 
miles to the north of Khajuraho. Its name is a con- 
traction of MaJiotsava-nagara, or the " City of the 
great festival," which was celebrated there by Chan- 
dra Yarmma, the founder of the Chandel dynasty. It 
is said to have been 6 yojanas long and 2 broad, which 
is only the usual exaggeration of silly story-tellers 
for a large city. At its greatest extent, according to 
my observation, it could never have exceeded 1^ mile 
in length, from the small castle of Rai-kot on the west, 
to the Kalyan Sagar on the east. It is about 1 mile 
in breadth, which would give a circuit of 5 miles, but 
an area of only 1 square mile, as the south-west quarter 
is occupied by the Madan S^gar. Its population, 
therefore, at the most flourishing period, must have 
been under 100,000 persons, even allowiag as high an 
average as one person to every 300 square feet. In 
1843, when I resided at Mahoba for about six weeks, 
there were only 756 inhabited houses, with a popula- 
tion less than 4000 persons ; since then the place has 
somewhat increased, and is now said to possess 900 
houses, and about 5000 inhabitants. 



Mahoba is divided into three distinct portions :— 1st, 
MaJwba, or the city proper, to the north of the hill ; 
2nd, Bihtari-kila, or the inner fort, on the top of the 
hill ; and 3rd, Bariba, or the city to the south of the 
hill. To the west of the city lies the great lake of 
Kirat Sdffar, about 1^ mile in circumference, which 
was constructed by Kirtti Varmma, who reigned from 
A.D. 1065 to 1085. To the south is the Madan Sugar, 
about 3 miles in circuit, wliich was constructed by 
Madanu Farmma, who reigned from a.d. 1130 to 1165. 
To the east is the small lake of Kali/dn Sdgar, and 
beyond it lies the large deep lake of Vijay Sdgar, 
which was constructed by Vijaga Pdla, who ruled 
from A.D. 1045 to 10G5. The last is the largest of 
the Mahoba lakes, being not less than 4 miles in 
circuit; but the most picturesque of all sheets of 
Avator in the beautiful lake district of Bundelkhand 
is the Madan Sagar. On the west it is bounded by 
the singularly rugged granite hill of Gokar, on the 
north by ranges of ghats and temples at the foot of 
the old fort, and on the south-east by three rocky pro- 
montories that jut boldly out into the middle of the 
lake. Near the north side there is a rocky island, 
now covered with ruined buildings ; and towards the 
north-west corner there are two old granite temples of 
the Chandel princes, one altogether ruined, but the 
other still standing lofty and erect in the midst of the 
waters after the lapse of 700 years. 

The traditional story of the foundation of Mahoba 
Avas originally given by the bard Chand, and has been 
copied by the local annalists.* According to the 

* The portion of Chand's poem whioli treats of the war with the 
Chandel Kaja Parmal (or Paramarddi Deva), and of the origin of the 
Chandcla, is named ISIahoha- Kh and . 



legend, the Chandels are sprung from Hemdvati, 
daughter of Hem-raj, the Brahman Purohit of Indra- 
jit, Gahirwar Eaja of Bantlras. Hemdvati was very 
beautiful, and one day when she went to bathe in the 
Eati TMab, she was seen and embraced by Chandra- 
md, the god of the moon, as he was preparing to re- 
turn to the skies. Hemavati cursed him. "Why 
do you curse me?" said Chan drama, "your son will 
be Lord of the Earth, and from him will spring a 
thousand branches." Hemavati inquired, " How shall 
my dishonour be effaced, when I am without a hus- 
band ? " " Fear not," replied ChandramS,, " your son 
will be born on the bank of the Karnavati river : then 
take him to Khajurdya, and offer him as a gift, and 
perform a sacrifice. In Mahoba he will reign, and 
will become a great king. He will possess the philo- 
sopher's stone, and will turn iron into gold. On the 
hill of Kdlinjar he will build a fort ; when your son is 
16 years of age, you must perform a Blidnda Jag to 
wipe away your disgrace, and then leave Banaras to 
live at Kalinjar." 

According to this prophecy, Hemavati's child, like 
another Chandrama, was born on Monday the 11th 
of the waxing moon of Vaisdkh on the bank of the 
Karnavati, the modern Kaydn, or Kane river of the 
maps.* Then Chandrama, attended by all the gods, 
performed a " great festival" {MaJtotsava), when Yri- 
haspati wrote his horoscope, and the child was named 
Chandra Yarmma. At 16 years of age he killed a 
tiger, when Chandrama appeared to him and pre- 

* In some of the manuscripts the name of the river is written 
Kiy&n, and Kiranavati. The former is no doubt the original of 
Arrian's Kainas, which has perhaps been altered from Kianas. 


sentcd him with the philosopher's stone, and taught 
him polity {rdjnit). Then he built the fort of Kalinjar, 
after which he went to Kharjurpur, where he per- 
formed a sacrifice {Jag or Yajnya) to do away with his 
mo tiler's shame, and built 85 temples. Then Chan- 
dravati Eani and all the other queens sat at the feet of 
Hemavati, and her disgrace was wiped away. Lastly 
he went to Mahotsava, or Mahoba, the place of Chan- 
drama's " great festival," which he made his capital. 

The date of this event is variously stated by the 
different authorities ; but according to the genealogies 
furnished by the inscriptions, the most probable period 
for the establishment of the Chandel dynasty, and the 
foundation of Mahoba, is about a.b. 800. 


From Jajhoti the Chinese pilgrim proceeded to 
the north for 900 /f, or 150 miles, to Mo-Jn-sld-fa-lo- 
pu-lo, or Maheswarapura, the king of which was like- 
Avisc a Brahman. As a northern direction would con- 
duct us to the neighbourhood of Kanoj, I conclude 
that there is probably a mistake in the bearing. I 
would, therefore, propose to read 900 li, or 150 miles, 
to the south, in which position stands the old town of 
Mnndala^ which was also called Maheshnatipura* 
This was the original capital of the country on the 
Upper Karbada, which was afterwards supplanted by 
Tripuri^ or Tewar, 6 miles from Jabalpur. The name 
is old, as the ' Mahawanso ' mentions that the Thero 
Mahadeva was sent to Mahesa-Mandala, in the time 
of Asoka, 240 B.c.f The products of the country are 

* Sleeman, Journ. Asiat. Soe. Bengal, 1837, p. 622. 
t Tumour's ' Mahavraiiso,' p. 71. 


said to have resembled those of Ujain, which is a 
sufficient proof that Maheswara could not have been 
anywhere to the north of Jajhoti, as the light-coloured 
soils about Gwalior and in the Gangetic Doab are 
quite different from the black soil around Ujain. For 
these reasons, I am inclined to identify Maheshmati- 
pura on the upper Narbada, with the Maheswarapura 
of Hwon Thsang. The kingdom was 3000 li, or 500 
miles, in circuit. "With these dimensions, its bounda- 
ries may be fixed approximately as extending from 
Dumoh and Leoni on the west, to the sources of the 
Narbada on the east. 

33. UJAIN. 

Hwen Thsang describes the capital of U-she-i/en-na, 
or Ujjayini^ as 30 li, or 5 miles, in circuit, which is 
only a little less than its size at the present day. The 
kingdom was 6000 li, or 1000 miles, in circuit. To 
the west it was bounded by the kingdom of Malwa, 
with its capital of Dhdra-nagar, or Dhdr, within 50 miles 
of Ujain. The territory of Ujain could not therefore 
have extended westward beyond the Chambal river, 
but to the north it must have been bounded by the 
kingdoms of Mathura and Jajhoti; to the east by 
Maheswarapura, and to the south by the Satpura moun- 
tains running between the Narbada and the Tapti. 
Within these limits, that is from Eanthambhawar and 
Burh^npui- on the west, to Dumoh and Seoni on the 
east, the circuit of the territory assigned to Ujain is 
about 900 miles.* 

The kingdom of Ujain was under the rule of a 
Brahman Eaja, like the two neighbouring states of 

* Julien's ' Hiouea Thsang,' iii. 167. See Map No. I. 



Jajhoti and Mahesivarapura ; but the king of Jajho'-i 
was a Buddhist, while the other two kings were Brah- 
manists. To the west, the king of Malwa was a staunch 
Buddhist. But the Mo-la-po, or Mahva, of Hwen 
Thsang is limited to the western half of the ancient 
province, the eastern half forming the Brahmanical 
kingdom of Ujain. As the political divisions of the 
province thus correspond with its religious divisions, 
it may fairly be inferred that the rupture was caused 
by religious dissensions. And further, as the western 
or Buddhist half of the province still retained the 
ancient name of Malwa, I conclude that the Brah- 
manists were the seceders, and that the kingdom of 
Ujam was a recent Brahmanical offshoot from the 
old Buddhist kingdom of Malwa. Similarly, I believe 
that Mahesivarapura must have been a Brahmanical 
offshoot from the great Buddhist kingdom of Kosala, 
or Berar, which will be described hereafter. In Ujaia, 
there were several dozens of monasteries, but at the 
time of Hwen Thsang's visit, there were only three 
or four not in ruins, which gave shelter to about 300 
monks. The temples of the gods were very numerous, 
and the king himself was well versed in the heretical 
books of the Brahmans. 

34. MALWA. 

The capital of Mo-la-po, or Malwa, is described by 
Hwen Thsang as situated to the south-east of the 
river Mo-ho, or Main, and at about 2000 li, or 333 
miles, to north-west of Bharoch.* In this case both 
bearing and distance are erroneous, as Malwa lies to 
tlie north-east of Bharoch, fi-om which the source of 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 155. 


tlie river Mahi is only 150 miles distant. I would there- 
fore read 1000 li, or 167 miles, to tlie north-east, which 
corresponds almost exactly with the position of Bhdra- 
nagara^ or Bhdr^ one of the old capitals of Malwa. 
The present town of Dh^r is about three-quarters of 
a mile in length, by half a mile in breadth, or 2|- 
miles in circumference ; but as the citadel is outside 
the town, the whole circuit of the place cannot be less 
than 3| miles. The limits of the province are esti- 
mated at 6000 li^ or 1000 miles. To the westward 
there were two dependencies of Malwa, named Khedd, 
with a circuit of 3000 li, or 500 miles, and Anandapura, 
with a circuit of 2000 li, or 333 miles, besides an in- 
dependent state, named Vadari, with a circuit of 6000 
li, or 1000 miles. All these have to be squeezed into 
the tract of country lying between Kachh and Ujain, 
on the west and east, Gurjara and Bairat on the north, 
and Balabhi and Maharashtra on the south, of which 
the extreme boundaries are not more than 1350 miles 
in circuit. It seems probable, therefore, that the de- 
pendencies must have been included by the pilgrim 
within the limits of the ruling state. I would accord- 
ingly assign to Malwa and its dependencies the 
southern half of the tract just mentioned, and to 
Fadari, the northern half. The limits of Malwa would 
thus be defined, by Yadari on the north, Balabhi on 
the west, Ujain on the east, and Maharashtra on the 
south. The circuit of this tract, extending from the 
mouth of the Ban^s river, in the Ean of Kachh, to 
the Chambal, near Mandisor, and from the Sahyadri 
mountains, between DaTnan and Maligam, to the Tapti 
river, below Burhanpur, is about 850 miles measured 
on the map, or nearly 1000 miles by road distance. 


According to Abu Eihan,* the distance of the city 
of Dhar from the ISTarbada was 7 parasangs, and 
thence to the boundary of Mahrat-das, 18 parasangs. 
This proves that the territory of Dhar must have ex- 
tended as far as the Tapti, on the south. 

Hwen Thsang mentions that there were two king- 
doms in India that were specially esteemed for the 
study of the Buddhist, religion, namely, Magadha in the 
north-east, and Malwa in the soiith-west. In accord- 
ance with this fact he notes, that there were many 
hundreds of monasteries in Malwa, and no less than 
twenty thousand monks of the school of the Samma- 
tiyas. He mentions, also, that 60 years previous to his 
visit, Malwa had been governedfor 50 years by a power- 
ful king, named Silddifija^ who was a staunch Buddhist. 

35. KHEDA. 

The district of Kie-cha, or Kheda^ is placed by Hwen 
Thsang at 300 //, or 50 miles to the north-west of 
]\rahya.-|- As both M. Stanislas Julien and M. Vivien 
de Saint-Martin render Kie-cha by KItacha, which they 
identify in the peninsula of Kachh, I am bound to state 
the ground on which I venture to propose a different 
reading. On looking over the other names in which 
the peculiar symbol cha is used, I find that it occurs 
in the well-known names of Pdtali-putra and KuJd-uta^ 
where it represents the cerebral t, and again in O.cha-Ii^ 
which ]\I. Julien renders by Jtali, and M. de Saint- 
Martin identifies with the desert region of the Thai, 
or Thar. Consistently, therefore, the name of Kie-cha 
sliould be rendered Khc-ta. Now Kheda is the true 

* Eeinaud, ' Fragments Arabes et Persans,' p. 109. 
t Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 161. 



Sanskrit form of Kaira, a large town of Gujarat, 
situated between Ahmadabad and Khambay ; and I 
would therefore identify the pilgrim's Kie-cha with 
Kheda. It is true that Hwen Thsang's recorded dis- 
tance is only 300 li, but there are so many mistakes 
in the bearings and distances of this part of the pil- 
grim's journey, that I have no hesitation in proposing 
a correction of the text, by reading 1800 li, or 217 
miles, which is very nearly the exact distance between 
Kaira and Dhar. "When we remember that the pro- 
vince of Malwa was bounded on the east, within 25 
miles, by the independent territory of Ujain, it is 
difficult to perceive how there could have been any 
other state within 50 miles of Dhfi,r, otherwise the 
territory of Malwa would have been compressed to a 
breadth of about 50 miles, between Ujain and Kheda. 
But this difficulty is entirely removed by adopting 
my proposed correction, by which the district of Kheda 
becomes the extreme western division of the kingdom 
of Malwa. Hwen Thsang estimates its circuit at 
3000 li, or 500 miles, a size which agrees very well 
with the probable limits of the district of Kaira, 
which may be stated as extending from the bank of 
the Sabarmati on the west, to the great bend of the 
Mahi river on the north-east, and to Baroda in the 
south. In shape it is a rough square. 


Hwen Thsang places, or Anandapura, 
at 700 li, or 117 miles, to the north-west of Vallahhi* 
This town has been identified by M. Yiven de Saint- 
Martin with Barnagar, on the authority of the Kalpa 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iil. 164. 


Sutra of the Jains ; but tile bearing is to tbe east of 
north, and the distance is 150 miles, or 900 li. Bar- 
nagar has already been mentioned as the Sanskrit 
Vadapura, or Barpur. The district was 2000 li, or 333 
miles, in extent, and was a dependency of Malwa. 
This estimate of its size will be fully met by limiting 
its territory to the triangular tract lying between the 
mouth of the Banas river on the west, and the Sabar- 
mati river on the east. 

On leaving Malwa, Hwen Thsang travelled first to 
the south-west to the " confluence of two seas," and 
then turning to the north-west reached 0-cha-li^ or 
Vadari,* the whole distance being between 2400 and 
2500 li, or between 400 and 417 miles. By the term 
" confluence of two seas," I understand the meeting 
of the waters of the southern and western seas in the 
Gulf of Khambay. The town of Sural, or the ancient 
SurpdraJca near the mouth of the Tapti, may be consi- 
dered as the entrance of the gulf ; and as it lies to the 
south-west of Dhdr, it was probably this point that was 
first visited by Hwen Thsang. The distance is just 
200 miles. Prom Surat to Eder the distance is the 
same, but the direction is to the east of north ; I would, 
therefore, read north-east instead of north-west, and 
the position of Eder will then correspond sufficiently 
well with that of Hwen Thsang's 0-cha-li or Vadari. I 
am ignorant of the Sanskrit name of Eder, but it seems 
highly probable that the city of Vadari mentioned in 
the Basantgarh inseriptionf is the same place. In the 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 160. 
t Jotirn. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, x. 668. 



middle of the eleventh century Vadari was the capital 
of a chiefship in the neighbourhood of Fadapura or 
Barnagar^ which lies 30 miles to the westward of Eder, j 
and on the opposite side of the Sabarmati river. The ' 
royal family claimed descent from Eaja Bhava-Gupta, 
"who was a great warrior and the illuminator of 1 
his line." This Bhava or Bhaba I believe to be the j 
same as the Bav or Bappa of the Bisodiya annalists of \ 
Udaypur, whose immediate predecessors for several i 
generations were the Eajas of Eder. As Bappa lived > 
in the beginning of the eighth century, the date of his 
predecessors, the Rajas of Eder, agrees exactly with 
the period of Hwen Thsang's visit. For these reasons I 
I think that there are fair grounds for the identiflca- I 
tion of Eder with the Vadari of the inscription, as well 
as with the Otali^ or Vadari, of the Chinese pilgrim. 

The size of the province is estimated at 6000 A', or 
1000 miles, in circuit. This large extent shows that 
Atali or Yadari must have comprised the whole of the 
unassigned tract of country lying between Vairat on 
the north, Gurjjara on the west, Ujain on the east, and 
Malwa on the south. Its boundaries, therefore, must 1 
have been Ajmer and Eanthambhor to the north, the j 
Loni and Chambal rivers on the east and west, and \ 
the Malwa frontier on the south, from the mouth of the 
Banas river in the Ean of Eachh to the Chambal near 
Mandisor. The circuit of these limits is about 900 miles 
measured on the map, or 1000 miles by road distance. ; 

In Pliny's account of the different nations to the 
eastward of the Lower Indus I find the following pas- 
sage, which would seem to apply to Eder and the sur- 
rounding districts.* "Next the Narecs, who are bounded 

* Nat. HLst., vi. c. 23. 



by Caplfulia, the loftiest mountain of India, on the 
other side of which the people dig up much gold and 
silver. Beyond them are the Oraturce (or Or aim), 
whose king has only ten elephants, but a large force 
of infantry, (and) the Faretata (or Suaratatata), whose 
king has no elephants, but a strong force of horse and 
foot. (Then) the OdombcercB''' etc. The last nation 
has already been identified with the people of Kachh, 
and the high mountain of Capitalia can only be the 
holy JrbtHla, or Mount Abu, which rises to more than 
5000 feet above the sea. The Narese must therefore , 
be the people of Sariii, or the " country of reeds," as I 
nar and sar are synonymous terms for a " reed." The i 
country of Sariii is still famous for its reed arrows. 

The Oratura I would identify with the people of 
Vculapura^ or Barpur, which is the same name as 
Briniatjar. By reading ir instead of t in the Greek 
original of Oratura, the name will become Orapura, 
which is the same as Barpii^-, or Vadapura. The last 
name in Pliny's list is Varetata^ which I would change 
to VrifaretcE, by the transposition of two letters. This 
spelling is countenanced by the termination of the 
various reading of Suaratarata, which is found in some 
editions. It is quite possible however, that the Suara- 
tarata may be intended for the Smashtras. The famous 
Varalia Mihira mentions the SurdsJdras and Bddaras 
together, amongst the people of the south-west of 
India.* These Bddaras must therefore be the people 
of Badari, or Vadari. 

I understand the name of Tddari to denote a district 
abounding in the Badari, or Ber-trea (Jujube), which 
is very common in southern Eajputana. For the same 

* Dr. Kern's ' BriLat Sanliita,' xiv. 19- 



reason I should look to this neighbourhood for the 
ancient Sauvira, which I take to be the true form of 
the famous Sophir, or Ophir, as Sauvira is only an- 
other name of the Vadari, or 5er-tree, as well as of its 
juicy fruit. Now, Sofir is the Coptic name of India at 
the present day ; but the name must have belonged 
originally to that part of the Indian coast which was 
frequented by the merchants of the West. There can 
be little doubt, I think, that this was in the Gulf of 
Khambay, which from time immemorial has been the 
chief seat of Indian trade with the West. During the 
whole period of Greek history this trade was almost • 
monopolized by the famous city of Barygaza, or 
Bharoch, at the mouth of the Narbada river. About 
the fourth century some portion of it was diverted to 
the new capital of Balabhi, in the peninsula of Gujarat ; 
in the middle ages it was shared with Khambay at 
the head of the gulf, and in modern times with Surat, 
at the mouth of the Tapti. 

If the name of Sauvira was derived, as I suppose, 
from the prevalence of the Ber-tree, it is probable 
that it was only another appellation for the province 
of Badari, or Eder, at the head of the Gulf of Kham- 
bay. This, indeed, is the very position in which we 
should expect to find it, according to the ancient 
inscription of Eudra Dama, which mentions Sindhu- 
Sauvira immediately after Surdshtra and BhdruJcachha, 
and just before Kulura^ Apdranta^ and Nishada* Ac- 
cording to this arrangement, Sauvira must have been 
to the north of Surashtra and Bharoch, and to the 
south of Nishada, or just where I have placed it, in 
the neighbourhood of Mount Abu. Much the same 

* Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bombay, vii. 120. 

- 2 K 


locality is assigned to Sauvira in the Yishnu Purana : 
' ' in the extreme west are the Saurashtras, Suras, 
Abhiras, Arbudas ; the Karushas and Malavas dwelling 
along the Parip^tra mountains ; the Sauviras^ the 
Saindhavas, the Hunas, the Salwas, the people of 
Sakala, the Madras, etc."* In this enumeration we 
find mention of nearly every known district lying 
around Yadari, or Eder, on the east, west, north, and 
south. But there is no notice of Vadari itself, nor of 
Kheda, nor of EZhambay, nor of Analwara, from which 
I infer that Sauvira most probably included the whole 
of these places. Vadari, or Sauvira, was therefore 
equivalent to southern Rfi,jputana. 

In the Septuagint translation of the Bible, the 
Hebrew Ophir is always rendered by Sophir. This 
spelling was perhaps adopted in deference to the 
Egyptian or Coptic name of Soflr. The earliest men- 
tion of the name is in the Book of Job, where the ' ' gold 
of Ophir" is referred to as of the finest quality. f 
At a later date the ships of Hnram, king of Tyre. 
" went with the servants of Solomon to Ophir, and 
took thence 450 talents of gold, and brought them to 
King Solomon."! The gold of Ophir is next referred 
to by Isaiah, who says, " I will make a man more pre- 
cious than gold, even a man than the golden wedge of 
Ophir."§ The word here translated ' wedge ' means a 
' tongue, or ingot ;' and I infer that the wedge of gold 
of 50 shekels weight that was concealed by Achan,|| 
was most probably one of the ingots of Ophir. 

* Wilson's translation, edited by Hall, book ii. 3 ; vol. ii. p. 133. 
t C. xxii. 24, and xxviii. 16. 

X 2 Chron. viii. 18. In 1 Kings ix. 28, the amount is 420 talents. 
§ 0. xii. 12. II Joshua vii. 21. 



It now remains to stow that the district of Vadari, 
or Eder, which I have suggested as the most probable 
representative of Ophir, has been, and still is one of 
the gold producing countries of the world. The evi- 
dence on this point, though meagre, is quite clear. 
The only ancient testimony which I can produce is 
that of Pliny, who describes the people dwelling 
on the other side of mount Capitalia (or Abu), as 
possessing " extensive mines of gold and silver."* 
At the present day the Aravali range is the only 
part of India in which silver is found in any quantity, 
while the beds of its torrents still produce gold, of 
which many fine specimens may be seen in the India 

But if the Gulf of Khambay was the great empo- 
rium of Indian trade with the West, it is not necessary 
that the gold for which it was famous should have 
been produced in the district itself. At the present 
day, Bombay, which is on the same western coast, 
exports the produce of two inland districts, the opium 
of Mfi,lwa and the cotton of Berar. Wherever the 
emporium of commerce may have been, to that point 
the gold of India would have flowed naturally, in 
exchange for the commodities of the West. 


In the seventh century the division of Eastern India 
comprised Assam and Bengal proper, together with 
the Delta of the Ganges, Sambhalpur, Orissa, and 
Ganjam. Hwen Thsang divides the province into six 
kingdoms, which he calls Kdmarupa, Samatata, Tam- 

* Hist. Nat. vi. 23 " Hujus incolse, alio latere, late auri et argenti 
metaila fodiunt." 

2 K 2 



ral'qjfi^ Kir ana Suvarna, Odra, and Ganjam* and under 
these names I will now proceed to describe them. 


From Pamidra Varddhana, or Puhna, in Middle 
India, the Chinese pilgrim proceeded for 900 li^ or 
150 miles, to the east, and crossing a great river, 
entered Kia-mo-ku-po, or Kdniampa, which is the 
Sanskrit name of Assam. f The territory is estimated 
at 10,000 li, 1667 miles, in circuit. This large extent 
shows that it must have comprised the whole valley 
of the Brahmaputra river, or modern Assam, together 
with Kusa-Vihara, and Butan. The valley of the 
Brahmaputra was anciently divided into three tracts, 
which may be described as the Eastern, Middle, and 
Western districts, namely, Sadiya^ Assam proper, and 
Kamruj). As the last was the most powerful state, 
and also the nearest to the rest of India, its name 
came into general use to denote the whole valley. 
Kusa-Vihdra was the western division of Kdmrup pro- 
per ; and as it was the richest part of the country, it 
became for some time the residence of the rajas, whose 
capital, called Kamatipura^ gave its name to the whole 
province. J But the old capital of Kdmrup is said to 
have been Gohaii, on the south bank of the Brahma- 
putra. Now, Kamatipura, the capital oi Kusa-Vihdra^ 
is exactly 150 miles, or 900 li, from Pubna,§ but the 
direction is due north ; while Gohati is about twice 
that distance, or say 1900 //, or 317 miles, from 
Pubna, in a north-east direction. As the position of 
the former agrees exactly with the distance recorded 

* See Map No. I. t Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 76. 

X ' Ayin Akbari,' ii. 3. " Kamrup, which is also called Kamtali." 
§ See Map No. I. 



by the pilgrim, it is almost certain that it must have 
been the capital of Kdmrup in the seventh century. 
This would seem to be confirmed by the fact that the 
language of the people differed but slightly from that 
of Central India. It was therefore not Assamese, and 
consequently I infer that the capital visited by Hwen 
Thsang was not GoJiati, in the valley of the Brahma- 
putra, but Kamatipura, in the Indian district of Kusa- 
Vih^ra. The great river crossed by the pilgrim would 
therefore be the Tlsta, and not the Brahmaputra. 

On the east Kamrup touched the frontiers of the 
south-western barbarians of the Chinese province of 
SJiu; but the route was difficult, and occupied two 
months. On the south-east the forests were full of 
wild elephants, which is still the case at the present 
day. The king was a Brahman, named Bhaskara 
Yarmma, who claimed descent from the god NarS,- 
yana, or Vishnu, and his family had occupied the 
throne for one thousand generations. He was a 
staunch Buddhist, and accompanied Harsha Vard- 
dhana in his religious procession from Pataliputra to 
Kanoj, in a.d. 643. 


The capital of the kingdom of Samatata, or San-mo- 
ta-cha, is placed at from 1200 to 1300 /«', or from 200 
to 217 miles, to the south of Kamrup, and 900 /?', or 
150 miles, to the east of T§,mralipti, or Tamluk.* The 
first position corresponds almost exactly with Jasar, 
or Jessore, which is most probably the place intended. 
The bearing and distance from Tamluk would take us 
to the iminhabited part of the Sundari-vana, or Sun- 

* Julien's 'Hiouen Tksang,' iii. 81. See Map No. I. 


darbans, between the Huranghata river and Bakar- 
ganj. But ■ in a country so mucb intersected by 
watercourses as Lower Bengal, the road distance is 
about one-fonrtb greater than the direct distance, 
measured on the map. Thus, Jessore, which is 103 
miles from DJiaJcka., and 77 miles from Calcutta by 
road, is only 82 and 62 miles distant from them by 
direct measurement. Accordingly, Hwen Thsang's 
distance of 150 miles by route will not be more than 
120 miles by direct measurement on the map, which 
is only 20 miles in excess of the actual direct distance 
between Jessore and Tamluk. But as Tamluk is not 
approachable by land from the east, the pilgrim must 
have travelled at least one-half of the route by water, 
and his distance of 150 miles may be accepted as a 
fair estimate of the mixed route by land and water, 
which could not be actually measured. The name of 
Jasar, or " The Bridge," which has now supplanted 
the ancient name of Murali, shows the nature of the 
country, which is so completely intersected by deep 
watercourses, that before the construction of the pre- 
sent roads and bridges, the chief communication was 
by boats. ]\[urali, or Jasar, is most probably the 
Ga7i(^e ragia of Ptolemy. 

The country of Samatata is mentioned in the in- 
scription of Samudra Gupta on the Allahabad pillar,* 
in which it is coupled with Kamrup and Nepal. It 
is mentioned also in the geographical list of Varaha 
Mihira, who lived in the beginning of the sixth cen- 
tury, f According to Professor Lassen, the name sig- 
nifies "bas pays littoral," which accords exactly with 

* Journ. Asiat. Soo. Bengal, vi. 793 ; line 19 of inscription, 
t Dr. Kern's ' Brihat-Sanhita,' xiv. 6. 



Hwen Thsang's description of it as a low, moist country 
on the seashore. The inhabitants were short and 
black, as is the case at the present day with the 
people of Lower Bengal. From all these concurrent 
facts, it is certain that Samatata must be the Delta of 
the Ganges ; and as the country is described as 3000 
A", or 500 miles, in circuit, it must have included the 
whole of the present Delta, or triangular tract be- 
tween the Bhagirathi river and the main stream of 
the Ganges. 

Hwen Thsang mentions several countries lying to 
the east of Samatata, but as he gives only the general 
bearings and not the distances, it is not easy to iden- 
tify the names. The first place is Shi4i-cha-ta-lo, 
which was situated in a valley near the great sea, to 
the north-east of Samatata* This name is probably 
intended for Sri-Kshatra, or Sri-Kshetra, which M. 
Vivien de Saint-Martin has identified with Sri-hafa, or 
Sil/tat, to the north-east of the Gangetic Delta. This 
town is situated in the valley of the Megna river, and 
although it is at a considerable distance from the sea, 
it seems most probable that it is the place intended by 
the pilgrim. The second country is Kia-mo-lang-lda, 
which was situated beyond the first, to the east, and 
near a great bay. This place may, I think, be iden- 
tified with the district of Komilla, in Tipera, to the 
east of the Megna river, and at the head of the Bay of 
Bengal. The third country is To.lo.po.ti, which was 
to the east of the last. M. Julien renders the name 
by Dwdravati, but he makes no attempt to identify it. 
I would, however, suggest that it may be Talairiffvati, 
that is, the country of the Takings, or Pegu. Vati is 

* Julien's 'Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 82. 



the common termination of the names of the Burmese 
districts, as Hansavati, Dwayavati, Dinyavati, etc. 
The next name is I-skanff-na-pu-lo, which was to the 
east of the last ; then still further to the east was Mo- 
ho-chen-po, and beyond that to the south-west was the 
kingdom of Yen-mo-na-cheu. The first of these names 
I take to be the country of the Shan tribes, or Laos ; 
the second is probably Cochin China or Anam; and 
the third, which M. Stanislas Julien renders by Ya- 
mana-dwipa, is almost certainly Yava-dwipa, or Java. 


The kingdom of Tan-mo-li-ti, or Tdmralipti, is de- 
scribed as 1400 or 1500 li, about 250 miles, in cir- 
cuit.* It was situated on the seashore, and the sur- 
face of the country was low and wet. The capital 
was in a bay, and was accessible both by land and 
water. Tdmralipti is the Sanskrit name of Tamluk, 
which is situated on a broad reach or bay of the Eup- 
narayan river, 12 miles above its junction with the 
Hughli. The district probably comprised the small 
but fertile tract of country lying to the westward of 
the Hughli river, from Bardw^n and Kalna on the 
north to the banks of the Rosai river on the south. 
From Tdmaliili, the Pali form of the name, came the 
classical Tamalifes. 


Hwcn Thsang places the capital of Kie-Io-na-su-fa- 
la-na, or Kirana Suvarna, at 700 /?, or 117 miles, to the 
north-west of Tamralipti, and the same distance to 
the north-east of Odra or Orissa.f As the capital of 

* Julien 's 'Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 83. 

t Ibid., iii. 84 and 88. See Map No. I. 


Orissa in the seventh century was Jajipur on the 
Vaitarani river, the chief city of Kir ana Suvarna must 
be looked for along the course of the Suvarna-riksha 
river, somewhere about the districts of SingUbhum and 
Barahlium. But this wild part of India is so little 
known that I am unable to suggest any particular 
place as the probable representative of the ancient 
capital of the country. Bara Bazar is the chief town 
in Barabhum, and as its position corresponds very 
closely with that indicated by Hwen Thsang, it may 
be accepted as the approximate site of the capital in 
the seventh centTiry. The territory was from 4-iOO 
to 4500 A", or from 733 to 750 miles, in circuit. It 
must, therefore, have comprised all the petty hill- 
states lying between Medinipur and Sirguja on the 
east and west, and between the sources of the Da- 
muda and Vaitarani on the north and south. 

This large tract of country is now occupied by a 
number of wild tribes who are best known by the 
collective name of Kolhdn or Kols. But as the people 
themselves speak various dialects of two distinct lan- 
guages, it would appear that they must belong to two 
different races, of whom the Munda and the TJraon 
may be taken as the typical representatives. Accord- 
ing to Colonel Dalton,* "the Miindas first occupied 
the country and had been long settled there when the 
TJraons made their appearance;" and "though these 
races are now found in many parts of the country oc- 
cupying the same villages, cultivating the same fields, 
celebrating together the same festivals and enjoying the 
same amusements, they are of totally distinct origin, 
and cannot intermarry without loss of caste." This 

* Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1866, p. 154. 



difference of race is confirmed by the decisive test of 
language, wliich. shows that the Uraons are connected 
with the Tamilian races of the south, while the Miindas 
belong to the hill men of the north, who are spread 
over the Himalayan and Vindhyan mountains from 
the Indus to the IBay of Bengal. 

The various tribes connected with the M-dndas are 
enumerated by Colonel Dalton* as the Kuars of Elich- 
pur, the Korewas of Sirguja and Jaspur, the Kherias 
of Chutia Nagpur, the Hor of Singhbhum, the Bhumij 
of Manbhum and Dhalbhum, and the Sdntah of Man- 
bhtim, Singhbhum, Katak, Hazaribagh, and the Bha- 
galpur hills. To these he adds the Jmngas or Pattuns 
(leaf-clad) of Keunjar, etc. in the Katak tributary 
districts, who are isolated from " all other branches 
of the Munda family, and have not themselves the 
least notion of their connection with them ; but their 
language shows that they are of the same race, and 
that their nearest kinsmen are the Kherias.'''' The 
western branches of this race are the Bhils of Malwa 
and Kanhdes, and the Kolis of Gujarat. To the south 
of these tribes there is another division of the same 
race, who are called Suras or Suars. They occupy 
the northern end of the eastern Ghats. 

According to Colonel Dalton, -f the Ho or Hor tribe 
of Singhbhum is "the nucleus of the Munda nation." 
lie calls it "the most compact, the purest, the most 
powerful and most interesting division of the whole 
race, and in appearance decidedly the best-looking. 

* Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1866, 158. I write Sdntal in prefer- 
ence to Sonthal, as I believe that the short o is only the peculiar Bea- 
gfili pronunciation of the long &. 

t Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1866, 168. 



In their erect carriage and fine manly bearing the 
Hos look like a people that have maintained and are 
proud of their independence. Many have features 
of sufficiently good cast to entitle them to rank as 
Arians; high noses, large but well-formed mouths, 
beautiful teeth, and the facial angle as good as in the 
Hindu races. . . . When the face of the Munda varies 
from the Arian or Caucasian type, it appears rather to 
merge into the Mongolian than the Negro. . . . They 
are of average stature, and in colour vary from brown 
to tawny yellow." 

In the different dialects of the Munda language /<o, 
Iwr^ horo, or hoko is the term for "man." The as- 
sumption of this name by the people of Singhbhum is 
a strong conflrmation of Colonel Dalton's description 
of the tribe as the most powerful division of the Munda 
nation. But they also call themselves Larakas, or the 
"warriors," which points to the same conclusion that 
they are the leading division of the Munda race. 

Colonel Dalton gives no explanation of the name of 
M^nda ; but as I find that the head men of the vil- 
lages are called Munda or Moto amongst the Hors of 
Singhbhum and other divisions of the Munda race, I 
conclude that the Mundas or Motos must once have 
been the ruling division of the nation. The name of 
Munda is found in the Vishnu Purana* as the appel- 
lation of a dynasty of eleven princes who succeeded 
the Tushdras or Tokhari. In the Yayu Purana, how- 
ever, the name is omitted, and we have only Ma- 
runda, which is most probably the variant form of 
another name, Murunda^ as found in two inscriptions 

* Wilson's translation, edited by Hall, book iv. 24, and vol. iv. 
p. 203. 



of the second and third centuries.* Ptolemy has 
l\[arundai as the name of a people to the north of the 
Gauges ; hut to the south of the river he places the 
j\IuniMi, who may be the Mundas of Chutia ISTagpur, 
as their language and country are called Mmdala. 
This is only a suggestion ; but from the position of 
the Mandali they wovX(\. seem to be the same people as 
tlie Monedes of Pliny, who with the 8uari occupied the 
inland country to the south of the Palibothri.f As 
this is the exact position of the country of the Mdndas 
and Suars, I think it quite certain that they must be 
the same race as the Monedes and Suari of Pliny. 

In another passage Pliny mentions the Mandei and 
Malli as occupying the country between the CalingcB 
and the Ganges, j Amongst the Malli there was a 
mountain named Mallus, which would seem to be the 
same as the famous Mount Maleus of the Monedes and 
Suari. I think it highly probable that both names 
may be intended for the celebrated Mount Mandar, to 
the south of Bhdffalpur, which is fabled to have been 
u.sed by the gods and demons at the churning of the 
ocean. The Mandei I would identify with the inha- 
bitants of the Mahunadi river, which is the Manada 
of Ptolemy. The Malli or Malei would therefore be 
the same people as Ptolemy's Mandalce, who occupied 
the right bank of the Ganges to the south of Pali- 
bothra. Or they may be the people of the Bdjmahal 
hills who are called Maler, which would appear to be 

* Samudra Gupta, about a.d. 125 ; and a copper-plate dated in 214 
or A.D. 293. 

t I-Iist. Nat. vi. c. 22. " Ab iis (Palibothris) in in teriore situ Mo- 
nedes et Suari, quorum mons Maleus," etc. 

X Hist. Nat. vi. c. 21. " Gcntes : Calingas proximi mari, et supra 
Mandei Malli, quorum mons Mallus, finisque ejus tractus est Ganges." 



derived from the Kanarese Male and the Tamil Malei, 
a "hill." It would therefore be equivalent to the 
Hindu Pahdri or Parbatii/a, a "hill man." 

The Suari of Pliny are the Sabarce of Ptolemy, and 
both may be identified with the aboriginal Savaras, 
or Sitars, a wild race of wood-cutters, who live in the 
jangals without any fixed habitations. The country 
of the Savaras is said to begin where that of the 
Klionds ends, and to extend as far south as the Pen- 
nar river. But these Savaras or Suars of the eastern 
Ghats are only a siugle branch of a widely-extended 
tribe, which is found in large numbers to the south- 
west of Gwalior and Narwar, and also in southern 
Eajputana. The Savaris or Saharias of the Gwalior 
territory occupy the jangals on the Kota frontier to 
the westward of Narwar and Guna. They are found 
along the course of the Chambal river and its branches, 
where they meet the Eajputana Surrias of Tod. The 
name is preserved in the Sorse Nomades of Ptolemy, 
who are placed to the south of the Kondali and Phi/l- 
litce^ or the Gonds and Bhils. They must therefore 
be the Suars or Savaras of central India, who occupy 
the wild hilly country about the sources of the Wain 
Ganga, and who are also found along the valley of 
the Kistna river. As Kir an a means a "man of mixed 
race," or barbarian, it seems probable that the name 
of Kirana Suvarna may be the original appellation of 
the barbarian Suvaras, or Suars. 

In the beginning of the seventh century the king 
of this country was S/te-skanff./cia, or Sa-wn^ka, 
who is famed as a great persecutor of Buddhism.* 

* ' Hiouen Thsang's Life,' i. 112 and 235. Also ' Travels ' ii 349 
422, and 468. 


I found a gold coin inscribed with the name of this 
prince at full length in the ' Payne Knight Collection' 
of the British Museum, and there are a few specimens 
in other collections. 


The kingdom of U-cha^ or Oda, corresponds exactly 
with the modern province of Odra, or Orissa. By a 
reference to the ' Biography of Hiouen Thsang,'* it 
would appear that the capital of Odra was 700 li to 
the south-west of T^mralipti, and as this bearing and 
distance agree with the position of Jdjipura^ I think 
that the pilgrim must have returned to Tamluk from 
Kirana Savarna before proceeding to Odra. In the 
travels of the pilgrim! the bearing and distance are 
taken from Kirana Suvarna; but this is perhaps a 
mistake, as they are usually referred to the capital, 
which, whether we place it at Jajipur or at Katak, is 
due south of Kirana Suvarna. 

The province was 7000 li, or 1167 miles, iu circuit, 
and was bounded by the great sea on the south-east, 
where there was a famous seaport town named Che-li- 
ta-lo-chinff, or Charitrapura, that is, the " town of em- 
barkation " or " departure." This was probably the 
present town of Pari, or "the city," near which stands 
the famous temple of Jagannath. Outside the town 
there were five contiguous stupas with towers and 
pavilions of great height. I presume that it is one of 
these which is now dedicated to Jagannath. The 
three shapeless figures of this god and his brother 
and sister, Baladeva and Subhadra, are simple copies 
of the symbolical figures of the Buddhist triad, Buddha, 

* Julien, i. 181. See Map Ifo. I. t Julien, iii. 88. 



Dharma, and Sangha, of which the second is always 
represented as a female. The Buddhist origin of the 
Jagannath figures is proved beyond all doubt by their 
adoption as the representative of the Brahmanical 
Avatar of Buddha in the annual almanacs of Mathura 
and Banaras. 

The political limits of Orissa, under its most pow- 
erful kings, are said to have extended to the Hughli 
and Damuda rivers on the north, and to the GodS,vari 
on the south. But the ancient province of Odra-desa, 
or Or-desa, was limited to the valley of the Mahanadi 
and to the lower course of the Suvarna-riksha river. 
It comprised the whole of the present districts of 
Katak (Cuttack) and Sambhalpur, and a portion of 
Medinipur. It was bounded on the west by Gond- 
wS,na, on the north by the wild hUl-states of Jashpur 
and Singhbhum, on the east by the sea, and on the 
south by Ganjam. These also must have been the 
limits in the time of Hwen Thsang, as the measured 
circuit agrees with his estimate. 

Pliny mentions the Oretes as a people of India in 
whose country stood Mount Maleus ;* but in another 
passage he locates this mountain amongst the Monedes 
and 8uari; and in a third passage he places Mount 
Mallus amongst the Malli. As the last people were 
to the north of the Calivga, and as the Monedes and 
Suari were to the south of the Palibothri, we must 
look for the Oretes somewhere about the Mahanadi 
river and its tributaries. The Monedes and Suari 
must therefore be the M-kudas and Suars, as already 

* Hist. Nat. ii. 75. " In India; gente Oretum, mons est Maleus no- 
mine." See also vi. 22, "Monedes et Suari, quorum mons Mallus ■- 
and VI. 21, " Malli, quorum mons Mallus." 


noticed, and the Oretes must be the people of Orissa. 
Male is one of the Dravidian terms for a mountain ; 
and as the Ilraons, or people of west Orissa, still speak 
a Dravidian dialect, it is probable that Mallus was 
not the actual name of the mountain. May not this 
have been the famous Sri-Parvat of TelingS,na, which 
gave its name to the Sri-Farvatiya Andhras ? 

The ancient metropolis of the country was Katak 
on the Mahanadi river, but in the early part of the 
sixth century Eaja Jajati Kesari established a new 
capital at Jajdtipura on the Yaitarani river, which 
still exists under the abbreviated name of Jdjipura. 
The same king also began some of the great temples 
at IB huvaneswara ; but the city of that name was 
founded by Lalitendra Kesari. The language and 
pronunciation of the people is said to have differed 
from those of central India, which is still true at the 
present day. 

To the south-west there were two hills, on one of 
which, called Pushpaffiri, or the "hill of flowers," 
there was a monastery of the same name and a stupa 
of stone, and on the other to the north-west only a 
stupa. These hills I take to be the famous Udayagiri 
and Khandayiri, in which many Buddhist caves and 
inscriptions have been discovered. These hills are 
situated 20 miles to the south of Katak^ and 5 miles 
to the west of the grand group of temples at Bhuva- 
neswara. The stupas were said to have been built 
by demons ; from which I infer that the origin of the 
great caves, and other Buddhist works on these hills 
was quite unknown at the period of Hwen Thsang's 



From the capital of Odra the pilgrim proceeded to 
the south-west for 1200 /«', or 200 miles, to Kong-yu- 
to* This name has not been identified; but M. 
Vivien de Saint-Martin has, I think, indicated its 
true position in the neighbourhood of the Chilka lake. 
The capital was situated near a bay, or "junction of 
two seas," which can only be intended for the great 
Chilka lake and the ocean, as there is no other great 
sheet of water along this surf-beaten coast. Ganjam 
itself must therefore be the old capital. But as Gan- 
jam is only 130 miles from Jdjipur in a direct line 
measured on the map, or about 150 miles by road, I 
conclude that the pilgrim must have visited the hills 
of XJdayagiri and KJiandagiri and the town of C/iari- 
irapura, or Furi, on his way to Ganjam. By this 
route the distance would be increased to 165 miles by 
direct measurement, or about 190 miles by road, 
which agrees with the estimate of the Chinese pil- 

The Chinese syllables Kong-yu-to are rendered by 
M. Julien as Konyodha ; but there is no place of this 
name that I am aware of. I observe that M. Pau- 
thierf writes the name Kiuan-yu-mo, which would 
seem to be intended for a transcript of Ganjam, of 
which the derivation is unknown. Hamilton '^IlO- 
T^oses ganjmn, "the depot," but this term is never 
used alone, so far as I am aware, but always in combi- 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 91. See Map No. I. 

t 'Journal Asiatique,' 1839, p. 404. U-cha, or Oda, in eastern India, 
is said to be also named Kiuan-i^u-mo, at which time, therefore, a.d. 
650 to 684, it must have become dependent on Odra or Orissa. 

2 L 


nation, either with the founder's name or with the 
name of the principal article sold in the place, as 
Edm-ganj^ or " Eama's market," Thithdr-ffanj, the 
"brazier's market," etc. The district was only 1000 
li, or 167 miles, in circuit, which shows that the terri- 
tory was confined to the small valley of the Easikulya 
river. But though the domain was small, the state 
would appear to have been of some consequence, as 
Hweng Thsang describes the soldiers as brave and 
bold, and their king as so powerful that the neigh- 
bouring states were subject to him, and no one could 
resist him. From this account I am led to infer that 
the king of Ganjam, at the time of Hwen Thsang's 
visit, must have been Lalitendra Kesari of the Orissa 
annals, who is said to have reigned for nearly sixty 
years, from a.d. 617 to 676. The pilgrim visited 
Ganjam in a.d. 639, when this prince was at the very 
height of his power. But only four years later, when 
the pilgrim revisited Magadha, he found the great 
King Harsha Yarddhana of Kanoj* had just returned 
from a successful expedition against the king of Gan- 
jam. The cause of the war is not stated, but as Har- 
sha Varddhana was a staunch Buddhist, while Lali- 
tendra was a devoted Brahmanist, the difference of 
religion would easily have furnished a sufficient pre- 
text for war. It seems probable that Ganjam was 
then annexed to the dominions of the Kanoj king, 
and formed part of the province of Orissa. 

Hwen Thsang notes that the written characters of 
Ganjam resembled those of central India, but that 
both the language and the pronunciation were differ- 
ent. This statement proves that the same alphabetical 

* Julien's ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 236, 


characters were still in use over the greater part of 
India at as late a date as the middle of the seventh 
century. It also serves to show that the intercom- 
munications of the Buddhist fraternities throughout 
India were not yet broken, although they must already 
have been much restricted by the steady progress of 


According to Hwen Thsang's account, Southern 
India comprised the whole of the peninsula to the 
south of the Tapti and Mahanadi rivers, from Nasik 
on the west, to Ganjam on the east. It was divided 
into nine separate kingdoms, exclusive of Ceylon, 
which was not considered as belonging to India. The 
whole of these kingdoms were visited by the pilgrim 
in A.D. 639 and 640. He entered Kalinga from the 
north-east, and turning to the north-west he visited 
the inland kingdoms of Kosala and Andhra. Then re- 
suming his southern route, he passed through Dltana- 
kakaia, Jorya, and Brdvida, to Malakuta. At Kanchi, 
the capital of Dravida, he heard of the assassination 
of the Eaja of Ceylon, and was obliged to give up his 
intention of visiting that island on account of its un- 
settled state. Then turning to the north, he reached 
Konkana and }Jahdrdshtra, the last of the nine king- 
doms of Southern India.* 


In the seventh century, the capital of the kingdom 
of Kie-ling-kia, or Kalinga, was situated at from 1400 
to 1500 li, or from 233 to 250 miles, to the south- 

* See Map No. I. 

2 L 2 


west of Ganjam.* Both bearing and distance point 
either to Bajamaheiuiri on the Godavari river, or to 
Ivoringa on the scacoast, the first being 251 miles to 
the south-west of Ganjam, and the other 246 miles in 
the same direction. But as the former is known to 
have been the capital of the country for a long period, 
I presume that it must be the place that was visited 
by the Chinese pilgrim. The original capital of Kalinga 
is said to have been Srikakola, or Chikakol, 20 miles 
to the south-west of Kalinga-patam. The kingdom 
was 5000 li, or 833 miles, in circuit. Its boundaries 
arc not stated ; but as it was united to the west by 
Andhra, and to the south by Dhanakakata, its frontier 
line cannot have extended beyond the Godavari 
river, on the south-west, and the Gaoliya branch of 
the Indravati river on the north-west. Within these 
limits, the circuit of Ivalinga would be about 800 miles. 
The principal feature in this large tract of country 
is the Mahendra range of mountains, which has pre- 
served its name unchanged from the time of the com- 
position of the Mahabharata to the present day. This 
range is mentioned also in the Vishnu Purana, as the 
source of the Eishikulya river, and as this is the well- 
known name of the river of Ganjam, the Mahendra 
mountains can at once be identified with the Mahendra 
Male range, which divides Ganjam from the valley of 
the Mahanadi. 

Bajamahendri was the capital of the junior, or eastern 
branch of the Chdluhya princes of Vengi^ whose au- 
thority extended to the frontiers of Orissa. The king- 
dom of Vvngi was established about a.d. 510, by the 
capture of the old capital of T'eiifjipura, the remains of 

* Julieii's ' Iliouoii Thsang,' iii. 92. See Maps Nos. I. and XIII. 


whicli still exist at Ve^i, 5 miles to the north of ElMr, 
and 50 miles to the west-south-west of Eajamahendri. 
About A.D. 750, Kalinga was conquered by the Eaja 
of Yengi, who shortly afterwards moved the seat of 
government to Eajamahendri. 

The CalingcB are mentioned by Pliny,* as occupying 
the eastern coast of India below the Mandei and Malli, 
and the famous Mount Maleus. This mountain may 
perhaps be identified with the high range at the head 
of the Eishikulya river, in Ganjam, which is still called 
Mahendra Male, or the " Mahendra mountain." To 
the south, the territory of the CalingcB extended as 
far as the promontory of Calingon and the town of Dan- 
daguda, or Dandagula,t which is said to be 625 
Eoman miles, or 574 British miles, from the mouth of 
the Ganges. Both the distance and the name point 
to the great port-town of Coringa, as the promontory 
of Coringon, which is situated on a projeetiag point of 
land, at the mouth of the Godavari river. The town of 
Dandaguda, or Dandagula, I take to be the Ddntapura 
of the Buddhist chronicles, which, as the capital of 
Kalinga, may with much probability be identified with 
Eaja Mahendri, which is only 30 miles to the north- 
east of Coringa. From the great similarity of the 
Greek T and il, I think it not improbable that the 
Greek name may have been Bandapula, which is 
almost the same as Ddntapura. But in this case, the 
Ldnta, or "tooth relic," of Buddha must have been 
enshrined in Kalinga as early as the time of Pliny, 

* Hist. Nat. vi. 21. "Gentea: Calingse proximo mari, supra Mandei, 
Malli, quorum mons Mallus, finisque ejus tractus est Ganges." 

t IhiA. vi. 23. Philemon Holland's translation has Danda- 


whicli is confirmed by the statement of the BuddMst 
clironicles, that the "left canine tooth" of Buddha 
was brought to Kalinga immediately after his death, 
where it was enshrined by the reigning sovereign, 
Brahmadatta.* Dantapura, also, is said to have been 
situated on the northern bank of a great river, which 
can only be the Godavari, as the Kistna was not in 
Kalinga. This fact alone would be sufiicient to fix 
the position of Bdntapura at the old capital of Bajama- 
Ite7idri, which is situated on the north-eastern bank 
of the Godavari. The name of Mahendri is perhaps 
preserved in the Pitundra Metropolis of Ptolemy, which 
he places close to the MaisoloSj or Godavari, that is, to 
the river of Masuli-patam. 

A still earlier name for the capital of Kalinga was 
Sinhapura,t which was so called after its founder, 
Sinka-bahu^X the father of Vijaya, the first recorded 
sovereign of Ceylon. Its position is not indicated, but 
there still exists a large town of this name on the 
Lalffla river, 115 miles to the west of Ganjam, which 
is very probably the same place. 

In the inscriptions of the Kalachuri, or Haihaya 
dynasty of Chedi, the Eajas assume the titles of "Lords 
of Kdlanjjarapura and of Tri-Kalinga. Kalanjar is 
the well-known hill-fort in Bundelkhand; and Tri- 
Kalinga^ or the " Three Kalingas," must be the three 
kingdoms of Dhanaka, or Amaravati, on the Kistna, 
Andhra or Warangol, and* Kalinga, or Eaja Mahendri. 

* Tumour, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1837, p. 860, quoting the 
Dantha-dJiatu-wanso, or " History of the Tooth-relic.'' 

t Turnour, ' Mahawanso,' p. 46. 

X Hid. Appendix v. pp. 88, 89,, where the Princess TilaJca Sun- 
ilari, of Kidinga, is said to have come from Sinhnjnira. 


The name of Tri-Kalinga is probably old, as Pliny 
mentions the Macco-CalingcB and the Gangarides- 
Calingce as separate peoples from the Calinc/m^ while 
the Mahabharata names the Kaliagas three separate 
times, and each time in conjunction with different 
peoples.* As Tri-Kalinga thus corresponds with the 
great province of Telingdna, it seems probable that the 
name of Telingdna may be only a slightly contracted 
form of Tri-Kalingdna, or the " Three Kalingas." I 
am aware that the name is usually derived from Tri- 
Lingga, or the " Three Phalli'''' of Mahadeva. But the. 
mention of Macco-Calingce and Gangarides-Calinga 
by Pliny, would seem to show that the " Three Ka- 
lingas ' ' were known as early as the time of Megasthenes, 
from whom Pliny has chiefly copied his Indian Geo- 
graphy. The name must therefore be older than 
the Phallic worship of Mahadeva in southern India. 
Kalinga is three times mentioned in the Khandagiri 
inscription of Aira Eaja,-]' which cannot be later than 
the second century B.C., and at a still earlier date, 
during the lifetime of Sakya-Muni, it was noted for 
its manufacture of fine muslins, and at his death, the 
king of Kalinga is said to have obtained one of the 
teeth of Buddha, over which he built a magnificent 


Prom Kalinga the Chinese pilgrim proceeded about 
1800 or 1900 li, or from 300 to 317 miles,§ to the 

* H. H. Wilson, in ' Vishnu Purana,' pp. 185, 187 note, and 188. 
t James Prinsep in Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vi. 1082. 
% Csoma de K.6r6s, in ' Asiatic Eesearches,' xx. 85 and 317. 
§ Julian's ' Hiouen Thsang,' vol. i. p. 185, gives 1800 li, and vol. iii. 
p. 94, 1900 U. See Map No. I. 


north-west to tlie kingdom of Kiao-sa-lo, or Kosala. 
The bearing and distance take us to the ancient pro- 
vince of Vidarbha^ or Berdr^ of which the present 
capital is ISd.gpur. This agrees exactly with the posi- 
tion of Kosala as described in the Ratndoali, and in 
the Vdi/u Purdna.* In the former, the king of Kosala 
is surrounded ia the Tindhyan mountains, and in the 
latter it is stated that Kma^ the son of Eama, ruled 
over Kosala, at his capital of Kusasihali, or Kumvati, 
built upon the Tindhyan precipices. All these con- 
curring data enable us to identify the ancient Kosala 
with the modern province of Berar, or Gondwana. 
The position of the capital is more difficult to fix, as 
Hwen Thsang does not mention its name ; but as it 
was 40 /«', or nearly 7 miles, in circuit, it is most pro- 
bably represented by one of the larger cities of the 
present day. These are Chanda, Nagpur, Amaravati, 
and Elichpur. 

Chanda is a walled town, 6 miles in circuit, with a 
citadel. It is situated just below the junction of the 
Pain Ganga and Warda rivers, at a distance of 
290 miles to the north-west of Eajamahendri, on the 
Godavari, and of 280 miles from Bhdranikota, on the 
Kistna. Its position, therefore, corresponds almost 
exactly with the bearing and distance of Hwen 

Nagpur is a large straggling town, about 7 miles in 
circuit ; but as it is 85 miles to the north of Chanda, 
its distance from Eajamahendri is about 70 miles in 
excess of the number stated by the Chinese pilgrim. 

Amaravati is about the same distance from Eajama- 

* H. H. Wilson, 'Vishnu Purana,' Hall's edition, ii. 172, 


hendri, and Elichpur is 30 miles still further' to the 
north. C/idnda is therefore the only place of conse- 
quence that has a strong claim to be identified with 
the capital of Kosala in the seventh century. The 
recorded distance of 1800 or 1900 li from Eajamahen- 
dri is further supported by the subsequent distance of 
1900 li^ or 900 plus 1000 li, to Dhanaka-kata, which 
was almost certainly the same place as Bhdrani-kota, 
or Amaravati, on the Kistna river. Now, the road 
distance of Chanda from Dharanikota is 280 miles, or 
1680 li, by the direct route; but as Hwen Thsang first 
proceeded for 900 U to the south-west, and then for 
1000 li to the south, the direct distance between the 
two places would not have been more than 1700 li. 

At 300 li, or 50 miles, to the south-west of the 
kingdom, there was a high mountain named, which is said to mean the " black peak." M. 
Julien identifies this name with " Baramula-giri of the 
present day;"* but I cannot find this place in any 
map or book to which I have access. The mountain 
is described as very lofty, and without either spurs or 
valleys, so that it resembled a mere mass of stone. In 
this mountain King So-to-po-ho, or Sdtavdhan, hewed a 
pavilion of five storeys, which was accessible by a hol- 
low road many dozens of li, that is many miles, in 
length. The place was not visited by Hwen Thsang, 
as the narrator of his journey uses the expression " on 
arrive," instead of " U arriva." But as the rock is 
said to have been excavated as a dwelling for the holy 
Buddhist sage Ndgdrjuna, the pilgrim would almost 
certainly have visited it, if it had been only 50 miles 

* ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 101, note 4 : " aujourd'hui Baramulaghiri ; " 
and note 5, " en Chinois, He-fong, le pic noir.'' 


distant from the capital ; and if the south-west bearing 
is correct, he must have passed quite close to the place 
on his subsequent journey to Andhra, wihch is said to 
be either in the same direction, or towards the south. 
I conclude, therefore, that the curious, " au sud-ouest 
du royauvie^^''* which the pilgrim uses to indicate the 
position of this excavated rock, may possibly refer to 
the boundary of the kingdom^ and consequently that 
the place must be looked for at 300 //, or 50 miles, 
beyond its south-west frontier. This position would 
agree very well with that of the great rock fortress 
of Deogir, near Elura, and the name of Polomolokiliy 
or Varamula-ffiri, might be accepted as the original of 
Varula, or Elura. Parts of the description, such as 
the long galleries hewn out of the rock, and the cas- 
cade of water falling from the top of the rock, agree 
better with the great Buddhist establishment at Elura 
than Avith Deogir. But as the place was not actually 
visited by Hwen Thsang, his description must have 
been made up from the varying accounts of different 
travellers, in which the contiguous sites of Elura and 
Devagiri were probably treated as one place. 

The same rock-hewn habitations are also described 
by ra-Hian-j- in the beginning of the fifth century. 
He calls the excavation the monastery of Pho-h-yv, or 
the "Pigeon," and places it in the kingdom of Ta- 
thsin, that is in Dakshuia, or the south of India, the 
present Baklian. His information was obtained at 
Banaras ; and as wonders do not lose by distance, his 
account is even more wonderful than that of Hwen 
Thsang. The monastery, hewn out of the solid rock, 
is said to be five storeys in height, each storey in the 

* Julieu's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 101. t Seal's ' Fah-Hian,' c. xxxv. 


shape of a different animal, the fifth, or uppermost, 
storey being in the form of a Pigeon^ from which the 
monastery received its name. The Chinese syllables 
Pho-lo-yu must therefore be intended for the Sanskrit 
Pdrdvata, a "pigeon." A spring of water rising in 
the uppermost storey, descended through all the rooms 
of the monastery, and then passed out by the gate. In 
this account we have the five storeys, the spring of 
water falling from the top, and the name of the place, 
all agreeing very closely with the description of Hwen 
Thsang. The chief point of difi'erence is in the mean- 
ing assigned to the name, as Hwen Thsang states that 
Polomolo-kili signifies the "black peak," while accord- 
ing to Pa-Hian, Pholoyu means a " pigeon." But 
there is still another account, of an intermediate date, 
which gives a third meaning to the name. In a.d. 
503, the king of Southern India sent an ambassador 
to China, from whom it was ascertained that in his 
country there was a fortified city named Pa-lai^ or 
"situated on a height." At 300 li, or 50 miles, to 
the eastward, there was another fortified town, named 
in the Chinese translation Fu-cheu-cliinff, or " ville 
soumise a ce qui est d^test^,"* which was the birth- 
place of a famous saint, whose name was Chu-san-hit, 
or " Coral-beads " (grains de corail). Now, Pald- 
indld is the name of a " coral necklace," or " string of 
coral-beads ;* and as it represents every syllable of 
Hwen Thsang's Polomolo, I presume that it must be 
the same name. I am unable to explain Hwen 
Thsang's translation of the name as the "black 

* Pauthier, "BxamenMethodique desfaitsqui concementTien-tcliu, 
ou rinde ;" ' Journal Asiatique,' 1839, p. 292. 

t Pauthier, ' Journal Asiatique,' Oct. 1839, p. 292. 


peak " in any of the northern dialects ; and I can 
only suggest that he may perhaps refer to one of the 
southern or Dravidian dialects. In Kanarese, male 
is a "hill;" and as para, or "quicksilver," and paras, 
or the " touchstone," are both of black hue, it is 
probable that they are connected with TreXo'y. Para, 
therefore, might signify "black," and joaro-wa/e would 
then be the black hill. One of the most venomous 
snakes in southern India, which is of a very dark 
blue or almost black colour, is called Pdra-Gudu. It 
seems probable, therefore, that Hwen Thsang's transla- 
tion may be derived from one of the southern dialects. 
This confusion in the Chinese translations is no doubt 
due to the very defective power of the Chinese sylla- 
bles for the transcription of Sanskrit words. Thus, might be read as Pdrdvata, a "pigeon," 
according to Fa-Hian; or as paravata, " subject," ac- 
cording to the Si-yu-lii ; while it is probable that the 
true reading should be parvata, a " mountain," as the 
monastery is specially stated to have been excavated 
in a rocky hill. 

The capital itself was named Pa-lai,* which is said 
to mean " qui s'appuie sur une Eminence." Now the 
citadel of Chdnda is called " Bdla kila,''^ or the " High 
Fort," which, though a Persian appellation given by 
the Muhammadans, was very probably suggested by 
the original appellation of Palai.-\ 

In all our Chinese authorities the rock-hewn mo- 
nastery is connected with a holy sage ; but the name 
in each account is different. According to Fa-Hian, 

* Pauthier in ' Journal Asiatique,' 1839, p. 293. 
t We have an example of such translation in Buland-shalir, whioli 
the Hindus stiU call Uncha-gaon. 


it "was the monastery of the earlier Buddha named 
Kasyapa. In the 8i-yu-li^ however, it is said to be 
the birthplace of the Muni Parmndld, while Hwen 
Thsang states that the monastery was excavated by 
King Sdfavdhan, for the use of the famous Nagarjuna. 
From the wonderful descriptions of Fa-Hian and Hwen 
Thsang I have been led to think that their accounts 
may possibly refer to the grand excavations of Deva- 
giri and Elura. But if the distance given by Hwen 
Thsang as well as by the Bi-yu-ki is correct, the rock- 
hewn monastery must be looked for about 50 miles to 
the west or south-west of Chanda. Now in this very 
position, that is about 45 miles to the west of Chanda, 
there is a place in the map called Pdndu-kuri, or the 
"Pandus' houses," which indicates an undoubted an- 
cient site, and may possibly refer to some rock excava- 
tions, as the rock-hewn caves at Dhamnar and Kholvi 
are also assigned to the Pandus, being severally named 
" Bhim's cave, Arjun's cave," etc. In the total absence 
of all information, I can only draw attention to the 
very curious and suggestive name of this place. There 
is also a series of Buddhist caves at Patur, 50 miles to 
the south-west of Elichpur and Amaravati, and 80 
miles to the east of Ajanta. As these have never been 
described, it is possible that the site may hereafter be 
found to correspond with the descriptions of the rock- 
hewn monastery by Fa-Hiau and Hwen Thsang. 

The mention of King Sdtavdhana, or Sddavdhana, in 
connection with Niigarjuna is specially interesting, as 
it shows that the Buddhist caves of Pardmdld must be 
as old as the first century of the Christian era. Sd- 
davdhana was a family name, and as such is mentioned 
in one of the cave inscriptions at Nasik.* But Sdta- 

* Bombay Journal, vii,, ITasick inscriptions No. 6, by Mr. West. 


vcthana is also a well-known name of the famous Sali- 
vahan,* who founded the Sake era in a.d. 79, so that 
we have a double proof that the Buddhist caves of 
Pardmdld must have been excavated as early as the 
first century. The probable identity of Sdtavdhan and 
Sdtakarni will be discussed in another place. We 
know from the western cave inscriptions that Kosala 
certainly formed part of the vast southern kingdom 
of Gotaviiputra Sdtakarni ; and if he flourished in 
the first century as would appear to be the case,f his 
identity with Sdfavdhdn, or Saliv^han, would be un- 
doubted. It is sufficient here to note the great pro- 
bability of this interesting point in the history of 
Southern India. 

The kingdom of Kosala is estimated by Hwen 
Thsang at 6000 li, or 1000 miles, in circuit. Its 
frontiers are not named ; but we know from the pil- 
grim's itinerary that it must have been bounded by 
Ujain on the north, by Maharashtra on the west, by 
Orissa on the east, and by Andhra and Kalinga on the 
south. The limits of the kingdom may be roughly 
described as extending from near Btirhanpur on the 
Tapti, and Nander on the Godavari, to Eatanpur in 
Chatisgarh, and to Nowagadha near the source of the 
Mahanadi. Within these limits the circuit of the 

* Sata, or Sdli, was tlie name of a Yaksha, or demigod, who, being 
changed to a lion, was ridden by the infant prince, who thus acquired 
the title of SAtai'ahan, or Sdlivahan. 

t The greater number of the inscriptions in the caves of Kanhari, 
Nasii, and Karle belong to one period ; and as several of them record 
the gifts of Ootamijmi ra- Sdtakarni, Pudumayi, and Yddnya-Sri, the 
whole must be referred to the period of the Andhra sovereignty. But 
one of them is dated in the year 80 of the Sakdditya-kdl, or Sake era, 
that is in a.d. 108 ; and, therefore, the Andhras must have been reign- 
ing at that time. 


large tract assigned to Kosala is rather more than 
1000 miles. 


From Kosala, Hwen Thsang proceeded to the south 
for 900 K, or 150 miles, to An-lo-lo^ or Andhra* the 
modern Telingdna. The capital was named Pivg-ki-lo, 
which M. Julien transcribes as Fwgkhila, but it has 
not yet been identified. We know that Warangol^ or 
Varnakol, was the capital of Teliugana for several cen- 
turies afterwards, but its position does not agree with 
the pilgrim's narrative, as it lies too far from Chanda 
on the Pain Ganga river, and too near to Dh^ranikotta 
on the Kistna. The Chinese syllables also do not re- 
present the name of Warangol, although they might 
perhaps be taken for Vanhol. They may be read as 
Bldmgal, which is the name of an old town in Telin- 
gana mentioned by Abul Fazl. But Bhimgal is only 
120 miles to the south-west of Chanda, instead of 150 
miles to the south or south-west, and is upwards of 
200 miles to the north of Dharanikotta instead of 167 
miles. I should therefore be inclined to accept the 
Chinese syllables as a blundering transcription of 
Warangol itself, if the positions agreed more nearly. 
But the actual distance between Varanc/ol and Chanda 
is 160 miles, and between Varangol and Dharanikotta 
only 120 miles. It is, therefore, too near the latter 
place, and too far from the former place, according to 
Hwen Thsang's account. If we might adopt Amara- 
vati in Berar as the capital of Kosala, then Bhimgal 
would represent the capital of Andhra beyond all 
doubt, as it stands rather short of midway between 

* Julien 's ' Hiouen Thsang,' iii. 105. See Map No. I. 



Chanda and Dharanikotta ; but both the distances are 
too great to suit Hwen Thsang's numbers of 900 Ji and 
1000 li, or 150 miles and 167 miles. The position of 
Elgandel, which is midway between Bhimgal and 
Yarangol, agrees better with the pilgrim's narrative, 
as it is about 130 miles from Chanda, and 170 miles 
from Dharanikotta. I am, therefore, willing to adopt 
Elcfandel as the probable representative of the capital 
of Andhra in the seventh century of the Christian 

The province of Andhra is described as 3000 /?, or 
500 miles, in circuit. ISTo frontier is mentioned in any 
direction ; but it may be presumed that the Godavari 
river, which is the modern boundary to the north and 
east, was likewise the ancient one, as it is also the 
limit of the Telugu language towards the north. To 
the west, where it met the great kingdom of Maha- 
rashtra, it cannot have extended beyond the Manjhira 
branch of the Godavari. The territory may, there- 
fore, be described as stretching from the junction of 
the Manjhira and Godavari to Bhadrachelam on the 
south-east, a length of 250 miles-, and to Haidarabad 
on the south, a length of 100 miles, the distance be- 
tween Haidarabad and Bhadrachelam being, 175 miles. 
These limits give a total circuit of 525 miles, or nearly 
the same as that stated by Hwen Thsang. 

The Andhras are mentioned by Pliny* under the 
name of Jndar^s, as a powerful nation, who possessed 
thirty fortified cities, and a large army of one hun- 
dred thousand infantry, two thousand cavalry, and one 
thousand elephants. They are also noted in the Pen- 
tiugcrian Tables as AiidrcB-Indi. Wilson quotes these 

* Hist. Nat, vi. 22. 


Tables as placing the Andhras " on the banks of the 
Ganges,"* but the extremely elongated form of the 
Pentingerian Map has squeezed many of the peoples 
and nations far out of their true places. A much safer 
conclusion may be inferred from a comparison of the 
neighbouring names. Thus the Andrm-Indi are placed 
near Damirice, which I would identify with Ptolemy's 
Lhnyrilce by simply changing the initial A to A^ as the 
original authorities used for the construction of the 
Tables must have been Greek. But the people of 
Limyrike occupied the south-west coast of the penin- 
sula, consequently their neighbours the Andrse-Indi 
must be the well-known Andhras of Telingana, and 
not the mythical Andhras of the Ganges, who arc 
mentioned only in the Purdnas. Pliny's knowledge of 
the Andarse must have been derived either from the 
Alexandrian merchants of his own times, or from the 
writings of Megasthenes and Dionysius, the ambassa- 
dors of Seleukus Nikator and Ptolemy Philadelphus to 
the court of Palibothra. But whether the Andarfe 
were contemporary with Pliny or not, it is certain that 
they did not rule over Magadha at the period to which 
he alludes, as immediately afterwards he mentions 
the Prasii of Palibothra as the most powerful nation 
in India, who possessed 600,000 infantry, 30,000 
horse, and 9000 elephants, or more than six times the 
strength of the Andarae-Indi. 

The Chinese pilgrim notices that though the lan- 
guage of the people of Andhra was very different 
from that of Central India, yet the forms of the 
written characters were for the most part the same. 
•This statement is specially interesting, as it shows that 

* ' Vishnu Purana,' Hall's edition, iv. 203, note. 

2 M 


the old Nagari alphabet introduced from Northern 
India was still in use, and that the peculiar twisted 
forms of the Tolugu characters, which are found in 
inscriptions of the tenth century, had not yet been 
adopted in the south. 


On leaving Andhra, Hwen Thsang proceeded to the 
south through forests and over desert plains for 1000 
li, or 167 miles, to, which M. Julian 
renders by DhanaJcacIieka. But I have already pointed 
out in my account of Tue-kia, or Taki, in the Panjab, 
that the Chinese syllable tse is used to represent the 
Indian cerebral /, which would make the name Dhana- 
kal/ika. I have also referred to the inscriptions in the 
caves of Kanhari and Karle with the name of Dliana- 
kakala^ which I have suggested as the true reading of 
the Chinese word, by the transposition of the last two 
sj'Uables.* The name of Bhanakakata is found in no 
less than four of the cave inscriptions, in all of which 
it has been read by Dr. Stevenson as the name of a 
man, whom he calls Xenokrates, a Greek. But accord- 
ing to my reading of these inscriptions, the name is 
undoubtedly that of the city or country to which the 
recorders of the inscriptions belonged. As these inscrip- 
tions are short, I will, in justice to Dr. Stevenson, 
here quote them. 

The inscription on which Dr. Stevenson founds his 

* See Maps Nos. I. and XIII. My correction was printed in my 
Arcliajological Eoport to the Government of India in 1864, but it was 
made several years previously. Dr. Bhau Daji lias also identified the 
Chinese name with the Dhanakakata of the inscriptions, but he has not 
noticed the true reading of the Chinese syllable tse. (Bombay Journ., 
vol. vii. p. 68.) 


opinion of tlie Greek origin of the recorder is thus 
read by himself:* — 

Dhanukakadlia Yavanasa Sihadhayanam tbabha danam. 

" A gift of lion-supporting pillar by the Greek 

My rendering is somewhat different, — 

''Lion-bearing pillar-gift of Yavana oi DJianuka- 

Dr. Stevenson translates Yavana as " Greek ;" but 
the following inscriptionf shows most distinctly that 
D/ianukakata is the name of a place, and consequently 
Yavana must be the name of a man. 

Dhenukakata Usabliadata-putasa 
Mita Deva nakasa tLabha danam. 

This is translated by Dr. Stevenson as : — 

"The gift of a pillar by the chief Mitra Deva, son 
of Dhenukakata (surnamed) Kishabadatta." 

To explain this translation he supposes Dhenuka- 
kata to be a Greek, with a Greek name, and to have 
also a Hindu name which he " probably assumed when 
he embraced Buddhism, or on adoption into some 
Hindu family, when names also are changed." But 
by taking BhanukaJca as the name of a place, this in- 
scription may be rendered without any forced assump- 
tion of a second name. My rendering is, — 

" Pillar-gift of the chief Mitra-Beva, son of Risha- 
hadatta of DhanukakatuP 

The third Karle inscription is unfortunately slightly 
imperfect in the donor's name, and the concluding 

* Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bombay, v. 156. Karle inscription No. 14. 
t Ihid., V. 156. Karle inscription No. 11. 

2 M 2 



word is unintelligible, but the opening of the inscrip- 
tion as read by Dr. Stevenson is :* — 

Dhanukakata (su) bhavikasa, etc. 

which he translates, " The gift of a pleasant abode 
by Dhanukakata," etc. Here the word which has 
been restored and ti'anslated as " a pleasant abode " is 
the recorder's name, which I feel strongly inclined 
to read as Bhoviveka, as Hwen Thsang mentions a 
famous saint of Bonalcaiatia named Fo-pi-fei-Ha, that 
is literally Bhoviveka in Pali, or in Sanskrit Bhctva- 

The fourth inscription, which is found at Kanhari, 
consists of nine lines, and is one of the most important 
of the western cave records, as it is dated in the well- 
known era of Salivahana. Dr. Stevensonf reads the 
opening as follows : — 

Upasakasa Dhenukakatinasa kalapa (naka) manakasa, etc. 

and refers the record to " BhenukaJcata the architect." 
But a more perfect copy of this inscription, published 
by Mr. West,;}: gives the true reading of the first 
line as : — 

Upasakasa Dhanukakateyasa Kulapiyasa. 

of which the literal translation is, " (Gift) of Kulapiya^ 
an TJpasika of BlianukakataP 

The date of the inscription, which is at the end of 
the last line, is erroneously transcribed by Dr. Steven- 
son thus : — 

data va sala saka datya lena. 

and by adding the previous word cJiivarika he trans- 
lates it as follows : — 

* Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bombay, v. 155. Earle inscription No. 10. 
t Ibid., V. 20. Kanhari inscription No. 8. 
X Ibid., vi. Inscription No 39. 


"Here is a hall established for Buddhist-priests; 
here the Buddha-tooth cave." 

In his transcript of this record I notice that Dr. 
Stevenson altogether omits the letter k which occurs 
between dutya and Una in both copies of the inscrip- 
tion, in that made by Lieut. Brett, which was pub- 
lished by Dr. Stevenson himself,* as well as in that 
made by Mr. West. "With this correction I read the 
concluding words of the inscription as follows : — 

data vase 30 Sakaditya kala, 

of which the literal translation is : — 

" Given in the year 30 of the era of Sakdditya^^'' 
that is in a.d. 78 + 30 = 108. 8almditya is one of 
the common titles of Sdlivdhana ; and the Sake era, 
which was established by him, is usually called in an- 
cient inscriptions Salca-hhupa kdla, or Saka-nripa kdla, 
both terms being mere synonyms of Sakaditya kdla. 
Dhanukakata must, therefore, have possessed a Bud- 
dhist establishment as early as the beginning of the 
second century of the Christian era ; and if my sug- 
gested reading of the name of Bhdvaviveka in the 
K^rle inscription be admitted, Buddhism must have 
been equally flourishing during the first century, as 
Bhdvaviveka would appear to have been a disciple of 

In fixing the position of Dhanukakata, at Dhdrani- 
kotta, or Amaravti, on the Kistna, I have been guided 
not only by the bearing and distance from Andhra and 
Kosala, but by several other concurring reasons, which 
I will now detail. 

* Journ. Asiat. Soo. Bombay, v. No. 10 of Lieut. Brett's plates of 
Kslnhari inscriptions, wliich accompany Dr. Stevenson's Memoir, No. 
8, p. 20. 

t Burnouf, ' Introduction a I'Histoire du Buddhisme Indian,' p. 560. 



Amongst the Buddhist traditions of Ceylon and 
Siam, we have an account of a country lying between 
the mouth of the Ganges and the Island of Ceylon, 
which was inhabited by Ndgas. These Ndgas possessed 
either one or two Drona measures of the relics of 
Buddha, which were enshrined in a beautiful and 
costly stupa, near the " Diamond Sands." Originally, 
this portion of relics had belonged to Eamagrama, near 
Kapilavastu; but when the Eamagrama stupa was 
washed away by the river, the relic casket containing 
one of the original eight divisions of Buddha's remains 
was carried down the Ganges to the sea, where it was 
picked up by the Ndgas, and conveyed to their own 
country, called Majcrika. Now this country was to 
the south of Bantapura, because Prince Banfa Kumdra 
and the Princess Hemamdla^ when flying from Banta- 
pura to Ceylon with the tooth of Buddha, were 
wrecked on the coast near the "Diamond Sands." The 
name itself also helps to fix the position of the Diamond 
Sands, at or near Dhdra7iikotta, on the Kistna, as the 
diamond mines of this part of the country are re- 
stricted to the small district of Partidl, lying imme- 
diately to the north of Dbaranikotta. The flight from 
Dantapura took place in a.d. 310, at which time, 
according to the Siamese version, the two Drona 
measures of relics were still preserved in the Naga 
country.* But three years later, or in a.d. 313, the 
Eaja of Ceylon sent a holy priest to bring away these 
relics fi-om Majcrika, which was miraculously eft'ected, 
in spite of the opposition of the Nagas. The Naga 
king then solicited a few relics from the Eaja of 

* Colonel Low, in J